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Commoner 

Condensed 




THE 



Rbbcy Press 

PUBLISHERS 

114 

FIFTH AVENUE 

Condon NEW YORK Montreal 



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THE LIBRARY OF 

CONGRESS, 
Two Copies Rece(veo 

JUL. 5 1902 

qCOPVJWGHT ENT*y 

CLASSC*. XXc No. 

Z Is, S °\C 
COPY A. 






Copyright, 190a, 

by 

THE 

Hbbcy prese 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 

The Commoner, Condensed, is, as its name implies — a con- 
densation of matter which has appeared in The Commoner 
during the first year of its existence. The first eighteen chapters 
contain editorials dealing with subjects of a permanent nature. 
These are reproduced without elimination or elaboration, and cover 
the important political, social and economic questions, which have 
come before the country during the year. 

Following the principal editorials which have appeared in the 
paper under the titles given, is Chapter XIX., containing a selec- 
tion of shorter editorials taken from what is commonly called the 
side-head page, the description having reference to the position 
of the head-lines. The next chapter contains selected editorial 
paragraphs which have appeared from time to time on the para- 
graph page. The first five pages of The Commoner are devoted to 
editorials — the first, second and third to those varying in length 
from one-fourth of a column to several columns, the fourth to 
paragraphs, and the fifth to side-heads. As the paragraphs and 
side-heads usually deal with more transient themes, only a small 
proportion of them will be found in this volume. 

Chapter XXI. contains selected matter from Mr. Will M. Mau- 
pin's department entitled, "Whether Common or Not." Mr. 
Hairpin's contributions consist of poems, fables, dialogues, squibs 
and bits of philosophy. In his entertaining style he discusses 
matters political, matters social and matters sentimental. The 
extracts selected give a general idea of his style of writing. 

Chapter XXII. contains a few poems which, because of their 
special merit, have survived the year in which they were written. 
The first, the "Ode to a Waterfowl/' appeared in the initial 



vi Author's Preface. 

number of The Commoner. It is my favorite poem, and was 
brought to my attention by my father. The author of the poem, 
William Cullen Bryant, has clothed a familiar theme in beauti- 
ful language and so embalmed a noble sentiment that it will live 
and give inspiration for generations to come. Poems dedicated 
to Jefferson and Jackson are reproduced for the benefit of those 
who desire something appropriate for occasions on which the 
faithful do honor to the memory of the "Sage of Monticello" 
and the "Hero of New Orleans." The author of these poems, 
Dr. Howard S. Taylor, of Chicago, has been called Democracy's 
Poet-Laureate because he has shown so much genius in the poetic 
presentation of democratic principles and in the eulogy of the 
party's founders and defenders. 

"The Penalty," by Mr. J. A. Edgerton, formerly of Lincoln, 
Nebraska, now of Denver, is a strong and stately application of 
moral truth to national life. It condenses all history, sacred and 
profane, into a few brief and impressive sentences. 

"Ben Bolt" and "Little Boy Blue" represent the class to which 
most of the poems reproduced by The Commoner belong, while 
"Nearer Home" and "Amen" are samples of the poems of a 
religious nature which have appeared occasionally. It is my aim 
to exclude from the columns of The Commoner everything ob- 
jectionable, and, as far as space will permit, include all that is 
helpful and wholesome. I have received frequent assurance that 
the poems have been appreciated. 

In the Appendix will be found a few articles and letters 
written for other publications but reprinted in The Commoner. 

The index is quite complete and the reader will be able to find 
with ease any editorial reproduced, any subject discussed or any 
person mentioned. 

William J. Bryan. 

Lincoln, Nebraska, 



CONTENTS. 



EDITORIALS. 

PAGE 

The Commoner t 1 

A Living Fountain 3 

How the Tariff Aids the Trusts , 3- 

The Vice-Presidency 4 

Militarism against Pensions 5 

Christianity versus War 6 

Trade-Unionism . . . . ; 7- 

The Boers— God Bless Them 7 

The Party Organization 8 

Secret Influence 10 

Another Endless Chain 11 

Trial by Jury Denied 13 - 

Tolstoi on Imperialism 14 

The Presidential Term 14 

The Wages of Sin 16 - 

Subsidized Instruction 17 

Towne's Great Speech 19 

The Cuban Constitution 20 

Popular Election of Senators 21 

Liberty a Supreme ^ood 23 

Mistaken Identity 24 

Militarism 25 

A Worthy Ambition 26 

Abraham Lincoln 27 

Chinese Atrocities 29- 

Gambling 30 

An Expert Opinion 31 

Let the Legislatures Act 32 

A Prosperous Trust 32 

Delightful Uncertainty 33 

A Partial Remedy 34- 

By What Authority? 35 

The Influence of the Press 37 

The Cost of Militarism 38 

Senatorial Wit 39 

"Warnings of a Parting Friend" 39 

But What is the Remedy? 44 

The Root of All Evil 46 



viii Contents. 

PAGB 

The Monopoly Must Be Prevented 47 

Chinese Immigration 48 

Schley and Sampson 51 

The President an Emperor 51 

Is This Aristocracy? 53 

Where Title Rests 55 

*The Fifty-sixth Congress 58 

Applied Christianity 59 

Should be above Suspicion 60 

Prof. Shaler's Opinion 62 

Exploiters on the Ground -. 63 

A Sample of Harmony 66 

Benjamin Harrison 69 

An Impotent Remedy 70 

$6 Reward 71 

A Good Amendment 74 

The Canal Treaty 74 

Commissioner Gray's Protest 75 

Amendment by Convention 77 

The President's Growin g Powe jas 78 

Politics in M' ico . . . ."..-.. 7TT 79 

On Dangerous Ground 80 

Harrison's Last Wor" 83 

Justice to the Populists 84 

Jackson vs. Imperialism 86 

"Conquest," said the President 88 

The Future of Cuba 90 

"The Capture of Aguinaldo 91 

-Thomas Jefferson 92 

Two Oaths of Allegiance 96 

Denmark's Good Example 98 

Lincoln and the Silver Republicans 98 

The Young Man's Chances 100 

A Disastrous Victory 101 

An Unfortunate Comparison 104 

A Sample of Whitewashing 105 

The Rice Deportation 107 

Watterson on Destiny 109 

The Money Question 113 

A Bit Personal 116 

Politics in Business 117 

The Representative's Duty 119 

A Lesson to Rulers 120 

Plagiarism 121 

Senator McLaurin's Bolt 122 

-Tolstoi's Noble Appeal 123 

An Executive Duty 124 

Gambling, Great and Small 126 



Contents. ix 



PAGE 



When Harmony is Possible 128- 

Bravo ! Judge Thompson 133 

Roosevelt on Duty 134 

Watterson's Definition , 135 

Virginia's Temptation 138 

The Pass in Court 140 

Criminal Speculation 141 

Corporations Enter Parliament 142 

Motion, not Progress 143 

The Ratification of the Treaty 144 

Plutocracy in Education 147 

The Effect of Diet 148 

Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech 149 

Mr. Watterson's Cartoon 150 

"What about Next Week?" 153 

Blacklisting 154 

Before and After d 157 

The Richmond Times' Mistake 158 

Emperor McKinley 161 

"Perhaps" 168 

Declaration of Independence 171 

The South Carolina Situation 171 

Constitutional Liberty 174 

Herron Attacks Marriage System 178 

The Doctrine of Thrones 180 

"The Best Form of Giving" 180 

Who Wrote It? 182 

"Large Concessions" 183 

Unsafe Banking 187 

Eternal Vigilance 187 

Aguinaldo's Offer 188 

The Sulu Treaty 189 

The Ohio Platform 191 

The South not Excluded 194 

A False Charge 196 

The Steel Strike 198- 

Not a New Convert 199 

Admiral Schley 200 

No Middle Ground 201 

Equality in Taxation 202 

Democratic Remedy for Trusts 203 - 

A Criticism Answered 207 

A Word to the Disappointed 209 

Fake Interviews 210 

A Minister's Lament 211 

Opening a Reservation , 216 

Fusion, Open and Secret 217 

The Silver Republicans , 218 



x Contents. 

Why not to Kruger? 219 

Why Ostracize the Best? 221 

Inexcusable Misrepresentation 222 

Senator Vest's Interview 223 

-Children not Burdensome 227 

Emasculating Democracy 229 

Money Problem in Philippines 232 

Mr. Knox and His Secrets 233 

Trickery of Words 235 

Mr. Littlefield's Address 236 

Judicial Tyrnnny 238 

Mr. Bryan's Plans 239 

The Nation Mourns 240 

Labor Day 242 

The Star's Inconsistency 244 

Making and Receiving Apologies 247 

Will They Remember? 248 

"God's Will, not Ours, be Done" 249 

Husband and Wife 250 

The Cure for Anarchy 251 

Contemptible Politics 253 

Dooley Discusses Candidates „ 254 

President Roosevelt 255 

High 'lariff Doomed , 255 

Freedom of Speech 257 

The Turning Point 258 

Another Problem 260 

Dolliver ©n Anarchy 261 

Nebraska Democrats Firm 263 

Roosevelt on Trusts 263 

An Example of Partisanship 264 

No Time for Despair 265 

Facts are Stubborn Things 266 

The Assassin Sentenced 270 

Kind but Surprising 270 

The Farm 272 

The Pan-American Conference 273 

"Unconscious Anarchy" 274 

Christian Advocate on Trusts 277 

Mr. Cummins' Error 278 

An Inquiry Answered 279 

A Lover of Liberty 281 

"A World Power" 281 

The Producer's Share 282 

Tariff Concessions to Cuba 283 

The Elections at Hand 284 

One Eye Open 286 

The Negro Question 288 



Contents. xi 

PAGE 

The Money Question Again 294 

Hoar is Consistent 296 

Death without Hope 297^ 

An Interesting Letter 298 

The Elections of 1901 299 

Organize Debating Societies 301 

Severe on Bolters . . . , 302 

Ex-Governor Taylor's Case 303 

Suspicious Rejoicing 305 

"The People Sovereign" 306 

Our Duty to the Boers 308 

Workingmen at the Polls 311 ~ 

The Gold Stronghold Captured 3112 

Democratic Leadership 313 

A Prophecy that Failed , 315 

A Democratic Duty 317 

The Yellow Peril 321 •■- 

Exit, Jones of Nevada 324 

Can It Be? 326 

A Stable Dollar 327 

Let Our Ideas Conquer 329 

Anti-Anarchy Bills 330 

The President's Message 334 

Markham's Poetry 340 

The Prince of Peace 341 

A Word as to Gifts 342 , 

The Meaning of Bimetallism 344 ^ 

Questions for Debate 347 

Too Great an Advantage 350 

Admiral Schley 350 

New Year's Day Resolutions 351 

The Philippine Tariff 352 

Secretary Gage's Report 353 

The Export Tax Decision 354 

Branch Banks 355 

As Others See Us 356 

Getting Down Rapidly 357 

Republicans Prevent Discussion 358 

Unjust Discrimination 359 

An Instance of Tax Dodging 362 

Monopoly Defined . 364 

Financial Legislation 365 

Steadfastness 366 

Hill's Tempting Offer 369 

Responsibility for Anarchy 371 

Is a Storm Brewing? 375 

Lafayette's Epitaph 376 

Perry Belmont's Defeat 377 



xii Contents. 

PAGE 

A Change of Base 378 

The Nicaraguan Canal 379 

That Populist Influence 381 

Why not State of Jefferson? 382 

Manifest Destiny 383 

Trusts Retard Progress 385 

A Remarkable Document 386 

Shorter Editorials 389 

Editorial Paragraphs 395 

WHETHER COMMON OR NOT. 

I Ain't the Littlest Girl no More 402 

Two Seats 403 

Writing to Santa Claus 403 

A Boyish Nightmare 404 

Man, Poor Man 405 

If 01' Hick'ry Wus Alive 406 

The Household Physician 406 

A Little Fable 407 

The Twentieth Century Education 408 

Brain Leaks 409 

Papa Goose Rhymes 410 

POEMS. 

To a Waterfowl 412 

The Lignt of Jefferson 413 

Jackson's Day 415 

Ben Bolt 417 

The Penalty 418 

Little Boy Blue 419 

Amen 420 

Nearer Home 421 

The Creed of the Flag 422 

The Man with the Hoe 424 

APPENDIX. 

The Hill Coinage Bill 426 

The Man with the Hoe 429 

Ratify the Treaty. Declare the Nation's Policy 434 

Industrial Combinations 439 

British Rule in Ind^q 445 

Address at McKinley Memorial 454 

Moral Courage 456 

Imperialism 459 

Index , 461 



THE COMMONER CONDENSED. 



THE COMMONEK. 

Webster defines a commoner as "one of the common people." 
The name has been selected for this paper because The Commoner 
will endeavor to aid the common people in the protection of their 
rights, the advancement of their interests and the realization of 
their aspirations. 

It is not necessary to apologize for the use of a term which dis- 
tinguishes the great body of the population from the comparatively 
few, who, for one reason or another, withdraw themselves from sym- 
pathetic connection with their fellows. Among the Greeks "Hoi 
polloi" was used to describe the many, while among the Eomans 
the word "plebs" was employed for the same purpose. These ap- 
pellations, like "the common people," have been assumed with pride 
by those to whom they were applied, while they have been used as 
terms of reproach by those who counted themselves among the aris- 
tocratic classes. Within recent years there has been a growing 
tendency in some quarters to denounce as demagogic any refer- 
ence to, or praise of, the common people. 

One editor in a late issue of his paper takes exception to the 
phrase and says : 

This expression is an ill-chosen one and should have no lodgment 
in the vocabulary of an American patriot and statesman. If we 
sought its origin, we would look for it in that specious demagogy 
which has evolved the professional politician, arrayed country 
against town — the farmer and his sons and daughters against the 
business and professional men and their sons and daughters — capi- 
tal against labor, and built up against neighbors the impregnable 
barriers of prejudice and hate. 



2 The Commoner Condensed. 

This quotation is reproduced because it fairly represents the views 
of those who criticise the expression. It has, however, an eminently 
respectable origin. In the same chapter in which Christ condensed 
man's duty to his fellows into the commandment : Thou shalt love 
thy neighbor as thyself ; in the same chapter in which he denounced 
those who devour widows' houses and for a pretense make long 
prayers — in this same chapter it is said of Him: The common 
people heard Him gladly. 

No higher compliment was ever paid to any class. 

The term, the common people, is properly used to describe the 
large majority of the people — those who earn their living and give 
to society a fair return for the benefits bestowed by society — those 
who in their daily lives recognize the ties which bind together the 
mass of the people who have a common lot and a common hope. 
Sometimes they are called "the middle classes" because paupers 
and criminals are excluded on the one hand, while on the other 
hand some exclude themselves because of wealth or position or 
pride of birth. The common people form the industrious, intelli- 
gent and patriotic element of our population ; they produce the na- 
tion's wealth in time of peace and fight the nation's battles in time 
of war. They are self-reliant and independent; they ask of gov- 
ernment nothing but justice and will not be satisfied with less. They 
are not seeking to get their hands into other people's pockets, but 
are content if they can keep other people's hands out of their 
pockets. 

The common people do not constitute an exclusive society — they 
are not of the four hundred ; any one can become a member if he 
is willing to contribute by brain or muscle to the nation's strength 
and greatness. Only those are barred — and they are barred by their 
own choice — who imagine themselves made of a superior kind of 
clay, and who deny the equality of all before the law. 

A rich man, who has honestly acquired his wealth and is not 
afraid to intrust its care to laws made by his fellows, can count him- 
self among the common people, while a poor man is not really one 
of them if he fawns before a plutocrat and has no higher ambition 
than to be a courtier or a sycophant. 

The Commoner will be satisfied if, by fidelity to the common 
people, it proves its right to the name which has been chosen. 



The Commoner Condensed. 



A LIVING FOUNTAIN. 

Jeremiah gave to literature a beautiful and striking figure when, 
in charging the children of Israel with apostasy, he said : 

They have forsaken me, the fountain of living waters, and hewed 
them out cisterns, broken cisterns, that can hold no water. 

One is reminded of this forcible simile to-day when a large num- 
ber of our people seem inclined to turn back to the once discarded 
doctrine of empires. To compare self-government with an arbi- 
trary form of government is like comparing a living fountain with 
a broken cistern. 

When the people are recognized as the source of power the govern- 
ment is perpetual because the people endure forever. The govern- 
ment then responds to their desires and conforms to their charac- 
ter; it can be made as good as they deserve to have and they are 
satisfied with it because it is their own handiwork. If it has evils 
those evils are endured because the people recognize that they them- 
selves are to blame and that it is within their power to apply any 
needed remedy. 

A government resting on force is, on the other hand, ever un- 
stable because it excites hatred rather than affection, and is con- 
tinually at war with human nature ; it is in constant antagonism to 
that universal sentiment which is defined as the love of liberty. * 

All history sustains the self-evident truths which form the foun- 
dation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of 
the governed. All history condemns a political structure which ap- 
peals only to fear and relies upon bayonets for its support. 



HOW THE TAEIFF AIDS THE TKUSTS. 

A recent number of the Hardware 'Dealer's Magazine contains 
an interesting comment on the methods of the wire nail trust. It 



A statement which recently emanated from Pittsburg has at- 
tracted some attention and comment among hardware men. The 
points that were sought to be made were as follows : In 1898 there 



4 The Commoner Condensed. 

were produced in the United States 7,418,475 kegs of wire nails. 
These cost the consumer $1.31 per keg. There were exported dur- 
ing the same year 307,194 kegs, at about $1.55 per keg, the for- 
eigner paying a higher price than the home customer. These same 
nails sold at $1.11 per keg on an average during 1894. 

During the last year there were manufactured 7,599,522 kegs, at 
an average price of $2.57 to the domestic buyers. In the mean- 
time, 752,871 kegs were exported, at about $1.40 per keg. The 
American customers of the steel wire nail makers paid about $17,- 
596,124.37 for the balance of the manufactured nails (about 6,846,- 
741 kegs). Had the American consumers been privileged to buy 
at the quotations granted the foreign buyers, the Americans would 
have saved about $8,010,686.97 on their purchase. 

More than eight millions of dollars! This measures the extor- 
tion practiced upon the hardware merchant, but this must be in- 
creased by the merchant's profit, if his profit is estimated upon a 
percentage basis, before it measures the extortion practiced upon 
the consumer. 

And yet some are so devoted to a protective tariff as not to pro- 
test against import duties which enable trusts to sell at home at 
a high price while they sell abroad at a low price. 



THE VICE-PKESIDENCY. 

It has been intimated that Vice-President-Elect Eoosevelt is 
desirous of receiving more consideration at the hands of the Presi- 
dent than has, as a rule, been given to those occupying his posi- 
tion. Whether or not the report is true is not material, but the 
ambition, if he does entertain it, is an entirely worthy one. 

Why has the Vice-President been so generally ignored by the 
Chief Executive in the past ? It is said that Mr. Breckenridge 
was only consulted once by President Buchanan, and then only 
in regard to the phraseology of a Thanksgiving Proclamation. 
This incident was related to a later Vice-President who was noted 
for his skill at repartee, and he replied, with a twinkle in his 
eye: ''Well, there is one more Thanksgiving Day before my term 
expires." 

According to the constitution the Vice-President succeeds to 
the office in case the President dies, resigns, is removed, or becomes 
unable to discharge the duties of the office. The public good re- 



The Commoner Condensed. 5 

quires that he should be thoroughly informed as to the details of 
the administration and ready to take up the work of the Execu- 
tive at a moment's notice. The Vice-President ought to be ex- 
officio a member of the President's cabinet; he ought to sit next 
to the President in the council chamber. Eeceiving his nomina- 
tion from a national convention and his commission from the 
people, he is able to furnish the highest possible proof that he en- 
joys public respect and confidence, and the President should avail 
himself of the wisdom and discretion of such an adviser. While 
the responsibility for action rests upon the occupant of the White 
House he is entitled to, and of course desires, all the light possible 
before deciding on any question. 

Congress can by law impose upon the Vice-President the duty 
of giving such assistance to his chief, or the President can of his 
own volition establish the precedent, and it would, in all proba- 
bility, be observed by his successors. 

Many public men have avoided the second place on the ticket 
for fear it would relegate them to obscurity; some of Colonel 
Roosevelt's friends objected to his nomination on that ground. 
A cabinet position has generally been considered more desirable 
than the Vice-Presidency, but the latter in dignity and impor- 
tance is, in fact, only second to the presidency, and the occupant 
deserves the prominence and prestige which would come from 
more intimate official association with the Executive. 



MILITARISM AGAINST PENSIONS. 

The following press dispatch from Berlin will be read with in- 
terest by pensioners : 

To-day's debate in the Reichstag upon a resolution submitted 
by Herr Nissler, conservative, to amend the pension laws, so that 
every veteran of the wars of 1864, 1866 and 1870-1871 who is an 
invalid and unable to support himself would receive 120 marks 
annually, developed into a terrible arraignment of the govern- 
ment. Speakers of all parties, conservatives, national, liberals, 
centrists and even socialists, declared their willingness to vote for 
adequate pensions and censured the government for constantly 
ignoring this debt of honor, unworthy, as one speaker said, of 
a country which had embarked on a world policy. 

Other speakers declared that the attitude of the Bundesrath in 
steadily refusing to provide pensions was inexplicable. 



6 The Commoner Condensed. 

As the burdens of militarism increase a government which rests 
upon force finds it necessary to choose between the army of the 
present and the soldiers of the past. It can better afford to do in- 
justice to those whose fighting days are over than to alienate 
those upon whom it must rely for future assistance. 

Liberal pensions are possible with a small military establish- 
ment, but hardly probable when the resources of a country are 
drained to support a large body of professional soldiers. 



CHRISTIANITY VERSUS WAR. 

Erasmus, whose words have echoed through three centuries, 
has this to say of the antagonism between Christianity and War: 

Let us imagine we hear a soldier among these fighting Chris- 
tians saying the Lord's Prayer just before battle. Our Father! 
says he. 0, hardened wretch ! Can you call God Father, when 
you are just going out to cut your brother's throat? — Hallowed 
be Thy name. How can the name of God be more impiously 
unhallowed than by mutual bloody murder among his sons? — Thy 
kingdom come. Do you pray for the coming of His kingdom 
while you are endeavoring to establish an earthly despotism by 
■spilling the blood of God's, sons and subjects ? — Thy will be done 
in earth as it is in Heaven. His will in Heaven is for peace; but 
you are now meditating war. — Give us this day our daily bread. 
How dare you say this to your Father in Heaven at the moment 
that you are going to burn your brother's corn fields and would 
rather lose the benefit of them yourself than suffer him to enjoy 
them unmolested? — Forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those 
who trespass against us. With what face can you pray thus, when, 
so far from forgiving your brother, you are going with all the 
haste you can, to murder him in cold blood for an alleged trespass 
which, after all, is but imaginary? — Lead us not into temptation. 
And do you presume to deprecate temptation or danger — you 
who are not only rushing into it yourself, but doing all you can to 
force your brother into it? — Deliver us from evil. You pray to 
be delivered from evil, that is, from the evil being, Satan, to whose 
impulses you are now submitting yourself, and by whose spirit 
you are guided in contriving the greatest possible evil to your 
brother ? 

These sentiments, set forth and commented upon in the Peace 
Manual, are respectfully commended to those followers of the 



The Commoner Condensed. 7 

Nazarene who preach a strenuous gospel of bloodshed, and who 
imagine that they see God's hand directing a war waged for con- 
quest and the extension of trade. 



TRADE-UNIONISM. 



Mr. Wise, a member of the Australian Parliament, in a speech 
in favor of arbitration, sets forth the necessity for trade-union- 
ism so forcibly that an extract is given below: 

Trade-Unionism is, as I have said, to the laborer what capital 
is to the employer; and without trade-unionism we would not feel 
that there could be any real freedom of contract between the 
laborer and the employer. 

Freedom only exists when those on either side are free to ac- 
cept or reject the terms that are offered. To secure that freedom 
is the object of trade-unionism, because it recognizes that in or- 
der to have a fair bargain made, each party to the bargain must 
be on a footing of equality. 

The labor organization not only helps those who belong to it, 
but it also helps those who are not members. For even those on 
the outside share to a greater or less extent in the better wages, 
the shorter hours and the more favorable conditions secured by 
the labor organizations. If unions or federations make mistakes 
it must be remembered that perfection is not to be expected in 
any work of human hands. The good done by these organiza- 
tions far outweighs the errors which they have committed. 



THE BOEES— GOD BLESS THEM. 

The reports from South Africa revive the stories of ancient 
heroism. That a force so small should be able to hold the British 
army at bay and even re-take some of the surrendered places seems 
too wonderful to be true. Millions here and throughout the 
world who believe in self-government and deny the right of a 
strong nation to cast its sovereignty like a net over a weaker 
people, are watching with intense interest the unequal struggle 
of the Boers in defense of their independence. If they succeed in 
forcing a recognition of their republics, their victory will mark the 
turning point in the recent trend toward imperial ideas and their 



8 The Commoner Condensed. 

sacrifices will be of incalculable value to the human race. If, 
however, they fail and are compelled at last to submit to the Eng- 
lish yoke, their valiant resistance will have furnished innumerable 
themes for poetry and song, and the lovers of liberty for cen- 
turies to come will find inspiration in their courage and patriotism. 



THE PAETY OKGANIZATION. 

After the defeat of 1896 the gold democrats met and congratu- 
lated themselves upon their part in the republican victory and de- 
manded a re-organization of the party. A second defeat has 
brought forth another chorus of criticism and a demand that the 
party management be turned over to those who for the past four 
years have held themselves aloof from the organization and spent 
their time in condemnation of the policies endorsed in the party 
platform. 

Men who have repudiated the party creed and the party candi- 
dates, and yet pride themselves upon their superior democracy, 
urge a return to what they call the first principles of democracy. 
Pressed for some definite statement of their views they either evade 
the question or resort to language too ponderous for the under- 
standing. Whatever differences of opinion may exist concerning 
the various planks of the Kansas City platform, the indisputable 
fact remains that that platform embraces the essential principles 
of democracy as taught by all the great leaders of the past and as 
accepted by the rank and file. Many democrats who left the party 
in 1896 came back in 1900 and were cordially welcomed. While 
not agreeing to every policy set forth, they gave hearty support to 
the democratic candidates because they believed that the platform 
was sound in its cardinal principles. 

Exact fulfilment of national pledges and adherence to the Con- 
stitution, perfect compliance with the spirit of the Declaration of 
Independence, firm advocacy of the Monroe Doctrine, stern an- 
tagonism to militarism, relentless opposition to trusts, uncom- 
promising hostility to an unjust dollar and to a surrender to na- 
tional banks of the money issuing functions of the government, 
strong protest against entangling alliance with any other nation, 
vigorous objection to the plan of wasting the people's money in 
subsidies to a few individuals, earnest appeal for the restoration 



The Commoner Condensed. 9 

of popular government and the principles which have given life 
and prosperity to the nation — these must represent the funda- 
mental principles of democracy and these received the endorse- 
ment of the convention which met at Kansas City. 

There is a marked difference between the methods employed by 
the democrats who believe in the Kansas City platform and the 
methods employed by those who oppose that platform. The former 
have fixed principles, state them without ambiguity, and invite 
judgment upon them; the latter prate about principles, assume a 
"holier than thou" attitude and declaim about national honors and 
party traditions, but never put their principles into concrete form 
or outline a plan for dealing with present political problems. They 
are against the Kansas City platform, but what are they for ? They 
are against the silver plank, but what financial policy do they pro- 
pose? Do they favor the national bank note or the greenback? 
Are they for an income tax or against it? Do they favor the - 
popular election of senators, or do they oppose it? What is their 
attitude on the question of private monopolies ? What would they 
do with the Philippine Islands? How large an army do they 
think necessary? . What do they think of government by injunc- 
tion? 

The party as now organized has taken a position on these ques- 
tions and is ready to defend it. Let the re-organizers present a 
statement of their views, equally definite and detailed, so that the 
voters, or the rank and file, if you please, may act understandingly. 

When these self-styled democrats left the party they said that 
they preferred principles to success; now they ask those who re- 
mained true to the party to surrender principles in order to secure 
success under their leadership and they promise success notwith- 
standing the fact that the defeat of 1894, which came under their 
leadership, was the most disastrous since 1872, and notwithstanding 
the further fact that the ticket which they nominated in 1896 
carried but one precinct in the United States. 

If any change in the present organization is necessary it can 
be made by the voters in the regular way and at the proper time. 
If in the meantime, any member of the organization dies, resigns 
or is replaced, the new member ought to be in harmony with the 
people who select him, for, as a member of the organization, he 
acts in a representative capacity. 



io The Commoner Condensed. 

The only way to insure this harmony, is to insist that the candi- 
date shall be frank and candid in making known his views to those 
to whom he appeals, and every honest democrat seeking party prom- 
inence with a sincere desire to aid the party will be willing to 
make known his views on every disputed question. Beware of the 
man who boasts of his democracy but refuses to define it. 

The so-called democrats who voted the republican ticket showed 
by so doing that they were nearer to the republican position than 
they were to the democratic position. In order to regain their 
confidence, they must undergo a change or the democratic party 
must move over toward the republican position. As the re-organ- 
izers have manifested no change of heart the effort to re-organize 
might more properly be called an effort to republicanize the demo- 
cratic party. To make the effort a success the democrats must 
either be converted to republican ideas, or be deceived into the 
support of men who wear the livery of democracy, but lean toward 
republican doctrines. 



SECKET INFLUENCE. 

The people have nothing to fear from open enemies. The man 
who boldly proclaims a principle, no matter what it may be, can 
do but little injury. No amount of intellect, learning or eloquence 
can make him dangerous. As Jefferson has expressed it, "Error 
of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat 
it." Truth grows in the open field; the sunshine nourishes and 
strengthens it. It is secret influence which is constantly corrupt- 
ing government and securing special privileges for the few at the 
expense of the many. The man who advocates a thing which he 
believes to be good for the people as a whole has no reason to 
conceal his purpose, but the man who tries to secure an advantage 
which he knows to be beneficial to some class or combination but 
hurtful to the public, naturally and necessarily employs stealth. 

Would the directors of a railroad company adopt and publish 
a resolution designating their favorite candidate for the legislature, 
congress, the senate or the bench? Would they candidly set forth 
why they wanted him and what they expected of him after they 
got him? And yet it is well known that railroads often take an 
active part in the selection of public officials. 



The Commoner Condensed. n 

Would the directors of a trust adopt and publish a resolution 
naming the presidential candidate they would support and announc- 
ing the contribution they would make to the campaign fund ? And 
yet it is certain that the trusts have in the past interested them- 
selves in campaigns. 

Eternal vigilance is the price of protection against bad laws 
and misrule as well as the price of liberty. Since laws are made, 
construed and enforced by public officials, it is necessary that 
great care should be exercised in the selection of them in order 
that they, when selected, shall guard the interests of the whole 
people and not be the mere agents of some corporation. 



ANOTHER ENDLESS CHAIN. 

Secretary Gage recently appeared before a House committee 
and urged the enactment of a law specifically requiring silver dol- 
lars to be redeemed in gold on demand. He argued that, as the 
legal tender law makes silver the equivalent of gold, the govern- 
ment might as well offer to furnish gold in exchange for silver, 
as to allow silver to be presented in payment of revenues. To use 
his own expression : 

The government might just as well face the situation and meet 
this silver with its right hand at the front door as to take it with 
the left hand at the back door. 

And this is the reasoning of a financier ! He sees no differ- 
ence between a credit money and a standard money; he thinks 
it a matter of no moment that his plan reduces the quantity of 
basic money and increases the quantity of redeemable money — or, 
in other words, contracts the foundation and expands the super- 
structure. 

But of this later. It is worth while to point out at this time 
that the argument now made by Secretary Gage is similar to the 
argument which led to the custom of redeeming treasury notes in 
gold, although the practice of redeeming treasury notes in gold 
simply surrendered the government's option to select the coin and 
did not convert a standard money into a credit money. After 
the custom of redeeming in gold was established the financiers 



12 The Commoner Condensed. 

pointed out that the redemption and re-issue of treasury notes 
formed what they called an endless chain for the draining of the 
treasury. This argument was used with great effect in securing 
the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman Law. As soon 
as that legislation was accomplished the financiers set to work to 
secure the retirement of the greenbacks as well as the treasury 
notes on the ground that the greenbacks also constituted an end- 
less chain when redeemed and re-issued. Now that the greenbacks 
and treasury notes are in process of retirement an attack is to be 
made upon the silver dollar. 

The argument that worked so well against government paper 
is now to be used against coin. The present law does not require 
the redemption of silver dollars ; a bill containing such a provision 
passed the House a year ago but a republican Senate was not will- 
ing to go on record as favoring such a measure at the beginning 
of a presidential campaign, so the matter was left to executive 
construction. 

Now that the election is over the republican leaders are a little 
more bold and will probably make the law specific in requiring 
redemption. 

Next will come the demand for the retirement of silver dollars 
by an issue of bonds, or for a withdrawal of their legal tender 
qualities. 

As a reason for retiring silver we will be told that a silver dol- 
lar redeemed and then re-issued forms another endless chain. It 
will be pointed out that there is no limit to the amount of gold 
that may be drained from the treasury if silver dollars are paid 
out again after they are once redeemed. The same argument 
made against the greenback and treasury note will be repeated 
against a redeemable silver dollar. 

The redemption of the standard silver dollar is the first step 
toward its ultimate retirement, and those who are opposed to its 
retirement will not be induced to aid in making it redeemable. 
When the gold standard is complete, gold will be the only legal 
tender money and bank notes the only paper money. Until this 
end is reached the financiers will deprecate any agitation of the 
money question during campaigns and will spend the years be- 
tween campaigns urging legislative enactments in furtherance of 
their plans. 



The Commoner Condensed. 



13 



TRIAL BY JUKY DENIED. 

The President, in his instructions to the Philippine commis- 
sioners, is careful to exclude trial by jury from the blessings con- 
ferred upon the Nation's oriental subjects. The omission is the 
more noticeable because the sixth amendment to the Constitution 
is quoted entire with the exception of the clause guaranteeing 
trial '"by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the 
crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been 
previously ascertained by law." 

Below will be found the sixth amendment and the instruction 
taken from it : 



THE SIXTH AMENDMENT. 

In all criminal prosecutions 
the accused shall enjoy the right 
to a speedy and public trial, by 

AN IMPARTIAL JURY OF THE 
STATE AND DISTRICT WHEREIN 
THE GRIME SHALL HAVE BEEN 
COMMITTED, WHICH DISTRICT 
SHALL HAVE BEEN PREVIOUSLY 
ASCERTAINED BY LAW, and to 

be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation; to be 
confronted with the witnesses 
against him ; to have compulsory 
process for obtaining witnesses 
in his favor, and to have the 
assistance of counsel for his de- 
fense. 



THE PRESIDENT'S INSTRUCTION. 

In all criminal prosecutions 
the accused shall enjoy the right 
to a speedy and public trial; to 
be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation; to be 
confronted with witnesses 
against him; to have compul- 
sory process for obtaining wit- 
nesses in his favor and to have 
the assistance of counsel for his 
defense. 



One by one the safe-guards of the Constitution are being aban- 
doned; one by one the doctrines of imperialism are being adopted. 
There is not a vital principle of government, heretofore considered 
sacred, which must not ultimately be abandoned if this Nation con- 
tinues to tax subjects without representation and govern them with- 
out the consent of the governed, 



14 The Commoner Condensed. 



TOLSTOI ON" IMPERIALISM. 

Tolstoi is credited with a severe criticism of American imperial- 
ism. He is quoted as saying: 

Yon Americans are worse than the Mohammedans. They preach 
war and they fight; yon preach liberty and peace and yet you go 
out to conquer through war. 

He believes in "strenuous life," but he thinks that human ac- 
tivity can better be employed doing good than in killing people. 

Russia's philosopher is wise enough to see and know that com- 
mercialism is the moving spirit behind imperialism and that "duty 
and destiny" are only masks. 



THE PRESIDENTIAL TERM. 

The suggestion made by ex-President Cleveland, to the effect 
that the presidential term should be extended to six years and 
the president made ineligible for re-election, has excited discussion. 
The latter part of the proposition has met with the more cordial 
reception. There seems to be a widespread opinion that a president 
should be limited to one term in order to prevent his using the first 
term to secure a re-nomination. 

President Jackson suggested this limitation in his first inaugural 
message. 

Mr. Hayes in 1876, in his letter accepting the republican nom- 
ination said: 

The declaration of principles by the Cincinnati convention makes 
no announcement in favor of a single presidential term. I do not 
assume to add to that declaration, but believing that the restora- 
tion of the civil service to the system established by Washington 
and followed by the early presidents can be best accomplished by 
an executive officer who is under no temptation to use the patronage 
of his office to promote his own re-election, I desire to perform 
what I regard as a duty in stating now my inflexible purpose, if 
elected, not to be a candidate for election to a second term. 

Mr. Cleveland, in his first letter of acceptance stated, in even 
stronger language, the objections to a second term, saving: 



The Commoner Condensed. 15 

When an election to office shall be the selection by the voters 
of one of their number to assume for a time a public trust instead 
of his dedication to the profession of politics ; when the holders of 
the ballot, quickened by a sense of duty, shall avenge truth betrayed 
and pledges broken, and when the suffrage shall be altogether free 
and uncorrupted, the full realization of a government by the people 
will be at hand. And of the means to this end, no one would, 
in my judgment, be more effective than an amendment to the Con- 
stitution disqualifying the president from re-election. 

When we consider the patronage of this great office, the allure- 
ments of power, the temptation to retain public place once gained, 
and, more than all, the availability a party finds in an incumbent 
whom a horde of office-holders, with zeal born of benefits received 
and fostered by the hope of favors yet to come, stand ready to aid 
with money and trained political service, we recognize in the eligi- 
bility of the president for re-election a most serious danger to 
that calm, deliberate and intelligent political action which must 
characterize a government by the people. 

Human nature is as yet too frail to withstand the temptation 
to use for selfish purposes the great patronage of the executive. 

If it is argued that a nation might be in such a crisis that it 
could ill afford a change in the administration, it may be said in 
reply, first, that the same argument could be made at the close of 
a second term, and, second, that when the nation reaches a condi- 
tion where only one man out of the whole population is able to 
assume and properly discharge the duties of the executive it will 
scarcely be worth saving. 

As to the lengthening of the term considerable difference of 
opinion has developed. The principal affirmative argument is that 
business interests are disturbed by a presidential election. If this 
argument is to have a controlling influence we might as well choose 
the executive for life, or, in order to reduce the disturbance to a 
minimum, establish an hereditary succession. There are political 
reasons in favor of the present length which outweigh any business 
considerations. 

Jefferson was an advocate of frequent elections. In a letter 
written to Samuel Adams, in 1800, he said: 

A government by representatives, elected by the people at short 
periods, was our object; and our maxim at that day was "where 
annual election ends, tyranny begins ;" nor have our departures from 
it been sanctioned by the happiness of their effects, 



1 6 The Commoner Condensed. 

Sixteen years later he said : 

The rights of the people to the exercise and fruits of their own 
industry can never be protected against the selfishness of rulers, not 
subject to their control at short periods. 

The fact that commercial reasons are deemed sufficient with some 
to justify the surrender of a principle absolutely necessary for the 
protection of the public shows the dangerous pre-eminence given to 
money and money making. 

To lengthen the presidential term is simply to enlarge the stake 
for which great interests play. The trusts could increase their cam- 
paign contributions fifty per cent, if they could secure control of 
an administration for six years instead of four. 

Short terms are necessary not only to protect the people from 
their public servants, but also to moderate disappointment and 
discontent. The sooner the people can hope for remedy the more 
patiently do they submit to that which they consider error or in- 
justice. 

A four years term is long enough for a good president and too 
long for a bad one. 



THE WAGES OF SIN. 

Press dispatches announce that Neely, the embezzler of Cuban 
postal funds, who, by the decision of the Supreme Court, is to be 
sent back to the island for trial, has broken down and is a complete 
wreck. If the report is true, it is only another illustration of the 
fact that the wages of sin is death. Aside from the moral principle 
involved, nothing pays a larger dividend of suffering on the in- 
vestment than a breach of trust. 

The gnawing of conscience and the fear of detection rob the 
offender of happiness before he is found out, and when his wrong- 
doing is discovered, personal disgrace and the anguish of friends 
embitter his life. And yet, in spite of the warnings which come 
from every age and from every country, scarcely a day passes but 
some trusted employe in private life or in public position is blazoned 
forth as a defaulter. 

Most defalcations grow out of the temporary use of trust funds 
for personal advantage, when the trustee feels sure that he can re- 






The Commoner Condensed. 17 

turn the amount on demand. Everybody should be taught the rule 
that no one can safely use trust money as a private fund, no mat- 
ter how certain he may be of his ability to make good the loan. 
Trust funds and private money should never be mingled. 



SUBSIDIZED INSTRUCTION. 

It is a bad sign when the founder of a university seeks to domi- 
nate the mind of the teacher of that university. It is a good sign 
when the teacher rebels and surrenders his salary in preference to 
surrendering his principles. 

Stanford university has lost six professors, and the upheaval 
is the result of the attempt of the founder's widow to regulate the 
convictions of some of the instructors in the institution. 

In May, 1900, Professor Eoss attended a mass meeting held in 
San Francisco for the purpose of protesting against the coming of 
Japanese laborers to this country. He delivered an address on this 
occasion in which he insisted on the exclusion of the Japanese as 
a measure of wisdom in the light of our experience with the Chi- 
nese. It seems that for many years Senator Stanford, who was 
president of the Southern Pacific railroad, had the habit of im- 
porting coolie labor, and for this he was frequently denounced by 
those opposed to that labor. This, it is said, explains Mrs. Stan- 
ford's sensitiveness on this point. 

It may have been that Mrs. Stanford was further prejudiced 
against Professor Eoss because she had been informed that he was 
an advocate of bimetallism and in favor of restricting the power 
of corporations. It has never been claimed, however, that Professor 
Eoss ever carried his politics into the classroom. On the con- 
trary, it is said of him that in his lectures to his classes he was 
eminently fair, invariably presenting both sides of every question 
with which he had to deal. 

Although Professor Eoss' notions had greatly prejudiced him in 
Mrs. Stanford's eyes, he was a favorite not only with the presi- 
dent of the university, but with all with whom he came in con- 
tact. But as soon as the report of his anti-Japanese speech reached 
Mrs. Stanford she insisted upon his resignation, and the resigna- 
tion was forthcoming. Subsequently, Professor George E. How- 
ard, of the same university, took occasion to criticise the policy of 



18 The Commoner Condensed. 

interfering with the liberty of speech in university discussion. 
Professor Howard boldly declared that Professor Boss' dismissal 
was "a blow aimed directly at academic freedom, and to the cause 
of American education/' He added : 

The blow does not come directly from the founder. It really 
proceeds from the sinister spirit of social bigotry and commercial 
intolerance, which is just now the deadliest foe of American democ- 
racy. In order that we may attain the highest ideal of social, 
moral, and intellectual life our university must be the inviolable 
sanctuary of free inquiry. 

Soon after Professor Eoss' dismissal, Professor Aldrich resigned, 
declaring that he could not teach in Stanford university under the 
circumstances. 

As soon as Professor Howard's remarks became known to Mrs. 
Stanford, she asked for an apology from the professor for his 
criticism of the university's course toward Eoss. Professor How- 
ard defended himself by saying that he had simply made a fair 
presentation of the influences that resulted in Professor Eoss' dis- 
missal. He declined to apologize, and on Monday of last week, 
he was informed that his resignation would be accepted, but was 
given the privilege of remaining until the end of the term. He 
refused to avail himself of this privilege, and immediately left the 
university. 

On Tuesday Professor Hudson, of the English department, and 
Professor Little, of the Chair of Mathematics, resigned. On 
Wednesday Professor Spencer, of the History department, ten- 
dered his resignation — all giving as a reason that they did not care 
to teach in a university where liberty of speech was curtailed as 
it was at Stanford. 

It is significant that the six instructors who thus left Stanford 
university were among the most popular and successful teachers 
in the institution. It is no surprise to be told that this university 
has lost considerable prestige because of the attempt to control 
the convictions of teachers. The student has small prospect of 
acquiring valuable information when the conscience and convic- 
tion of his teacher are dominated by one whose power and author- 
ity come exclusively from financial connection with the school. 
If the men and women whose lives are dedicated to the instruction 
of the young are not to speak what they conceive to be the truth* 



The Commoner Condensed. 19 

for fear of offending the university financiers, then little care need 
be exercised as to the character and ability of "university instruc- 
tors. A college diploma and a post-graduate course in a corpora- 
tion atmosphere is, then, all that is necessary to fit a man or 
woman for a college professorship. But if the young people who 
attend our universities are to make the most of their opportuni- 
ties, then it is essential that men and women who instruct them 
shall have the brains to think for themselves and the courage to 
express their opinions without fear or favor. 

The policy that resulted in the six resignations at Stanford 
university may endear that institution to those who imagine that 
the champions of class privilege are the only ones who have the 
right to independent thought, but among men and women who be- 
lieve that the successful college must have as its professors men of 
thought and conviction in order to produce results, Stanford uni- 
versity will not take high rank. And it is no wonder that to-day 
all California is blushing for the policy of a university that other- 
wise might be a credit and advantage to the great state in which 
it is located. 



TOWNE'S GKEAT SPEECH. 

Just before closing his brief senatorial career, Mr. Towne de- 
livered a speech which may fairly be regarded as the best of his 
many excellent productions. Mr. James Creelman, the distin- 
guished newspaper correspondent, describing the delivery of the 
speech and the immediate effect produced, says that no speech de- 
livered in the senate in recent years has created such a profound 
impression or brought to its author such general and hearty 
congratulations. As an arraignment of imperialism the speech 
has never been surpassed. The following is the peroration: 

I do not wish to convey the impression that in my opinion the 
present policy will at one fell swoop convert this republic into an 
empire in fact. But I do say that the seeds of empire lurk in this 
policy, and that time, and favoring environment will and must 
bring them to their flower and fruit unless we make a seasonable 
prevention. God speed the day when the American people, whose 
annals blaze with records of unequaled heroism, and who again 
and always, if some great cause demand it, would freely pay with 



so The Commoner Condensed. 

life itself the price of its defense, shall have the moral courage to 
do their civil duty — a rarer thing than to face undaunted the 
cannon's mouth — and with their sovereign voice declare that this 
unholy war for greed and empire shall be stopped, and that no 
soldier of the United States shall ever again in all our history be 
sent to other lands to war on people fighting for their liberty. 

I shall not willingly cease to dream of a twentieth century de- 
voted to the demonstration, the first and only one in history, that a 
government of the people, for the people, and by the people need 
not perish from the earth. There is an inspiration in the thought 
that to our beloved country may be reserved the culminating glory 
of the ages in crowning with success the long experiment of right- 
eous self -government. 



THE CUBAN CONSTITUTION. 

The Cuban constitution, as it has been drafted and will probably 
be adopted, is, in many respects, similar to that of the United 
States. Cuba is declared to be "a sovereign and independent state 
under a republican form of government." The provision for citi- 
zenship is as liberal as ours. The guarantees of personal liberty, 
religious freedom, freedom of speech and of the press, are similar 
to those in our Constitution. The president is to be elected by a 
direct popular vote, "an absolute majority thereof cast on one 
single day" being essential to election. The term of office is for a 
period of four years. The president may be re-elected, but is in- 
eligible for a third consecutive term. The vice-president has pow- 
ers and authority similar to ours. The congress is to be composed 
of a senate and house of representatives. The senate will consist 
of thirty-six members, elected for six years, one-third retiring every 
two years. The house will have one member for every 25,000 in- 
habitants, or fraction above 12,500. The house members are to 
be elected for four years, one-half the membership retiring every 
two years. The congress has powers similar to ours. The judicial 
power is vested in a supreme court, and it is provided that "jus- 
tice shall be ministered gratuitously." The judges of the court 
are to be appointed by the president with the approval of the sen- 
ate and are to hold office during good behavior. Each of the six 
provinces is to have a governor elected for three years and a "de- 
partmental assembly" elected for three years. These provinces are 
given the right of independent action in their local affairs, pro- 



The Commoner Condensed. 21 

vided that no law is enacted inconsistent with the Cuban constitu- 
tion. 

Municipalities are given powers and privileges not enjoyed by 
towns in the United States. Here the municipality is recognized 
as a creature of the state, having no powers which the legislature 
does not bestow. But the Cuban constitution prohibits the "de- 
partmental assemblies" or province legislatures from enacting any 
law that shall be antagonistic "to that which pertains to the in- 
herent right of the municipalities." The most liberal home rule 
is given to the towns, and these towns are immediately governed 
by a mayor and board of councilmen. The Cuban congress is given 
authority over telegraphs and railroads. 

On the whole, the draft of the Cuban constitution is a meritori- 
ous document. Such errors as it has are for the most part copied 
from our own Constitution,, and we are not in position to criticise 
them until we adopt amendments here. 

The people demonstrated their right to liberty by their willing- 
ness to fight for it. The proceedings of Cuba's constitutional con- 
vention have demonstrated that the fortunes of the people of that 
island are more secure in the hands of Cuban statesmen than they 
would be in the custody of American politicians. 



POPULAK ELECTION OF SENATORS. 

While it may be impossible to secure favorable action at this 
time, an effort ought to be made in the Senate to bring up for 
consideration the resolution looking to the election of United 
States senators by a direct vote of the people. 

The House of Representatives in both the Fifty-second and 
Fifty-third Congresses adopted resolutions submitting the neces- 
sary constitutional amendment, but each time the Senate defeated 
action. That there is a popular demand for the change is evident 
from the fact that a similar resolution passed the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the present Congress by an almost unanimous vote. 

In 1868 President Johnson, first in a special and later in an an- 
nual message, urged the submission of an amendment placing the 
election of United States senators in the hands of the people at 
large, and from that day to this there has been a constant growth 
of sentiment in favor of this reform. Wherever the matter has been 



22 The Commoner Condensed. 

acted upon by the people an overwhelming majority has been re- 
corded in favor of the proposition. The affirmative arguments 
may be summed up as follows: 

First. The people have a right to speak through senators of 
their own selection. 

Second. Corruption and corporate influence are bringing scan- 
dal and disgrace upon senatorial elections and impeaching the in- 
tegrity of a legislative body which ought to stand above suspicion. 

Third. Senatorial elections, as conducted at present, interfere 
with the legitimate work of state legislatures. 

Whatever causes may have led to the adoption of the existing 
method of selecting senators, experience has not only shown that the 
people can be trusted with the direct choice of their public serv- 
ants, but it has also demonstrated that the nearer the Government 
is brought to the voters the better it is for both the Government 
and the people. There is more virtue in the masses than ever finds 
expression through their representatives, because representatives 
are influenced, to a greater or less extent, by their personal in- 
terests. 

It is true that even with popular elections the nominations would 
be made by conventions, but the fact that the voters would after- 
wards sit in judgment upon the work of the delegates would be 
a constant restraint. 

The last few years have furnished so many instances of corporate 
influence or corruption operating in the election of senators that no 
elaboration of the second argument is necessary. It has become 
apparent to the most casual observer that candidates backed by rail- 
roads and other large corporations have an enormous advantage 
over men who must rely upon their personal popularity or worth. 

While in some instances money has been used to purchase votes 
outright, the method more frequently employed is to place the legis- 
lators under obligation to a particular candidate by pecuniary aid 
furnished during the campaign. Organized capital is also able to 
bring pressure to bear upon legislators by the bestowal of favors. 

But aside from the arguments which affect the character of the 
men selected, the best interests of the state require that the legis- 
lators shall be relieved of the duty of electing senators, because 
legislative candidates cannot now be voted for according to their 
fitness for legislative work. As one-third of the United States 
senators are elected every two years, two legislative sessions (where 



The Commoner Condensed. 23 

they are biennial) out of every three are called upon to settle a 
senatorial controversy and this controversy, as a rule, overshadows 
all other matters. 

When the contest is prolonged, the regular business is inter- 
rupted by daily balloting and attention is diverted from state 
affairs. 

Two years ago there were deadlocks in four states, and this year 
two legislatures are having obstinate struggles. 

Some object to the proposed change on the ground that the 
Constitution should not be disturbed, but this is always the argu- 
ment of those who are satisfied with things as they are. The best 
friends of the Constitution are those who desire to strengthen it in 
the affections of the people by making it conform to the wishes of 
the people. 

There is no force in the objection urged by some that a senator 
should be selected by a legislature because he represents the state. 
This draws a distinction between the state and the people of the 
state. Surely the choice of a majority of the people would be more 
truly a representative of the state than the choice of a minority. 

It will be a great victory for popular government when the selec- 
tion of United States senators is taken away from legislatures 
and given into the custody of the voters where it rightfully be- 
longs. 



LIBERTY A SUPREME GOOD. 

Buckle, whose "History of Civilization in England" has given 
him a permanent place in the literary world, was a passionate lover 
of liberty. In one of his productions, to be found in the "World's 
Best Essays," he expresses himself with so much clearness and 
emphasis that an extract is given below. It is worth while for 
the reader to compare the vigorous logic of the historian with the 
complacent philosophy of the present-day imperialists, who assume 
that a defeated monarch can bargain, sell and convey, for pecu- 
niary consideration, the bodies, souls and inalienable rights of 
eight millions of Filipinos. 

Buckle says: 

Liberty is the one thing most essential to the right development 
of individuals, and to the real grandeur of nations. It is a product 
of knowledge when knowledge advances in a healthy and regular 



24 The Commoner Condensed. 

manner; but if under certain unhappy circumstances it is opposed 
by what seems to be knowledge, then, in God's name, let knowledge 
perish and liberty be preserved. Liberty is not a means to an 
end, it is an end itself. To secure it, to enlarge it, and to diffuse 
it, should be' the main object of all social arrangements and of 
all political contrivances. None but a pedant or a tyrant can 
put science or literature in competition with it. Within certain 
limits, and very small limits too, it is the inalienable prerogative 
of man, of which no force of circumstances and no lapse of time 
can deprive him. He has no right to barter it away even from 
himself, still less from his children. It is the foundation of all 
respect, and without it the great doctrine of moral responsibility 
would degenerate into a lie and a juggle. It is a sacred deposit, 
and the love of it is a holy instinct engraven on our hearts. 



MISTAKEN IDENTITY. 

The political editor of the Cincinnati Times-Star, feeling it 
necessary to register his disapproval of The Commoner, seized his 
pencil and dashed off the following brilliant criticism : 

In initiating his editorial duties Mr. Bryan is as unfortunate 
in his choice of quotations as in his political speeches. The last 
man of American public men whom Mr. Bryan should quote is 
Webster. There is not a principle which the great Massachusetts 
statesman stood for which Mr. Bryan represents. * * * 

Mr. Bryan errs whenever he attempts to quote Webster in sup- 
port of any of his political ideas. The use of the phrasing of a 
partial sentence, selected without regard to the center thought, is 
a favorite trick of Mr. Bryan, but an unfortunate one, because he 
has almost' invariably chosen a phrase which was inappropriate 
when read in a fuller light. 

When our much esteemed but incautious contemporary can with- 
draw himself from the contemplation of Webster the Statesman 
long enough to examine a compilation prepared by Webster the 
Lexicographer, he will find the definition given in the first edi- 
torial of The Commoner. The language quoted was not, as he 
intimates, taken out of its connection. 

It must be admitted that the writings of Noah Webster, of Dic- 
tionary fame, are marred by frequent change of subject, and seem 
somewhat disconnected, but while they lack the stately and flowing 
style of the Massachusetts orator, the editor of the Times-Star 
will find them worthy of occasional perusal. 



The Commoner Condensed. 25 



II. 
MILITARISM. 

During the last campaign the democrats pointed out that re- 
publican success would encourage the party in power to increase 
the standing army. The republicans evaded the question for the 
most part, and, when they were challenged to meet it, resorted to 
subterfuge and deception. They claimed that the army then in 
service was made necessary by the war in the Philippines and 
called attention to the fact that the increase expired by limitation 
in 1901. They pretended to believe that the army could be re- 
duced before that time if the republicans won at the election and 
the Filipinos were assured that there would be no change in the 
administration. These arguments ought not to have misled any 
one because the President, two months before hostilities broke out 
at Manila, asked for authority to raise the army to one hundred 
thousand. 

A republican House of Representatives passed a bill giving him 
the authority, and the democrats and their populist and silver 
republican allies in the Senate secured the limitation which the 
republicans were afterwards so anxious to hide behind. The elec- 
tion resulted in a republican victory even more pronounced than 
the leaders of that party had expected, but the war in the Phil- 
ippines did not terminate and then the imperialists came out from 
under cover and boldly demanded an increase in the military 
establishment. A bill was introduced, hurried through the House 
and Senate and is now a law. The title of it is a confession of 
cowardice. It is not a bill to increase the size of the standing 
army, but a bill "To increase the efficiency of the permanent 
military establishment of the United States." It provides that the 
army of the United States shall consist of fifteen regiments of 
cavalry, a corps of artillery, thirty regiments of infantry, one 
lieutenant-general, six major generals, fifteen brigadier generals, 
etc., etc., etc. Each regiment of cavalry and infantry has one 
colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, three majors, fifteen captains, fifteen 



26 The Commoner Condensed. 

first lieutenants and fifteen second lieutenants, besides sergeants, 
sergeant-majors, corporals, etc. — the etc. including among other 
persons, privates, ranging from forty-three to seventy-six in each 
cavalry troop, and from forty-eight to one hundred and twenty- 
seven in each infantry company. The President is given the 
dangerous power to increase the army to the maximum. The num- 
ber of enlisted men is limited to one hundred thousand. The 
maximum of enlisted men may include twelve thousand natives 
to be enlisted in the Philippine Islands if the President sees fit 
to enlist them. 

If any one will read the bill complete and count the number 
of generals, colonels, lieutenant-colonels, majors, captains, first 
lieutenants, second lieutenants, adjutants, inspectors, quarter-mas- 
ters and other officers with life tenure, he can understand some- 
thing of the force which militarism can command in any legisla- 
tive contest with the taxpayers. 

It is easier to increase an army, especially the official part, than 
reduce it, and the people have before them a difficult task, but the 
burdens and menace of militarism can be relied upon to arouse 
the people. When the awakening comes it will be found that the 
people who profit by a large military establishment, however power-, 
ful in present influence, are insignificant in numbers compared 
with those who are injured. 



A WORTHY AMBITION". 

Hon. Tom L. Johnson, of Cleveland, 0., announces that he has 
retired permanently from business and intends to devote all of 
his time and energy to social and political questions, with a view 
to aiding in the enforcement of the doctrine of equal and exact 
justice to all and special privileges to none. 

It is a worthy ambition, and he carries into his work an honest 
heart, a clear head, an eloquent tongue and an enthusiasm which 
comes from deep conviction. 

During his service in Congress he gave evidence of both ability 
and fidelity to the public weal, and his present determination is 
not a surprise to those who have known him intimately. 

Mr. Johnson, though comparatively young, is a man of large 
means and has laid aside enough to keep the wolf from his own 



The Commoner Condensed. 27 

door while he is battling for the rights of others. His success as 
a business man will protect him from the contempt which the well- 
to-do usually visit upon the reformer. 

Long life to him, and may he find in his labor for his fellows a 
higher and more enduring enjoyment than is within the reach of 
those who strive only for themselves, or who make the accumula- 
tion of wealth their sole object. 



ABKAHAM LINCOLN. 

Had Abraham Lincoln lived until February 12, 1901, he would 
have reached the age of ninety-two years; that is not an impossi- 
ble age for a sturdy man. When we remember that the years have 
not multiplied to the extent that, under ordinary circumstances, 
Lincoln would be precluded from being a living witness to this 
country's attitude to-day, we are reminded that it is an easier thing 
to forget a good man's teachings than to lose recollection of the 
man himself. 

The anniversary of Lincoln's birth will be generally celebrated 
throughout the country. Eepublican orators will claim him as the 
patron saint of their party; but the claim must seem a mockery 
when we realize the fact that that party had ignored Lincoln's 
warnings and violated Lincoln's precepts. 

Society is not benefitted by observing the birthday of a bad man ; 
nor is society benefitted by the observance of a good man's birth- 
day if the lessons he taught are banished from the minds of the 
observers. 

If we would not appear as hypocrites, we must in our observ- 
ance of Lincoln day associate Lincoln's principles with the man 
whose memory we pretend to revere. Lincoln's fame is imperish- 
able because of his contribution to society. A crisis confronted his 
country, and in the solution of the problems, he applied rules 
which, if correctly applied in Lincoln's time, may be correctly ap- 
plied to similar problems in any period of human history. 

On one occasion in replying to Stephen A. Douglas, Mr. Lin- 
coln said : 

We cannot say people have a right to do wrong. That is the 
real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this country 
when the poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. 



28 The Commoner Condensed. 

It is the eternal struggle between these two principles — right and 
wrong — throughout the world. They are the two principles that 
have stood the test since the beginning of time, and they will ever 
continue to struggle. The one. is the common right of humanity, 
and the other the divine right of kings. It is the same principle 
in whatever shape it develops itself. 

Lincoln recognized that the great struggles of society are over 
fundamental principles — principles which remain unchanged from 
generation to generation, from century to century, although the 
application of the principles varies from time to time as new ques- 
tions arise. 

To-day Lincoln's memory is glorified, and yet it is significant 
that the party that claims him as its own, is now antagonizing 
every vital principle taught by the martyred president. 

That government "should express the highest spirit of justice 
and liberty," was Mr. Lincoln's idea; government for the advan- 
tage of the few at the expense of the many, is the republican 
notion of to-day. 

Lincoln believed that the Declaration of Independence was writ- 
ten for all men and for all time, and provided the only safe rule 
for human government. To-day the republican politician has noth- 
ing but sneers when the Declaration is invoked as a safe guide for 
the solution of present day problems. 

Lincoln believed that a people should never "entrust to hands 
other than their own, the preservation and perpetuity of their own 
liberties and institutions." The republican notion of to-day is, 
that one set of men has the right to give to another set of men only 
that degree of self-government which in the estimation of the 
former the latter is capable of enjoying. 

Lincoln had faith that right makes might. The republican no- 
tion of to-day is, that might makes right. 

What a vast difference between the preaching of Lincoln and the 
practice of the party that claims Lincoln as its patron saint. 

At this time, when the republican party is engaged in policies 
involving the doctrine that this nation may trample with impunity 
upon the rights of men, and that our reliance is in becoming a 
world power, it is interesting to recall Lincoln's reference to "the 
sure logic of history." It was in 1858 that Mr. Lincoln said; 

Our reliance is in the love of liberty which God has planted in 
our bosoms. Our defense is in the preservation of the spirit which 



The Commoner Condensed. 29 

prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands everywhere. 
Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of despotism 
around your doors. Familiarize yourselves with the chains of 
bondage and you are preparing your own limbs to wear them. 
Accustomed to trample on the rights of those around you, you 
have lost the genius of your own independence and become the 
fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among you. And, 
let me tell you, all these things are prepared for you, with the sure 
logic of history. 

There is not a lesson taught by Lincoln, there is not a prin- 
ciple defended by Lincoln, there is not a rule of government pro- 
claimed by Lincoln to be the truth that the republican party is 
not now arrayed against. 

Every policy of the administration violates in practice the les- 
sons which Lincoln taught; and as the wealth of trusts and syndi- 
cates increases, as the power of mercenary politicians becomes 
greater, pretense is more and more being cast aside. Some of the 
foremost leaders of the republican party do not now hesitate to 
drop the mask entirely and boldly antagonize the truths that Lin- 
coln proclaimed. 



CHINESE ATKOCITTES. 

Mr. George Lynch, an Englishman who has been doing news- 
paper work in China, gives a very uncomplimentary report of the 
action of the powers in the Orient. He says that a wave of fear 
and horror preceded the advent of the allies to such an extent that 
in many of the villages people committed suicide to save themselves 
from their Christian conquerors. He adds that some of the sol- 
diers were so busy looting that they did not attempt to bury the 
bodies until finally the fear of disease compelled them. Other re- 
ports from apparently trustworthy sources seem to leave no doubt 
that the foreign troops have felt relieved from observing the usages 
of war which prevail among civilized combatants. This is not 
mentioned for the purpose of captious criticism, but only as an il- 
lustration of the fact that in a war between different races, the 
superior race as a rule sinks to the level of the inferior. The re- 
sult is, that for generations to come the power of the superior race 
to benefit the inferior race by moral influence and example is en- 
tirely destroyed. The Boxers who used the open threats of dis- 



30 The Commoner Condensed. 

memberment to arouse prejudice against foreigners will find new- 
facts upon which to base their hatred. The foreign merchant and 
the missionary must live and labor under great disadvantages for 
years hence. 



GAMBLING. 

The Philadelphia papers are discussing with astonishment and 
indignation the gambling which has recently been discovered among 
the school children. The evidence shows that a large majority of 
the schools habitually buy chances at what is known as "policy/' 
the amount invested sometimes being as low as two cents. A 
teacher of one of the schools has been largely instrumental in se- 
curing an investigation and the North American charges some of 
the police officers with protecting the gambling places and ignor- 
ing the complaints made. About the same time word comes from 
Chicago that President Harper, of the Chicago University, made 
a raid upon some students who were engaged in gaming. 

While gambling is probably less common here than in other 
countries, it is still entirely too common. It is not long since a 
great lottery establishment required suppression, and even now a 
great many lottery tickets are sold in the United States, while slot 
machines, cigar-counter wheels and similar devices give constant 
testimony to the fact that the mania for games of chance has not 
been entirely cured. It is difficult to conceive of anything more 
demoralizing than the gambling habit when it once becomes fixed. 
In condemning it one need not consider so much those who are 
driven to despair by losses as those who are encouraged by occa- 
sional success. Cases are not infrequent where gambling has led 
to the use of trust money and to the sacrifice of a life's accumula- 
tion, but more pernicious still, if possible, is the adoption of the 
doctrine that one should try to get something for nothing. 

The only sound economic theory upon which society can be built 
is that each person shall make to society a contribution equal in 
value to the benefits which he receives ; that is the basis of the com- 
pact between the individual and society. The same principle ap- 
plies in all exchange ; each party to an honest transaction furnishes 
an equivalent for that which he receives. People will not willingly 
make exchanges unless they think they are receiving equal value, 
and if one party deceives the other he is guilty of fraud. 



The Commoner Condensed. 31 

Gambling destroys this economic principle and substitutes a sys- 
tem wherein to secure the possibility of large gain one accepts the 
probability of a small loss. It is difficult, however, to make much 
headway against small gambling by children while it is considered 
respectable for grown people to gamble on a large scale. 

The same paper which describes the investigation of policy deal- 
ing in Philadelphia reported a "cotton corner" in New York. £?5o\ 
long as society bows before the successful market speculator, who 
wins his game with loaded dice, it is going to be hard to impress 
college students with the immorality of poker or to teach kinder- 
garten school children the wickedness of a two-cent investment in 
a policy slip. 



AN EXPEET OPINION. 

What is the purpose of a railroad in giving a pass ? If it is given 
by the freight department to a shipper it is probably given for 
business reasons, but suppose it is given to a legislator, is it given 
for business reasons also ? Some say that it is a courtesy extended 
without any reason in particular. In order that the readers of 
The Commoner may have the highest expert testimony on this 
subject the following letter is reproduced : 

Your letter of the twenty-second to President Eipley requesting 
an annual over the railroad of this company has been referred to 
me. A couple of years ago, after you had been furnished with an 
annual over this line, you voted against a bill which you knew this 
company was directly interested in. Do you know of any particular 
reason, therefore, why we should favor you with an annual this 
year? 

This letter was written to a member of the Illinois legislature 
by the attorney of the Santa Fe railroad, of which Mr. E. P. Eipley 
is president. It is of recent date and was read on the floor of the 
house of representatives. It states as plainly as language can that 
a railroad gives passes to legislators as a matter of business, ex- 
pecting to receive a valuable consideration in return, and it shows 
further that the legislator who refuses to recognize the pass as a 
bribe must not expect to get any more passes. A similar case 
occurred in Nebraska a few years ago when a pass issued to a 
member of the legislature was recalled because he voted for a 



32 The Commoner Condensed. 

maximum rate bill which the railroad objected to. Unless a 
legislator can produce better evidence of the railroad's purpose 
than the railroad's own admission, he cannot accept a pass with- 
out admitting either that he intends to repay the railroad in serv- 
ice or that he secures the pass under false pretenses. 



LET THE LEGISLATURES ACT. 

The people are nearly unanimous in their support of the proposi- 
tion that United States Senators should be elected by a direct vote 
of the people. 

The National House of Eepresentatives has three times adopted 
a resolution, practically without opposition, submitting the neces- 
sary constitutional amendment; a resolution is now before the 
Senate and could be acted upon in a few hours. It is hardly 
probable that any senator would make an argument against the 
resolution and certainly no group of senators would filibuster against 
it. If the state legislators now in session would act at once and 
urge their senators to call up the resolution and insist upon im- 
mediate action, the amendment might be submitted by this 
Congress. It is worth while to try. 



A PROSPEROUS TRUSjl. 

The par value of a share of stock in the Standard Oil Company 
is $100. Since the republican victory of 1896, the market value 
of Standard Oil stock has been steadily increasing. Soon after the 
election of 1896 this stock was quoted at $200 per share. In 
February, 1899, it sold for $439 per share; in February, 1900, it 
sold at $512 per share; in September of 1900 it dropped back to 
$500 per share. But after "confidence" was once more restored by 
a republican victory, this stock went up to $600 per share. In 
January, 1901, it sold for $794. On February 4, it sold at $805, 
and the latest quotation at hand is $815. 

When one reads the record of recent dividends declared by this 
great concern, it is not difficult to understand why the market 
value of the stock has increased so rapidly. 

The capital stock of the Standard Oil Company is $100,000,000. 



The Commoner Condensed. 33 

In 1891, 1892, 1893, 1894 and 1895, the Standard Oil Com- 
pany paid dividends amounting for each year to $12 on each share 
of stock. In 1896 the dividends amounted to $31 per share; in 
1897 they were $33 per share; in the month of January, 1900, they 
were $20 per share; in April, 1900, the dividends amounted to 
$10 per share; in July, $8 per share; in November, $10 per share; 
and the company has now declared a dividend payable March 15th 
of $20 per share. 

This latest dividend means the payment of $20,000,000 upon the 
capital of $100,000,000 of capital stock. 

The total dividends paid by this company for the entire year 
of 1900 amounted to $48,000,000. 

The dividends to be paid on March 15th brings the aggregate 
up to $68,000,000 of dividends paid upon a capital stock of $100,- 
000,000 during a period "of fourteen months and fifteen days. 

It will be readily understood from the figures why Standard 
Oil stock is quoted so high in the markets. 

But where will we find an explanation of a condition that within 
a period of less than fifteen months a concern whose working 
capital is $100,000,000 is enabled to roll up profits to the extent 
of $68,000,000? 

This certainly indicates that the stockholders of the Standard 
Oil Company are prosperous. But someone must have paid thi* 
$68,000,000. Who paid it ? 



DELIGHTFUL UNCERTAINTY. 

There seems to be a movement toward the establishment of civil 
government in the Philippines. The Spooner resolution which re- 
ceives most favor in administration circles is as follows : 

Be it enacted, etc., That when all insurrection against the 
sovereignty and authority of the United States in the Philippine 
Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaty concluded at Paris on 
the 10th day of December, 1898, shall have been completely sup- 
pressed by the military and naval forces of the United States, all 
military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govern the said 
islands'shall, until otherwise provided by congress, be vested in such 
person and persons and shall be exercised in such manner as the 
president of the United States shall direct for maintaining and 



34 The Commoner Condensed. 

protecting the inhabitants of said islands in the free enjoyment 
of their liberty, property and religion. 

This is an innocent looking resolution, bnt only a few explana- 
tory words are necessary to make it fully understood. Translated 
into plain English it would read as follows : 

Kesolved, That when the war is over (nobody knows when that 
will be) the President shall establish some kind of a government 
(nobody knows what kind) and maintain it (nobody knows how 
long) until Congress does something (nobody knows what). 

It is more than two years since the treaty was ratified and 
this is the nearest approach that the republicans have made toward 
a definite plan. They are not willing to give the Filipinos their 
independence and they are not yet willing to openly repudiate 
the doctrine of self-government. Therefore they find cover behind 
commissions and delegations of authority which conceal, so far as 
possible, their imperialistic purposes. 



A PAETIAL EEMEDY. 

Ex-Attorney General Harmon, of Mr. Cleveland's cabinet, and 
ex-iUtorney General Miller, of Mr. Harrison's cabinet, have re- 
cently suggested the free list as a remedy for trusts. Such sug- 
gestions, coming from such high authority and from such opposite 
sources, are encouraging as showing a reaction against the high 
tariff doctrine which has dominated republican councils. That the 
trusts take advantage of a tariff wall is no longer open to ques- 
tion; neither can it be disputed that much extortion would be 
prevented by placing every trust made article on the free list, but 
this must not be accepted as a complete remedy. We find our- 
selves exporting every year a larger variety of American manufac- 
tures, and wherever a trust can export it can live and flourish 
without the aid of a protective tariff. While the free list remedy 
would be a step in the right direction, it must be accompanied by 
other legislation if private monopolies are to be exterminated. 
Aside from the imposition practiced upon the public in the way 
of high prices, the trust destroys industrial independence and 
places all employes in that line of work at the mercy of one em- 
ployer. 



The Commoner Condensed. 35 

A remedy to be complete and satisfactory must prevent the es- 
tablishment of a monopoly, for while extortionate prices are bad, 
a private monopoly was declared by the Kansas City platform to 
be both indefensible and intolerable. Let trust made articles be 
placed on the free list, but to stop there would be a disappoint- 
ment to those who are in earnest in their opposition to private 
monopolies. 



BY WHAT AUTHO'KITY? 

We are told that an extra session of Congress will be necessary 
in order that the Cuban constitution may be "ratified" or "re- 
jected." 

By what authority does the American Congress presume to pass 
upon the Cuban constitution? Unless the United States has sov- 
ereignty, jurisdiction or control over the island of Cuba, no such 
authority exists. And it will be remembered that the war resolu- 
tions distinctly stated that the United States would not exercise 
"sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island except for 
the pacification thereof." 

With the adoption of these resolutions Congress delivered the 
Cuban question over to the executive who is charged with the 
disposition of that question according to the terms of the war 
resolutions. 

Since the Spaniards were driven out, all authority in the island 
of Cuba has been exercised by the President, or by men deputized 
by him. The people of that island were able to choose members 
of a constitutional convention at an orderly election; if that 
constitutional convention adopts a constitution molded on the lines 
cf republican form of government, and an improvement in some 
respects over our own Constitution, it certainly must be admitted 
that "pacification" has taken place. 

The Cuban people alone have the authority to adopt or modify 
their constitution. When a government in compliance with that 
constitution is organized, it will be the duty of the President to 
withdraw the military forces of the United States from that island, 
and leave its people to work out their own destiny, overcoming 
obstacles in their own way exactly as other peoples have been re- 
quired to do. 



36 The Commoner Condensed. 

The withdrawal of the United States from Cuba and delivery 
of power there to the constituted authorities of that island, is 
purely an executive act. The question of pacification involves a 
very simple fact. The executive knows, as the world knows, that 
Cuba has been pacified. But if Congress should assume the author- 
ity to approve, reject or modify the Cuban constitution, the United 
States would be assuming sovereignty, jurisdiction and control over 
the island of Cuba, things which the United States expressly dis- 
claimed. 

It is contended by some friends of the administration that it 
is essential that the United States shall be given suzerain powers in 
that constitution — that the Cuban people shall obligate themselves 
not to enter into treaties with foreign countries without the United 
States' consent. 

It is further claimed that it is necessary, that the constitution 
shall declare that there shall be no interference with "vested rights" 
in the island of Cuba. 

In the first place, the claim to suzerain rights is a distinct 
violation of our disclaimer that the United States would not seek 
to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island, 
except for the pacification thereof. It is a distinct violation of 
our pledge that after pacification is accomplished it is our intention 
to leave the government of that island to the Cuban people. 

In the next place there are no such things morally or legally as 
"vested rights" in the island of Cuba accruing during our military 
occupation of that island. 

It is true that since our military forces took possession there, 
syndicates having the favor of the administration have rushed in 
and have obtained valuable franchises, but these franchises are 
the property of the people of Cuba. Our military forces were there 
for the purpose of aiding in pacification, and were not given author- 
ity to vest any rights in administration favored syndicates. 

The anxiety of these syndicates to maintain possession of valuable 
franchises is perhaps the explanation of the disposition manifested 
by the administration politicians to violate the solemn pledge of 
this nation with respect to the island of Cuba. 

It may be that Congress will insist upon passing upon the 
Cuban constitution, but this will be mere assumption. It may be 
that Congress will seek to modify that constitution according 
to the whims of administration politicians and for the benefit 



The Commoner Condensed. 37 

of administration syndicates, but Congress will be treading on 
dangerous ground. In law and in morals it will be acting with- 
out authority. In fact, it will be trifling with a people whose 
history repudiates the presumption that they will submit to im- 
position at the hands of American syndicates and American politi- 
cians any more willingly than they would submit to imposition at 
the hands of Spanish tyrants. 

The President has been very quick to encroach upon congres- 
sional prerogative in the selection of a Philippine Commission em- 
powered by him with authority to make laws and to collect and 
disburse revenues in the Philippine Islands. He now seems to 
be equally ready to surrender a plain and exclusive executive pre- 
rogative in carrying out the war resolutions with respect to Cuba. 



THE INFLUENCE OF THE PRESS. 

Lincoln, Neb., Feb. 8th, 1901. 
Mr. G. P. Brown, President Correspondent's Club, New York. 

Dear Sir: — I am in receipt of your favor announcing that the 
annual reunion of your club is to be held on the fourteenth of 
February, and asking for some suggestions upon the theme, "How 
can the influence of the Press be increased ?" 

I thank you for the honor you do me, and take pleasure in sub- 
mitting an opinion. Taking it for granted that the members of 
your club will deal exhaustively with the news features of the 
press, I shall confine my observations to the editorial department. 

The influence of the press must, in the long run, depend upon 
the character of the press and, as the character of the press is de- 
termined by the character established by individual newspapers, it 
follows that improvement must begin with the units which make up 
the whole. 

Improvements are always possible, but three occur to me as of 
especial and immediate importance. 

First. A newspaper will exert a greater influence, other things 
being equal, if it is known to represent on public questions the 
deliberate convictions of some person — a person of flesh and blood, 
not a corporation. The New York Tribune, under Greeley, was a 
good illustration of such a paper. 

Second. The influence of a newspaper, other things being equal, 



38 The Commoner Condensed. 

will be greater if it is known who owns the paper and controls 
its policy, and that that person has no interests adverse to the 
interests of the readers. So many newspapers are owned by, or 
mortgaged to, speculators, capitalists and monopolists, and are used 
for advocating or excusing legislation, having for its object the 
conferring of special privileges upon a few of the people at the 
expense of the rest of the people, that the Press has been robbed 
of much of its legitimate influence. 

Third. The influence of the Press will be increased by greater 
unity in the support of any good cause and in the condemnation 
of any bad practice. The character of a paper is affected less by 
priority in the discovery of a felony than by persistence in the 
prosecution of the felon. In other words, a principle is more 
important than a "scoop." Very truly yours, 

W. J. Bryai*. 



THE COST OF MILITAEISM. 

"Peace is the imperious necessity of advanced democratic civili- 
zation," says the New York World, "and only the despotically 
governed nations can afford to maintain huge military establish^ 
ments." 

The World points out that free countries whose fighting forces 
must be raised by voluntary enlistment instead of by universal 
conscription must pay for them in open competition with the labor 
market. Pointing out that we pay, for an army and navy of 
120,000 men, $253,696,870, exclusive of pensions, The World says 
that this is $14,000,000 a year more than England pays, including 
pensions, for an army and navy that number 364,000 men. 

Including pensions, our military budget aggregates $398, 942,- 
103, which The World says is more than twice as large as the 
military budget of France, with her army and navy of 622,000 
men; almost twice as large as Eussia with nearly a million soldiers 
and sailors; nearly double Germany's with her half million en- 
listed men and almost five times as large as Austria's with 278,- 
000 men. 

Aside from pensions, the cost of the American army and navy, 
according to The World, averages $2,100 per year for our enlisted 
men. To Great Britain the cost is something less than $700 a year 



The Commoner Condensed. 39 

for every man. The cheapest of all is the Eussian soldier and 
sailor who costs $200 per year. 

The World's contention that only the despotically governed na- 
tions can afford to maintain huge military establishments was 
not particularly in need of confirmation, but if confirmation was 
required, accepting these figures as correct, the point has been fully 
sustained. 



SENATORIAL WIT. 



Mr. Towne's speech on the Philippine question brought out 
a passage at arms between him and Senator Depew, which has 
been widely circulated. 

The New York Senator said: "I congratulate you, Mr. Towne. 
Your delivery was fine, your diction elegant and your peroration 
superb, but your argument was damnable." "I am delighted to 
know," instantly replied the Senator from Minnesota, "that you 
approve of the only features of it you could comprehend." 

This recalls an exchange of compliments which is reported to 
have occurred between Senator Beck, of Kentucky, and Senator 
Hoar, of Massachusetts. 

The former likened the Senator from Massachusetts to a tract 
of land in Virginia described by Eandolph as "barren by nature 
and impoverished by cultivation." The gentleman from the Bay 
State awaited his opportunity, and when a fellow senator, com- 
menting on Mr. Beck's continuous speaking in the discussion of a 
tariff bill, asked : "When does his mind rest ?" replied, "When he 
talks." Evidently the Senate is not always prosy. 



"WARNINGS OF A PARTING FRIEND." 

"The disinterested warnings of a parting friend," is the way 
George Washington referred to the admonitions contained in his 
farewell address. The observance of the birthday of that great 
American will be of no value to this generation unless the American 
people shall turn seriously and intelligently to an inspection of 
the things which made this man great, and a careful study of 
the warnings which his love for his country prompted him to 
place before the American people. 



40 The Commoner Condensed. 

Washington's birthday is a national holiday, and it will be very 
generally celebrated throughout the country. And yet at this time 
the men in charge of our national affairs are violating every ad- 
monition contained in the farewell address of the soldier and states- 
man whose memory all should revere. 

It was Washington's solicitude for his country's welfare, which 
he declared could not end but with his life, that prompted him 
to give detailed warnings against the dangers which his experience 
and foresight anticipated for this nation. 

Washington wrote of the love of liberty as being "interwoven 
with every ligament of your hearts," and, he added, that no recom- 
mendation of his was necessary "to fortify or confirm the attach- 
ment." If Washington lived to-day, would he not be justified in 
suspecting that this attachment was in need of at least some "forti- 
fication" ? 

Washington urged that "the free constitution which is the work 
of your hands may be sacredly maintained." Can it be said that 
this hope has been fulfilled when to-day the executive branch of 
the government violates with impunity the letter and the spirit of 
the Constitution? 

Washington expressed the hope that the happiness of the Ameri- 
can people "under the auspices of liberty" might be so complete 
that the people might acquire the glory of recommending liberty 
"to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which 
is yet a stranger to it." Can it be said that this hope approaches 
fulfillment at a time when we have turned our backs upon two 
republics in South Africa, whose people are fighting for freedom, 
and when we are sending armed forces to the Philippine Islands to 
subjugate a people who aspire to liberty ? 

Washington urged us to avoid the necessity of "those overgrown 
military establishments, which, under any form of government are 
inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly 
hostile to republican liberty." And yet to-day our national au- 
thorities have just completed an "overgrown military establish- 
ment," and the army and navy appropriation, exclusive of pensions, 
made at the present session of congress amounts to $253,696,870. 

Washington declared that "the constitution, which at any time 
exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole 
people, is sacredly obligatory upon all." How widely did Wash- 
ington's views differ from those of the republican leaders of to- 



The Commoner Condensed. 41 

lay? A republican congress violates the constitutional require- 
lent that tariff duties shall be uniform, and ignores the constitu- 
;ional prohibition against a tax on exports. A republican presi- 
dent in the absence of congressional authority declares war, signs 
Ian agreement whereby purchase is the method for emancipation on 
United States territory, transfers to a commission of individuals 
appointed by himself the power to make laws, to collect and dis- 
burse the revenues, and to exercise all powers of sovereignty in a 
territory which our national authorities claim to be subject to 
United States jurisdiction. 

Washington warned us to "resist with care the spirit of innova- 
tion" upon the principles of our -government, "however specious the 
pretexts." Have we manifested the anxiety on this point which 
Washington would have had us cultivate ? 

Washington warned us against a disposition toward factional- 
ism, pointing out that "sooner or later the chief of some prevailing 
faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors would 
turn this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the 
ruins of public liberty." It is not difficult to see how this admo- 
nition has been ignored at a time when congress and president 
have abdicated their privilege of originating and enacting whole- 
some measures, have surrendered their duty of disposing of public 
questions in the light of public interests all in favor of one individ- 
ual, whose public importance is due to the skill he has displayed 
as a politician. 

No more striking warning was given by Washington than when 
he said: 

It is important that the habits of thinking in a free country 
should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, 
to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, 
avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department any en- 
croachment upon another. 

The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all 
the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of 
government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of 
power and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human 
heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The 
necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power by 
dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and con- 
stituting each the guardian of the public weal against innovations 
by the others has been evinced by experiments, ancient and mod- 



42 The Commoner Condensed. 

ern, some of them in our own country and under our own eyes. 
To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. 

Of all Washington's warnings none are more pertinent to the 
present day than this. In every instance where one department 
has encroached upon the other, it has been on the pretense of public 
good, and on this point Washington gave to us an explicit admoni- 
tion. " Though this in one instance/' said Washington, "may be 
the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free 
governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly 
overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which 
the use can at any time yield." 

Washington held that virtue or morality was "a necessary spring 
of popular government," and he added that no sincere friend to 
free government "can look with indifference upon attempts to shake 
the foundation of the fabric." What has become of this "necessary 
spring" when ship-subsidy grabbers, trust magnates, and other 
representatives of a privileged class are accorded high seats in 
the national councils, and make and unmake laws according to 
their own whims and to the advantage of their own interests? 
What has become of the "necessary spring" when we are appro- 
priating millions of dollars in order to carry on a war of conquest, 
in order to subjugate a people who are fighting for principles de- 
clared by Washington and the men of his time to be true principles, 
and in their truth eternal as the stars ? 

Washington admonishes us to economy in all public affairs, and 
at this moment there is drawing to a close a congressional session 
that is appropriating, or will appropriate before its conclusion, very 
nearly a billion dollars. 

Washington admonishes us against inveterate antipathies toward 
any nation, and at the same time took occasion to remind us that 
"affectionate attachment for any nation should also be excluded." 
And yet to-day our national authorities are cultivating a devotion 
toward Great Britain so ardent that it precludes us from building 
a canal on American soil without British consent; that prevented 
us from protesting against the American flag being hauled down 
on territory which for thirty-two years had been United States 
property, and that denied us the traditional privilege of expressing 
sympathy with two republics struggling for existence and doing 
battle against the encroachments of an empire. 



The Commoner Condensed. 43 

Washington warned us against foreign influence, and so earnest 
was he on this point that he pleaded: "I conjure you to believe 
me, my fellow citizens." Pointing out the wide difference between 
the interests of a government by free men and a government by 
monarchs, Washington said : "Against the insidious wiles of foreign 
influence (I conjure you to believe me, my fellow citizens) the 
jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history 
and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most 
baneful foes of republican government." Americans of to-day are 
in a position to realize the value of this admonition ; and Americans 
of to-day are in a position to know that Washington prophesied well 
when in warning us against "excessive partiality for one foreign 
nation" he said: "real patriots who may resist the intrigues of 
the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its 
tools, and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people 
to surrender their interests." In the opinion of some of the men 
to-day, the John Hays, whose favorite pastime is exchanging com- 
pliments with British ambassadors, are statesmen* and patriots of 
the highest character ; while men who protest against the "insidious 
wiles" of British influence are enemies to national progress and 
dangerous foes to national order. 

These admonitions were, in the language of Washington, "the 
counsels of an old and affectionate friend." He said he dared not 
hope they would make the strong and lasting impression he could 
wish; but they did make a strong impression, and, written in 1796, 
they were lasting for a period of 100 years. Until the days of the 
present administration they provided the rules for our national 
conduct. That these principles are yet strong in the American 
heart cannot be doubted. Washington himself said that if these 
suggestions might "now and then recur" to warn "against the mis- 
chiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pre- 
tended patriotism, this hope will be a full recompense for the solici- 
tude for your welfare by which they have been dictated." 

If it was ever important that interest be revived in a great state 
paper, it is important at this time that interest be revived in Wash- 
ington's farewell address. 



44 The Commoner Condensed. 

n. 

BUT WHAT IS THE KEMEDY? 

The Chicago Chronicle says that to a larger extent than ever 
before the wealth of the country is enlisted on the side of the 
republican party and it charges that this is due, in part, to the 
fact that the republican party favors manufacturing and other 
enterprises, and, in part, "to some recent deliverances by demo- 
crats which have been construed as hostile to public and private 
credit." 

The latter suggestion, taken in connection with previous utter- 
ances of the paper, justifies the inference that it refers to the 
speeches made in defense of the Chicago and Kansas City plat- 
forms. The Chronicle itself has been inclined to construe such 
speeches into an attack upon wealth, whereas a distinction has 
always been made between honest accumulations and money made 
by illegal means. It is chief among the western advocates of 
reorganization and is persistently using its great influence to 
make the democratic party more like the republican party with 
a view to winning back those former democrats who have been 
supporting the republican tickets during recent years. The charges 
which the Chronicle has so often brought against the Chicago plat- 
form, the Kansas City platform and the men who defend those 
platforms are wholly without foundation. There is not a plank 
in either of those platforms which can fairly be construed as an 
attack upon property or upon those who accumulated money by 
legitimate methods, neither can the speeches made in support of 
those platforms be so construed. 

The democratic party and those who believe in its policies are 
really the conservative element of the country. They are trying 
to protect life and property and to advance the public welfare by 
the application of old, tried and well settled principles ; they would 
Telieve that wealth which is the reward of industry from the 
odium cast upon it by wealth which is the result of exploitation 
or governmental favoritism. 

There is no tenable middle ground between the position occupied 



The Commoner Condensed. 45 

by the republican party and the position occupied by the demo- 
cratic party. Eepublican policies are all of a kind ; they all violate 
the doctrine of equal rights to all and special privileges to none. 

It is not a mere coincidence that the party which in 1896 was 
willing to turn over the finances of the nation to the financiers, 
was also the party which, in 1900, furnished nearly all the advo- 
cates of imperialism, a large army, trusts, subsidies, etc. Is it 
merely a coincidence that the Chronicle, which in 1896 aided in 
the election of a republican president, celebrated Mr. McKinley's 
second election by repudiating the position taken by the demo- 
cratic party on the Philippine question and the financial question 
and by adopting republican phraseology in protesting against the 
use of harsh words in condemning industrial combinations? 

The democratic party cannot accept the republican position on 
one question and then make a successful fight against the republi- 
can position on other questions. In other words, the democratic 
party must be consistent and apply democratic principles at all 
times and everywhere. It must be the exponent of popular rights 
and the friend of the producing classes, or it will become the tool 
of predatory wealth. 

After discussing the purpose of the republican party to run the 
government for the benefit of the few and after warning the re- 
publican leaders that there is a limit to public endurance the 
Chronicle makes this significant prediction : 

The democratic party is opposed to class privilege as exemplified 
in protective tariffs and subsidies. It has made an unsuccessful 
effort to eliminate the evil from our government politics. Its 
failure in this respect under Mr. Cleveland is what gave rise to 
the more radical movement under Mr. Bryan. If the great con- 
servative class of the republic, the men who stand between the 
very rich and the very poor, and who have twice saved the re- 
publican party from deserved defeat, shall at length revolt at the 
practices which have made republican triumph synonymous with 
robbery and jobbery, we may be sure that in their wrath they will 
call for some remedy more radical than any that has been proposed 
by the democratic party of Cleveland or the democratic party of 
Bryan. 

It will be noticed that tariffs and subsidies are the special 
privileges emphasized. What about the other evils that demand 
attention ? 



46 The Commoner Condensed. 

In prophesying that radical measures will be resorted to if con- 
servative ones fail, the Chronicle is simply judging the future by 
the past ; but what remedy does it propose ? The democratic party 
must be prepared to meet every emergency, to combat every wrong, 
and to apply a remedy to every disease which afflicts the body 
politic. 

The democratic party declares that the Filipinos should be given 
their independence and then protected from outside interference 
as the republics of Central and South America have been protected. 
What other remedy is there for imperialism and militarism ? The 
democratic party has declared war on every form of private monop- 
oly. What other honest course can it pursue ? 

The democratic party is in favor of the greenback as against 
the bank note. How can those democrats who favor a national 
bank currency, issued by private corporations for private benefit, 
oppose other special privileges of the same kind? And what are 
such democrats doing to prevent the conversion of five hundred 
millions of legal tender silver dollars into subsidiary coin or to 
protect the jury system from the assault that is being made upon 
it by government by injunction ? 

There is some encouragement in the fact that a paper like the 
Chronicle admits the dangerous tendencies of republican policies, 
even though it has no plan for meeting those dangers. Having 
discovered the disease it may now seek a remedy, and when it 
does set out in earnest to find a remedy, it will find it in con- 
verting republicans to democratic principles as set forth in the 
party's latest platforms, rather than in the conversion of the demo- 
cratic party to republican ideas. 



THE ROOT OF ALL EVIL. 

Rev. W. B. Wright, in a sermon recently delivered at Buffalo, 
N. Y., discussed the dangers which threaten our republic. After 
mentioning the disinclination of many to take part in political 
affairs, the abuses of party organization, the corruption of officials 
and the demoralizing influence of the war spirit, he condemned 
what he called the "cult which the euphemism of to-day has named 
'the spirit of commercialism' but what Christ called 'the worship 
of Mammon,' " and added : 



The Commoner Condensed. 47 

I am not sure but this last includes the four preceding dangers, 
as an acorn includes its oak. Democracies, we are told, are specialty 
tempted to seek money with excessive eagerness, because where 
there is no recognized aristocracy the possession of great wealth 
offers to ambition the same prizes which in aristocratic nations are 
conferred by birth. Calm and conservative thinkers view with 
alarm the dangers which the worship of money threatens us. ' 

Dr. Wright is correct in emphasizing the evils which come from 
the worship of mammon. This is the tap-root of all the trouble; 
out of it grow all the dangers enumerated. It is the overweaning 
desire to get rich that so absorbs the attention of many that they 
have no time left for the discharge of civic duties; it is the same 
thirst for wealth which perverts party organizations, corrupts 
officials and rushes nations into wars of conquest. Experience, 
individual and national, confirms the truth of Holy Writ : 

For the love of money is the root of all evil : which while some 
coveted after, they have erred from the faith and pierced them- 
selves through with many sorrows. 



THE MONOPOLY MUST BE PKEVENTED. 

The billion dollar steel trust will serve a useful purpose if it 
awakens the people to a realization to the menace of private monop- 
oly. The existence of such a combination of capital, absolutely 
controlling several lines of business, doling out daily bread to tens 
of thousands of working men and dominating a large part of the 
business world, is in itself indefensible and insufferable. The Kan- 
sas City platform points out a remedy — the only effective remedy 
proposed. Congress has power to regulate interstate commerce ; it 
has power to prescribe the terms upon which a corporation or- 
ganized in any state can do business outside of the state. Let 
Congress compel all corporations to take out a federal license be- 
fore engaging in interstate commerce, or, if that is too harsh, let 
it require that corporations having a capital above a designated 
amount shall take out a license. This license could be granted 
by the interstate commerce commission, or by some commission 
created for the purpose, to corporations upon certain conditions. 
The first condition should be that there is to be no water in the 
stock, and the second, that the corporation is not attempting to 



48 The Commoner Condensed. 

monopolize any branch of industry or the production of any article 
of merchandise. The license should be subject to revocation if 
the conditions are afterwards violated. It should be made unlaw- 
ful for such a corporation to use the mails, the telegraph lines or 
the railroads outside of its own state until the license is granted. 
Such a system would confine a monopoly to the state of its origin, 
and even New Jersey would soon tire of a monopoly under such 
conditions. This is the remedy suggested in the democratic plat- 
form; if the republicans have a better one let them produce it. 
They are in power, and are responsible for the continued existence 
of every trust. They have the president, the senate, the house, the 
attorney general and the courts. They can destroy every trust 
if they desire to do so. 



CHINESE IMMIGKATION. 

The Chinese Exclusion Act expires in 1902, and the American 
people must prepare themselves to pass upon the subject of orien- 
tal immigration. 

Those who are opposed to the introduction of cheap labor from 
across the Pacific, are urging an extension of the existing law, 
and those who look with favor upon the employment of Chinese 
in this country are not idle. The Portland Oregonian, in a recent 
editorial, assumes that the labor agitator ^s the only one who is 
alarmed by the "yellow peril," and presents the usual argument 
against exclusion. It says: 

Elsewhere is noted at some length the question of cheap labor 
immigration, suggested by Senator Inman's joint memorial to 
Congress. A word might also be said concerning the local aspect 
of the matter. What basis of fact exists for this terror of Chinese 
and Japanese competition in Oregon? What American mechanic 
is kept out of a place by any Chinaman or Jap in the city of 
Portland? The Chinese are mostly house servants, vegetable ped- 
dlers, and laundrymen. Now, where is the representative of or- 
ganized labor that hankers to cook in the kitchen or wash under- 
shirts or get up at 4 o'clock to load his wagon with vegetables? 
The Japs are generally railroad hands or do menial work about 
the house. It is hard for the railroads to get the section hands 
they need, and American mechanics are not looking for chances 
to scrub porches or wash dishes. It is a common remark that 
these "heathen devils'' are "keeping poor white girls out of work." 



The Commoner Condensed. 49 

It is a pitiful falsehood, for the fact is that, with all the Chinese 
and Japanese servants available, domestic help is next to impos- 
sible to obtain. Equally baseless is the cry that the Asiatics spend 
no money. They spend about as much as the thrifty American. As 
their position rises, they wear good clothes, ride in street cars 
and indulge the luxuries Chinatown affords. They do not work 
for starvation wages, as is sometimes alleged, as the efficient Chinese 
cook or butler is frequently able to command higher figures than 
American girls in the same line of work. Perhaps the most de- 
spicable of all the outcries against the Chinaman is that he saves 
his money and sends some of it home to his relatives. If he earns* 
his money, what business is it of Mr. Labor Agitator what he does 
with it ? 



It will not be surprising if this editorial is re-echoed in republi- 
can papers throughout the country. The same sentiment was whis- 
pered ten years ago, but the corporations are bolder now. 

Let us analyze the question. We had reached a point where it 
was necessary to decide whether the Chinese should be allowed to 
come without limit or whether restrictions should be placed upon 
them. The re-appearance of this question will compel the Ameri- 
can people to consider the subject of immigration. Certainly a 
welcome should be extended only to those whose coming will, 
all things considered, prove beneficial to the country, and only 
those should be allowed to come who come voluntarily. Laws 
have been made to prevent the importation of contract labor and 
the justice of these laws is universally recognized. Laws have also 
been made to prevent the dumping of paupers and criminals upon 
our shores, and no one will dispute the wisdom of these laws. But 
for those who are not in the prohibited classes above mentioned, 
two general tests may be suggested. First, only those should be 
admitted who come because of love for our institutions and who 
will add to the nation's productive strength in time of peace and 
to its defensive strength in time of war. Second, only those should 
be admitted who come to cast their lot with the American people 
and who are capable of amalgamation with our people. 

The Chinese do not comply with either condition. They do not 
come here because of their admiration for our form of govern- 
ment ; they have no thought of becoming a part of our civilization, 
and amalgamation is desired neither by them nor by us. If the 
gates are opened to the Chinese they will drive our own laboring 
men into the streets, and they will not only be unfit for military 



50 The Commoner Condensed. 

duty but by being the cause of race riots will be likely to involve 
us in international complications. We have already had some ex- 
perience in this line and would have had more but for the ex- 
clusion act. Race prejudice is a social factor which must always 
be recognized and reckoned with. When there is a fair demand 
for labor, the Chinaman can slip in unnoticed, but whenever in- 
dustrial depression lessens the demand for work, it will be diffi- 
cult to prevent men who are hungry and idle from attacking 
foreigners, who work for lower wages, live on a lower scale, and 
are exempt from many of the burdens of government which rest 
upon citizens. 

Home life, the center of all patriotic, purifying and civilizing 
influences, is almost entirely wanting among the Chinese who are 
temporarily abiding here. They huddle together in the cities and 
transplant upon American soil the vices of the Orient without 
accompanying virtues. 

The San Francisco Call, speaking of Chinatown, says: "Gam- 
bling, lottery, slavery, are all there, mingled indistinguishably with 
the malign pus of Asiatic life, planted as an exotic in a western 
community." 

The presence here of a race permanently separated from us by 
color, dress, customs and habits of thought, is a thing to be de- 
plored. If there are only a few such, the evil can be tolerated 
like any other small evil, but without an exclusion act there is 
every reason to expect such an influx from the overcrowded 
provinces of China — an influx stimulated by the "Six Companies" 
and encouraged by corporations seeking cheap labor — as to compel 
prompt and rigorous restrictive measures. Prevention is better 
than cure. The dangers are real and will upon investigation be 
apparent to any one who takes a comprehensive view of his na- 
tion's welfare. 

There has been a recent increase in the immigration of Japan- 
ese laborers for service along Western railroads. Many, though 
not all, of the objections urged against the Chinese apply to Japan- 
ese laborers, and there is no doubt that opposition will grow in 
proportion to the number that come. It has been intimated that 
the Japanese government is willing to remedy this — it will be 
satisfactory if it will— but whether the remedy is applied by diplo- 
macy or by law, it is better to attend to the matter at once than 
to invite irritation and ill feeling by delay. 



The Commoner Condensed. 51 



SCHLEY AND SAMPSON". 

It is not a surprise to learn that Admiral Sampson has been 
advanced five points while Admiral Schley has been advanced only 
three points. Congress has also been asked to give a vote of thanks 
"to Admiral Sampson and the officers and men nnder him" for 
the battle of Santiago Bay. In the history of this country there 
have been many instances of favoritism, but in all of our history 
there have been none to compare with the favoritism shown to 
Sampson and the injustice sought to be put upon Schley. The 
battle of Santiago Bay was one of the greatest sea fights in the 
history of the world. Admiral Schley commanded in that battle 
and long ago the people learned the truth and accorded to him 
the title of "Hero of Santiago Bay." It is therefore not material 
that Sampson, through administration influence, has been ad- 
vanced above Schley. This advancement may afford temporary 
gratification to the beneficiary, but it will not disturb the proud 
position which Admiral Schley holds in the affections of the 
American people. The injustice done Schley will merely serve to 
advance him in the estimation of the American people — an ad- 
vancement which no presidential order and no act of Congress 
can in the least disturb. 



THE PEESIDENT AN EMPEEOE. 

The Spooner amendment to the Army Appropriation Bill vests 
in the President power and authority which can be exercised only 
by an emperor. By voting down the amendments offered, the 
republicans placed themselves on record as in favor of the exercise 
of arbitrary and imperial power by the chief executive. No re- 
strictions are placed upon him and no time limit is fixed to his rule. 
He is supreme ; he can appoint whomsoever he pleases ; he can vest 
legislative, judicial and executive power all in one person, and 
that person is under no obligation to observe the Constitution in 
dealing with Filipino subjects. And this is done in the name 
of liberty! This is the policy of a party which sprang into ex- 
istence to apply the Declaration of Independence to men entirely 



52 The Commoner Condensed. 

black! History presents no instance of a transformation so sud- 
den and complete. 

The amendment reads: 

All military, civil and judicial powers necessary to govern the 
Philippines, acquired from Spain by the treaties concluded at 
Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898, and at Washington on 
the 7th day of November, 1900, shall until otherwise provided by 
Congress, be vested in such manner as the President of the United 
States shall direct for the establishment of civil government and 
for maintaining and protecting the inhabitants of said islands in 
the free enjoyment of their liberty, property and religion. 

Provided, that all franchises granted under the authority here- 
of shall contain a reservation of the right to alter, amend or repeal 
the same. 

Until a permanent government shall have been established in 
said islands full reports shall be made to Congress on or before 
the first day of each regular session of all legislative acts and pro- 
ceedings of the temporary government instituted under the pro- 
visions hereof and full reports of the acts and doings of said 
government and as to the condition of the archipelago and of its 
people shall be made to the President, including all information 
which may be useful to the Congress in providing a more per- 
manent government. 

Provided, that no sale or lease or other disposition of the public 
lands or the timber thereon, or the mining rights therein shall be 
made, and provided further that no franchise shall be granted 
which is not approved by the President of the United States and 
is not, in his judgment, clearly necessary for the immediate gov- 
ernment of the islands and indispensable for the interest of the 
people thereof, and which cannot, without great public mischief, 
be postponed until the establishment of permanent civil govern- 
ment; and all such franchises shall terminate one year after the 
establishment of such permanent civil government. 

The provisions in regard to franchises are of little value, be- 
cause the President must rely upon the representations of ap- 
pointees in the Philippines and their statement will be ex-parte. 
Only the men who want concessions will be heard — the Filipinos 
will have no voice in the matter. 

What advantage is there in having the franchises terminate one 
year after a civil government is established, if that government 
is to be colonial in character and administered by foreigners ? 

If that provision has any influence at all, it will simply give 
a powerful group of concessionaires pecuniary interest in post- 



The Commoner Condensed. 53 

polling the establishment of civil government. It may stimulate 
campaign contributions and lead to the establishment of a bureau 
in the United States for the dissemination of literature prejudicial 
to the Filipinos. 

If the republican party is powerless to protect the people of 
the United States from monopoly, how can it be expected to protect 
the helpless inhabitants of remote islands ? 

In the campaign of 1900, the republicans strenuously denied 
that they had any imperialistic intentions and their denials de- 
ceived many, but here is proof that cannot be disputed. The 
President is an emperor, and will remain so until the republican 
party reverses its policy or until the people retire that party from 
power. 



IS THIS AEISTOCEACY? 

Read the following letters: 

United States Torpedo Station, Newport, R. I., Feb. 13, 1901. 
Admiral William T. Sampson, U. 8. N. 

Dear Sir. — The new bill whereby six gunners are to be com- 
missioned ensigns tempts me to write you, trusting you will 
pardon the liberty I take in so doing. 

As I served on the flagship New York during your command 
of the fleet you will know whether my abilities, whatever they may 
be, are of such merit as to warrant me filling the position of en- 
sign. I would say here that I never use tobacco or liquor in any 
form. 

If in your estimation I am worthy of this position I should 
be most grateful to you if you will recommend me to the depart- 
ment. I am, very respectfully yours, Charles Morgan, 

Gunner, U. S. N. 

This was the indorsement which the admiral placed on the ap- 
plication : 

Navy Yard, Boston, Mass., Feb. 14. 

Indorsement 1 : Respectfully forwarded to the navy department 
for its consideration. 

2. Mr. Morgan has good professional ability. He also has, which 
distinguishes him from most other warrant officers, a gentlemanly 
bearing. If he were to be commissioned as an ensign he would 
probably compare favorably, both professionally and in personal 
conduct and bearing, with other officers of that grade as far as his 
technical education would permit. 



54 The Commoner Condensed. 

3. It is earnestly to be hoped, however, that the secretary of 
the navy will not find it necessary to take advantage of the author- 
ity which I understand is to be granted him to appoint a certain 
number of warrant officers to the grade of ensigns. 

While it is true that these men are selected from a large class 
of men of very unusual ability, which distinguishes them as per- 
haps the professional equals of their officers as far as their technical 
education stands, it is also true that they are recruited from a class 
of men who have not had the social advantages which are requisite 
for a commissioned officer. 

It is submitted that in time of peace the navy's function con- 
sists to a certain extent of representing the country abroad, and 
it is important that the navy's representatives should -be men of 
at least refinement. While there is perhaps a certain few among 
the warrant officers who could fulfill this requirement, I am of 
the opinion that the vast majority of them could not. 

Once they are commissioned they will have the same social 
standing as other officers, and no distinction properly could be 
made in extending general invitations. The consequences that 
would arise from their acceptance might not redound to the credit 
of the navy or the country which the navy represents. 

I do not mean to detract from the sterling worth of the war- 
rant officers of the navy. I merely mean to suggest to the de- 
partment that, unfortunately for them, they have been deprived 
of certain natural advantages, and, in consequence, their proper 
place is that of leading men among the crew and not as represen- 
tatives of the country in the ward room and steerage. 

4. I request that this may be brought to the personal attention 
of the secretary of the navy. 

W. T. Sampson", 
Eear Admiral IT. S. K, Commandant. 

And when you have read them suppress your indignation long 
enough to ask yourself whether Admiral Sampson is a snob and 
an aristocrat, or whether he is merely a representative of the 
"new order of things" which is to follow militarism and imperial- 
ism. If this is only an individual opinion no condemnation can 
be too severe, but if he speaks for those who are dominating the 
administration and shaping our national policy, then the rebuke 
should be administered to the system. Gunner Morgan will prove 
a public benefactor if this correspondence opens the eyes of the 
American people to the fact that we cannot have imperialism, 
with its large army and navy, without accepting with it aristocracy 
in society and plutocracy in government. 

If it is the aim of this nation to shine among the "world 



The Commoner Condensed. 55 

powers," we will have to have titles and ranks and orders of no- 
bility or our representatives will not feel at home abroad. Samp- 
son's asininity can almost be forgiven if it aids in restoring that 
American simplicity and democracy which were once the pride of 
our nation. 



WHERE TITLE EESTS. 

Those who insist that our title to the Philippines is perfect base 
their opinion on the deed given us by Spain in the Paris treaty. 

A republican newspaper, commenting at length upon our ab- 
stract of title, says : 

Prior to the Paris treaty the record title was in Spain. Spain 
conveyed the Philippines to the United States and the record 
title is now with us. It is necessary that title rest somewhere, 
and the abstract will always locate it. In this instance the ab- 
stract locates the Philippine title in the United States of America. 

Let us take a look at this position : 

In the Paris treaty, Spain "ceded" to the United States the 
Philippine Islands and the Islands of Guam and Porto Eico. Ac- 
cording to this republican organ that cession placed the title to 
that territory in the United States, for "it is necessary that title 
rest somewhere." 

In the same treaty Spain "relinquished" its sovereignty over 
the island of Cuba. 

Where did the title to Cuba rest ? 

It rested exactly where it belonged — with the sovereign people 
of Cuba; and the eminent lawyers who framed the Paris treaty 
knew that it was not necessary for Spain to convey title to 
Cuba, because the title rested in the Cuban people and the re- 
linquishment was merely formal notice to the world that Spain 
recognized a fact. 

Now if a simple relinquishment was sufficient in the case of 
Cuba, it was so because of the fact that regardless of what deeds 
might be executed, the title to Cuba rested with the Cuban people, 
Spain could have done nothing to effect that title. 

If the title rested with the people of Cuba, then why did not 
the title to the Philippines rest with the people of those islands? 

Had Spain ceded Cuba to the United States, the cession would 



56 The Commoner Condensed. 

not have altered the fact that the title to Cuba rested with the 
Cuban people, and the cession of the Philippines by Spain to the 
United States does not alter the fact that the title to the Philip- 
pines rests with the Filipinos. 

To be sure, a kingdom may hold title to a territory, so long as 
it maintains order. But although a government is the govern- 
ment of kings, "it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish 
it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on 
such principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them 
shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." This 
is not only an American principle; it is world wide, and the le- 
gality of a revolution depends upon its success. 

Prior to the Spanish-American war, the people of Cuba and 
the people of the Philippines had taken up arms in defense of 
their liberty. Had our war with Great Britain been a failure, our 
own declaration of independence would have had no legal stand- 
ing. But our rebellion against King George became a "revolu- 
tion" — because we were successful; and it is generally agreed that 
our national era dates from our declaration of independence and 
not from the treaty which Great Britain made with us in de- 
claring peace, and in conveying to our forefathers the territory 
for which they had fought. 

So, long before the beginning of the Spanish- American war, 
the people of the Philippines and the people of Cuba had, by 
their own acts, laid the ground work for the record title to their 
native land. All that was necessary to make their declarations 
of independence the title deeds for the sovereign people of those 
territories was successful revolution against Spanish authority. 

Were those revolutions successful? They were. 

In the case of Cuba, the armies of the United States went to 
that island, and with the aid of the Cuban soldiery, swept the 
Spanish army to the sea. Spanish rule in Cuba was destroyed, 
and the Cubans' title to Cuba was complete. 

In the case of the Philippines, the United States navy and army 
went to those islands, and with the active assistance and co- 
operation of the Filipinos destroyed Spanish rule. With the de- 
struction of Spanish rule, the Filipinos' title to the Philippine 
Islands was complete. 

In each instance the title dates back to a demand for, or a 
declaration of, independence. 



The Commoner Condensed. 57 

That was the first link. The next was the government organ- 
ized — on wheels, if yon please — but organized, nevertheless, in 
both Cuba and the Philippines. The final link in the chain of 
title was the destruction of Spanish rule and the successful ter- 
mination of the Eevolution on the part of the Cuban and the 
Philippine people. 

There is the chain of title ; one that cannot be destroyed or 
broken, in conscience, whatever sophistry we may employ; one 
that cannot be questioned, in truth, whatever specious pleading 
we may adopt. 

There is the title to Cuba resting in the Cuban people as firmly 
as our title rested in the colonist at the close of the war of the 
Eevolution. There is the title to the Philippine Islands resting 
as firmly in the Filipinos as Cubans title rests in the Cubans. 

Our Commissioners did not dare to permit Spain to cede Cuba 
to the United States, because they knew that because the Cuban 
Revolution was successful Spain no longer had title to Cuba. 
And when Spain ceded the Philippine Islands to the United States 
Spain conveyed to this country nothing more than the title she 
possessed; and that title, such as it was, was destroyed the mo- 
ment that the ' American forces and Aguinaldo's followers took 
possession of the City of Manila. 

This republican newspaper in one respect is right. "It is nec- 
essary that title must rest somewhere, and the abstract will 
always locate it." In real estate transactions many deeds have 
been placed on record — deeds that are of no importance in de- 
termining title. Often these deeds are confusing, but the honest 
abstractor picks up his chain of title and follows it back in or- 
derly lines, ignoring the inconsequential deeds in his search for 
the real title. So it is of no moment that there is on this record 
a quit claim deed from Spain to the United States with respect 
to the Philippine Islands. The chain of title leads directly to 
the people of the Philippines ; and although there were a hundred 
deeds from a hundred kingdoms they would not affect the Fili- 
pino's title to the land of his nativity and to the soil which for 
a century has been baptized in the blood of Filipinos who have 
loved liberty enough to die for it. 



58 The Commoner Condensed. 



THE FIFTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. 

The record of the Fifty-sixth Congress is completed, and it is 
not an enviable one. For extravagance it has never been equaled, 
and no previous congress has ever shown anything like the con- 
tempt for American principles and traditions. The republican 
party in 1896 promised international bimetallism and this Con- 
gress redeemed the promise by retiring the greenbacks and giving 
the country as large a dose of the gold standard as it thought 
the patient was able to bear. 

It has fastened a large army upon the United States — an army 
larger than the President would have been willing to defend 
during the late campaign. 

It has violated the solemn promise made to Cuba and demanded 
a supervision of Cuban affairs which amount to a denial of in- 
dependence. 

It has conferred upon the President authority over the Philip- 
pines as unlimited, as arbitrary and as tyrannical as George III 
ever exercised over the colonists. 

In addition to its sins of commission it has sins of omission 
to answer for. 

It has failed to respond to the demand of the wage-earners for 
relief in the way of shorter hours and it has neglected to abolish 
government by injunction. 

It has refused to give the people any relief from extortionate 
railroad rates and has declined to enact anti-trust legislation, al- 
though a billion dollar trust was organized while it was in session. 
It has repudiated the party's promise in regard to the inter- 
oceanic canal. For years the republicans advocated the Nica- 
ragua canal; in 1900 they substituted an endorsement of an 
Isthmian canal, but the trans-continental railroad lines have suffi- 
cient influence with the republican party to prevent its carrying 
out any canal project. 

It has failed to recognize the desire of the people for election 
of senators by a popular vote; and it would have committed the 
country to the infamous ship subsidy legislation but for the filibus- 
tering resorted to by the democrats, populists and silver republi- 
cans. A fifty million dollar River and Harbor bill was also de- 
feated by a few filibusters led by Senator Carter of Montana. 



The Commoner Condensed. 59 

This is the record — not all of it, but enough of it. These 
things are known to the reading public and yet republican farm- 
ers continue to vote the republican ticket, republican laboring men 
continue to defend their party and republican business men raise 
no protest against what is going on. Great corporate interests 
furnish campaign funds, dictate platforms, make nominations and 
dominate administrations. To what extreme can the republican 
leaders go before they provoke remonstrance and repudiation ? 



APPLIED CHRISTIANITY. 

Dr. W. M. Hindman, of the First Presbyterian church of 
Lincoln, Neb., in a recent sermon on the Good Samaritan, drew 
a practical distinction between pity and sympathy. He said: 

All believe in the Good Samaritan; all admire him for the 
sympathy he bore the unfortunate. His sympathy was more than 
sentiment ; it was deeper than pity. Men of independence despise 
pity; they crave sympathy. He who pities feels for you; he who 
sympathizes . feels with you. There is a vast difference between 
the two. The priest and Levite pitied, and passed by on the 
other side. The Samaritan sympathized and got down with the 
man in his suffering. He sacrificed his own comfort to make the 
needy comfortable; he suffered with the sufferer; he helped him 
out of his trouble. 

Sympathy is applied Christianity; it is a fulfillment of the 
command, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." 

In the course of the sermon Dr. Hindman emphasized the fact 
that those who would help their fellow-men must go among them 
and share their burdens, and quoted the lines so often used as a 
rebuke to those pastors who never get within hailing distance of 
their flock. 

A parish priest of austerity 

Climbed up in a high church steeple 
To be near to God, that he might hand 

God's word unto the people. 

And in sermon script he daily wrote 
What he thought was sent from heaven, 
And he dropped it down on the people's head 
Two times, one day in seven. 



60 The Commoner Condensed. 

In his time God said, "Come down and die," 
And he cried from out his steeple: 
"Where art thou, Lord?" and the Lord replied, 
"Down here among the people." 



SHOULD BE ABOVE SUSPICION. 

The position taken by Congressman Hull in regard to his in- 
vestment in the Philippine Islands opens up a question which 
ought to receive serious consideration at the hands of the Ameri- 
can people. He is chairman of the house committee on military 
affairs, and is also president of the Philippine Lumber and De- 
velopment Company. As chairman of the committee, Mr. Hull 
had charge of the bill for the increase of the army; as president 
of the Philippine Lumber and Development Company he was in- 
terested in increasing the army for the protection of his Philippine 
investments. He confesses that the investment in the Philippines 
depended upon political conditions, for in explaining his connec- 
tion with the company he said : 

I will say further to the gentleman from Tennessee, and to this 
House, that while the campaign was on, the company with which 
I am associated called a halt in their enterprise and notified every 
one of the stockholders that if Bryan should be elected not one 
dollar would we invest in the Philippines, but if McKinley should 
be elected we would invest all the money that we pleased, believ- 
ing it would have favorable return by the restoration of order 
and good government in the Philippines. 

It will be remembered that the democratic party declared 
against a large army ; the size of the army was, therefore, an issue 
in the campaign. The question arises, can Mr. Hull discharge his 
duty to the public and fairly and impartially do the work of a 
congressman and committeeman and at the same time look after 
investments in the Philippine Islands which are so intimately con- 
nected with the work of Mr. Hull's committee? The Credit-Mo- 
bilier scandal relegated a large number of congressmen to private 
life, and yet the connection between Mr. Hull, the chairman of 
the military committee, and Mr. Hull, the capitalist, is much 
closer than the connection between an ordinary congressman and 
the Credit-Mobilier. 



The Commoner Condensed. 61 

Mr. Hull says if the time ever comes when he is not permitted 
to invest in a legitimate enterprise, he will leave politics. But 
would he have invested in this enterprise if he had been out of 
politics? He is president of the company, was there any reason 
for his selection other than his political prominence? 

Mr. Hull is too intelligent a man not to see the impropriety 
of his position, and it indicates a very low standard of morality 
when his republican colleagues in the House defend his action. 

When John Quincy Adams entered the House of Eepresentatives 
he sold his bank stock in order that he might not be pecuniarily 
interested in legislation on that subject. The difference between 
Mr. Adams and Mr. Hull is obvious. 

A few years ago a Senate committee investigated the charge 
that certain senators had speculated in sugar stock while the sen- 
ate was considering the tariff on sugar, and everybody recognized 
that it was not legitimate. One senator explained that his son 
had speculated some without his knowledge, while another senator 
admitted a purchase of sugar stock but insisted that the servant 
girl sent a dispatch which he had written, but afterwards decided 
not to send. One senator only, Mr. Quay, of Pennsylvania, ac- 
knowledged and defended such transactions. 

We now have a considerable number of men in official position 
who are directly and intimately connected with large corporations, 
and through these corporations are pecuniarily interested in the 
legislation which they have to pass upon. Is this fair to the pub- 
lic? The Express companies are interested in postal legislation 
because the post-office department is a competitor with them in 
the carrying of small packages and newspapers. Senator Piatt 
of New York is connected with one of the great express com- 
panies; is he in position to protect the interests of the people at 
large on such a subject? Congress deals with interstate railroad 
rates and discriminations, besides having supervision over the com- 
pensation paid to railroads for carrying mail. Senator Depew is 
so closely connected with the railroad interests of the country that 
he cannot be expected to represent the people's side of any ques- 
tion in which the railroads are interested. Senator Depew, how- 
ever, is only one of the railroad attorneys in congress; there are 
others. 

How many senators and representatives have stock in the trusts 



62 The Commoner Condensed. 

which are denounced by republican platforms and protected by 
republican representatives ? 

The officials whose names have been mentioned are not worse 
than some others, but they are the most conspicuous representatives 
of their class. They are not so much to blame as the people who 
elect them. Just as long as the voters are indifferent to public 
affairs, just so long will the officers and agents of great corporate 
interests enter public life, not for the purpose of advancing the 
interests of the people generally, but for the purpose of protect- 
ing or advancing their private interests. Just as long as voters 
are willing to forgive the offense, just so long will public officials 
sell their political influence to the syndicates and combinations 
which infest legislative halls and prey upon the public through 
special legislation. The public servant should be above suspicion, he 
should prize a clean record and a reputation for fidelity above dol- 
lars, but we cannot expect such public servants until the voters 
themselves are willing to punish betrayals of trust. 



PKOF. SHALEK'S OPINION. 

According to the St. Louis Republic, Prof. Shaler, a geologist 
of Harvard College, predicts such an increase in the production 
of gold as to lessen its purchasing power and compel a return to 
silver. He says: 

If the price of gold goes down, another metal must be looked 
for as a token of international value. I think this metal will be 
silver, because silver is not found in alluvial plains, and because, 
owing to the difficulty in mining, it will never change in value. 

Within the past few years men have come to realize that a 
large portion of the earth's surface is charged with gold. Gold 
is indissoluble, and when gravel banks are cut away it is not easily 
carried off by streams to the sea, as is the case with other metals. 
Instead, it is carried along, broken up into finer and finer frag- 
ments and gradually deposited over alluvial plains. 

The new systems of mining which have recently been discovered 
will have produced by the middle of the present century an almost 
intolerable supply of gold. I cannot say definitely what the in- 
crease will be, but I should think at the least that the present 
supply will be quadrupled. 



The Commoner Condensed. 63 

When the supply of gold becomes "intolerable," it will be inter- 
esting to watch the financiers shift over to the silver side of the 
question. Between 1850 and I860, when the gold supply was in- 
creasing, the money changers were firm advocates of silver and 
they will be again if conditions become such as to make silver 
the scarcer metal. Bimetallists, however, still believe that the 
world can use to advantage all the precious metal, both gold and 
silver, that is likely to be discovered. 



EXPLOITERS ON THE GROUND. 

During the debate on the Philippine amendment, Senator Till- 
man called attention to a communication addressed by Judge Taft, 
of the Benevolent Assimilation Commission, to the secretary of 
war. The Judge asked that the message, if approved by the 
secretary, be transmitted "to proper senators and representatives." 
There is nothing to show how the "proper'' senators and representa- 
tives were to be distinguished from the others, but he seems 'to 
have had confidence that Secretary Root would exercise discre- 
tion in the matter. In this remarkable message he said: "Until 
its passage (the Spooner amendment) no purely central civil 
government can be established, no public franchise of any kind 
granted, and no substantial investment of private capital in in- 
ternal improvements possible." 

Here we have the reason for the Spooner amendment. The 
franchise-grabbers were on hand and the private capital was 
waiting for a chance to begin internal improvements. What 
an opportunity for street car lines, water plants and lighting 
systems ! When we see how these franchises have been given 
away in this country, where the people have a right to vote, we 
can imagine the liberty that will be allowed where the rulers 
are not restrained by the victims. 

Judge Taft's remark recalls an interview given out by an 
imperialist before the treaty was signed. He was a foreign consul 
stationed at Manila and came to this country to help organize 
a syndicate for the development of the islands. He said that his 
syndicate would establish banks, lighting plants, water systems, 
street car lines, railroads, factories, etc., etc., and in his inter- 
view he explained that it was the "duty" of the United States 



64 The Commoner Condensed. 

to hold the Philippine Islands permanently. In other words, 
he was satisfied that the United States ought to hold the Fili- 
pinos while his syndicate developed them. The opponents of a 
colonial policy have pointed out that the people wonld pay the 
expenses while the corporations would reap the profits. In the 
very beginning the opponents of imperialism asked: If this 
question is to be settled on the basis of dollars and cents, who 
will insure the nation that the receipts will equal the expendi- 
tures? Who will guarantee that the income from the Philip- 
pines, be it great or small, will find its way back to the pockets 
of the people, who, through taxation, will furnish the money? 
But the Taft Commission goes on to say: 

Sale of public lands and allowance of mining claims impossible 
until Spooner bill. Hundreds of American miners on ground 
awaiting law to perfect claims. More coming. Good element 
in pacification. Urgently recommend amendment Spooner bill 
so that its operation be not postponed until complete suppression 
of all insurrection, but only until in President's judgment civil 
government may be safely established. 

So it seems that American miners are on hand ready to take 
charge of the minerals as soon as they can perfect their claims. 
Of course, as the President has frequently told us, our nation 
is not actuated by any sordid thought of gain in taking the 
Philippines; it is all a matter of "duty and destiny." But it is 
probably necessary to give away their franchises and their valuable 
mines in order to convince them that our interest in them is 
purely unselfish and benevolent. 

The report of the Taft Commission shows that the islands con- 
tain "seventy-three million acres of land, of which less than 
five millions are held in private ownership, leaving in public 
lands over sixty-eight million acres." The most hide-bound par- 
tisan can have no reason to doubt the purpose of the administra- 
tion to turn over the land of the Filipinos to capitalists and 
adventurers after reading the following from the Taft report: 

It is thought that a system of laws of public lands can be 
inaugurated without waiting until the survey is completed. The 
commission has received a sufficient number of applications for 
the purchase of public lands to know that large amounts of 
American capital are only awaiting the opportunity to invest in 
the rich agricultural field which may here be developed. In view 



The Commoner Condensed. 65 

of the decision that the military government has no power to 
part with the public land belonging to the United States, and 
that the power rests alone in Congress, it becomes very essential, 
to assist the development of these islands and their prosperity, 
that Congressional authority be vested in the government of the 
islands to adopt a proper public-land system, and to sell the 
land upon proper terms. There should, of course, be restrictions 
preventing the acquisition of too large quantities by any individ- 
ual or corporation, but those restrictions should only be imposed 
after giving due weight to the circumstance that capital can- 
not be secured for the development of the islands unless the 
investment may be sufficiently great to justify the expenditure 
of large amounts for expensive machinery and equipments. Es- 
pecially is this true in the cultivation of sugar land. 

Kestricted powers of a military government referred to in dis- 
cussing the public lands are also painfully apparent in respect 
to mining claims and the organization of railroad, banking, and 
other corporations, and the granting of franchises generally. It 
is necessary that there be somebody or officer vested with legisla- 
tive authority to pass laws which shall afford opportunity to 
capital to make investment here. This is the true and most 
lasting method of pacification. 

This is military genius! It is all done for purpose of pacifi- 
cation ! The Filipinos are now fighting for their homes and the 
land which they have occupied from time immemorial. Take 
away their land and they will have nothing left to defend ! How 
simple the plan! Strange that it had not been thought of be- 
fore ! 

Weyler starved the Cubans so that they had no strength left 
to fight with, but the Taft plan is much more effective because 
it leaves the Filipinos nothing to fight for. 

Unless the conscience of the American people is seared there 
must be a revolt against the proposition to surrender our prin- 
ciples of government, our sense of justice and our ideas of public 
morality at the demand of the greedy and conscienceless s}qidi- 
cates which are hovering like vultures over the Philippine Islands. 



66 The Commoner Condensed. 



IV. 

A SAMPLE OF HARMONY. 

It is fortunate for the democracy of the nation that at the 
very beginning of the fight that re-organizers furnish a sample of 
the harmony which they recommend to the party at large. St. 
Louis, the chief city of one of the great democratic states, is 
chosen as the theatre for the exhibition of this model reconcilia- 
tion ! A mayor is to be chosen who will hold office during the 
World's Fair, and certain men who did not think it important 
that the nation should have a democratic president are convinced 
that it is a matter of paramount importance that St. Louis should 
have a democratic mayor. Of course, it was thought necessary 
that so important an office at so important a time should be 
filled by a man of "eminent respectability," but it is strange 
that among the many thousands in St. Louis who are in the 
habit of voting the democratic ticket, not one could be found 
who measured up to the standard set by the re-organizers. 

Mr. Eolla Wells, the gentleman who was nominated by the 
democratic city convention, renounced his allegiance to the demo- 
cratic party in 1896, and resigned the presidency of the St. 
Louis Democratic club. He actively co-operated with the bolting 
contingent who supported the republican ticket that year, and in 
1898 he openly opposed the democratic candidate for Congress in 
his district. In 1900 his influence was given to the republican 
national ticket, and he has not since that time returned to the 
democratic party, or announced his acceptance of democratic 
principles as set forth in the party platform. 

The resolutions adopted by the local convention which nomi- 
nated him include an endorsement of "the fundamental principles 
of democracy/' but Mr. Wells, if elected, will be able to define 
and construe those principles to suit himself. 

Mr. Wells is personally, no doubt, a good man. According 
to the Republic, Mr. Carpenter, of the National Lead Company, 
a republican, gives Mr. Wells a certificate of good character, and 
Mr. Walsh, of the Terminal Railroad Company, endorses the 



The Commoner Condensed. 67 

certificate. Even the Globe-Democrat cannot withhold its testi- 
mony to his respectability. 

It may be that the situation in St. Louis is such as to make it 
necessary to disregard party lines, but if such is the case, the 
candidate should run as a non-partisan or as an independent. 
Mr. Wells has been affectionately described by his friends as 
"a man who can win/' but what if he can win? It would not be 
fair to hold the democratic party responsible for the administra- 
tion of a man who, by his own act, severed himself from his 
party and repudiated its principles. 

A party must have principles as well as an organization, and 
a national convention is the proper body to declare those prin- 
ciples. If, after a platform is adopted, any member cannot con- 
scientiously support that platform, he has a perfect right to leave 
the party, and no one can justly criticise his action if he is honest 
with himself and with his party. But a man cannot be outside 
of a party and inside at the same time. Those who remain in- 
side the party have rights as well as those who desert it. They 
have a right to insist that any one who leaves his party and op- 
poses its platform and candidates shall return in some open and 
formal way before he can again consider himself a member. It 
is not enough that Mr. Wells condescends to accept a nom- 
ination and a chance of election to an important office; that is 
merely an acceptance of a benefit from a party which he re- 
pudiated and spurned. Before he is entitled to be called a demo- 
crat he must in some way manifest his willingness to accept the 
party creed. He may be willing to have the party accept his 
principles, but not willing to accept the party's principles. He 
may think it humiliating to return to the party, but is it not 
more humiliating for the party to surrender to him? 

The democratic party showed in the campaign of 1900 that it 
was ready to welcome any returning democrat, and it is doubtless 
just as ready now to extend a welcome to those who opposed the 
ticket of 1900, provided they express a willingness to accept the 
principles of the party and give some evidence of their intention 
to support the party's candidates in the future. The prodigal 
son is always well treated when he sees the error of his ways 
and rejoins the family, but he ought not to demand a deed to 
the house as a condition precedent to his return. 

The nomination of Mr. Wells may, in St. Louis, be attributed 



68 The Commoner Condensed. 

to his private character or personal merits, but outside of St. 
Louis it is everywhere hailed as a triumph for the reactionary 
elements of the party. 

The Louisville Courier-Journal says of it: 

This action of the party in St. Louis (the democratic nomina- 
tion of a "gold bug" for mayor) is evidence that the process of 
reunion is going on. It also shows how rapidly the silver issue 
is passing from public view in such an extreme democratic state 
as Missouri. It is a most auspicious indication of the decline 
in party strife and the return of the masses to the old leaders 
under whom it was led to victory in former years. 

In the campaign of 1900 the democratic party stood for the 
Declaration of Independence and for industrial independence as 
well 'as for financial independence, and the democrats of St. Louis 
gave loyal support to the ticket. The republican party stood for 
an imperial policy and trust domination as well as for the gold 
standard, and Mr. Wells gave his influence to that party. The 
more prominent he was as a man and the more influence he 
had, the more valuable was his support to the republican ticket 
and the greater the loss to the democratic cause. If Mr. Wells 
has changed his views, let him publicly announce his conversion 
to democratic principles and his sins, though they may be many, 
will be forgiven. Of course, if the conversion did not occur until 
after he made up his mind to seek the nomination for mayor, 
some might doubt the sincerity of the change, but so far he has 
failed to give even that much comfort to the democrats. 

If Mr. Wells has undergone no change of opinion, what reason 
is there to doubt that he will use the influence of his office to 
defeat democratic congressmen in 1902, as he used his individ- 
ual influence to defeat democratic congressmen in 1896, 1898, 
and 1900? Is there any reason to believe that the environment 
which led him out of the democratic party has lost its controlling 
influence over him? If he is the same man that he was in 1896, 
1898, and 1900, official position will simply increase his power to 
do harm and weaken the party in its effort to overthrow republi- 
can doctrines. 

Mr. Wells' nomination is a part of the plan of the re-orga&i- 
i zers — national in its extent — to capture the organization by 
stealth and then make the democratic so much like the republi- 
can party that there will be little choice between them. 



The Commoner Condensed. 69 

The democratic party now stands for definite principles and 
it aggressively opposes republican policies. The Kansas City plat- 
form embodies the principles of the party, and the rank and file of 
the party are attached to those principles. Those who oppose the 
Kansas City platform will not make an open fight against it — 
even Mr. Wells would not have been willing to risk a nomination 
on a platform repudiating the Kansas City platform — but under 
the pretense that success can be won under the leadership of the 
re-organizers, men are being pushed forward for local offices who 
have no sympathy with democratic principle's. 

The election of 1894 gave some indication of the fate which 
awaits the party if it becomes the tool of organized greed and 
bids only for the favor of the plutocratic element of the country. 
Democrats cannot afford to lose sight of democratic principles in 
their eagerness to secure a local victory, which, when secured, is 
nominal rather than real. 



BENJAMIN HAKEISON. 

The death of Benjamin Harrison, soldier, lawyer, orator, states- 
man and ex-president, removes one of the most conspicuous figures 
in American life. He ran the gamut of public office and every- 
where met the expectations of those who gave him their support. 
He served in the Union army for three years during the civil 
war, beginning as a second lieutenant and finally winning the 
brevet of brigadier general. 

He was a lawyer of great learning and experience, one of the 
ablest of those who have occupied the White House. 

As an orator, he deserves a place among the best of his genera- 
tion. His numerous speeches during his presidential term showed 
a wide range of knowledge and great felicity of expression. 

In the senate and as chief executive he displayed rare quali- 
ties of statesmanship and retired from office universally re- 
spected. 

He was a strict partisan while in office, but his uprightness and 
official integrity were always conceded by his political opponents. 

After his retirement from the presidency, he returned to the 
practice of law, adding to his professional income by lectures and 
magazine articles. 



70 The Commoner Condensed. 

After the Spanish war, he gave expression to his belief that the 
Filipinos were entitled to independence, and insisted that the 
honor of the nation required that the promise made to Cuba be 
kept. While he supported the republican ticket in the last cam- 
paign, he could not conscientiously make speeches in support of 
the Philippine policy of the administration, and after the election 
he on several occasions stated his views with great force and clear- 
ness. 

His reverence for American principles and for the traditions 
of the nation led him to sympathize with the Boers in their un- 
equal struggle for liberty, and his last words showed that the 
fate of the South ilfrican Eepublic was a matter of deep concern 
to him. The Cincinnati Enquirer thus describes his closing 
hours : 

On the night preceding the sudden attack of illness, Mr. and 
Mrs. Harrison called on A. L. Mason, and incidentally the con- 
versation turned to questions of national import, concerning 
which Mr. Harrison spoke with unusual freedom. During his 
talk he particularly laid stress upon the independence of Cuba, 
saying that America was pledged to bring this about. He also 
expressed himself with reference to trusts, mournfully dropping 
the remark, "It looks as if force and greed rule the world." * * * 

In his semi-conscious condition when the sentinels of discre- 
tion and propriety had gone from their posts, and the mind of 
the man was wandering, he began to speak of the Boers and their 
hopeless struggle for national life. His voice was weak and trem- 
bling, his thoughts were not connected, but the listeners bending 
over him could hear words of pity for the dying farmer republic. 



AN IMPOTENT EEMEDY. 

President Hadley, of Yale College, in a recent speech at Bos- 
ton, renewed a recommendation which he made some months 
ago to the effect that there should be a public opinion which 
would drive the trusts out of existence regardless of statutes. 
The earlier dispatches quoted him as saying that we would have 
an empire here within twenty-five years unless something was 
done to destroy the trusts, but he has since denied making any 
such prophecy. The mere fact that so prominent an educator 
recognizes the menace of private monopolies is both significant 
and encouraging, but the remedy which he suggests is an impotent 



The Commoner Condensed. 71 

one. Public opinion is necessary, first, to enact, and second, to 
enforce law, but public opinion alone will never give the public 
protection from the trusts. 

It would not be safe to keep horses if public opinion was the 
only protection society had against horse stealing. A man is in- 
fluenced by the public opinion with which he comes into contact 
and the horse thief does not associate with those who have con- 
scientious scruples against larceny; neither does the trust magnate 
associate with those who object to trusts. It will be a long time 
before the opinion of an ordinary mortal or, for that matter, 
of all the ordinary mortals, has any influence upon the man who 
can make a fortune in a year by preying upon those ordinary 
mortals. 

Mr. Eockefeller would be indifferent to a petition signed by 
ninety-nine per cent, of the people asking him to lower the price 
of oil (even at the risk of decreasing his donations to colleges), 
but he would heed a law made and executed by a majority of the 
people. 

All credit to President Hadley for his effort to create a public 
opinion against trusts, but that public opinion must be crystal- 
lized into punitive statutes before it will check the trust evil. 



$6 EEWAED. 



Ex-President Cleveland has written another letter — this time 
to the Crescent Democratic Club of Baltimore — in which he gives 
expression to his yearning desire to have the democratic party 
"return" to what he regards as true democracy and correct prin- 
ciples. If this was his first utterance of the kind it might be 
attributed to a transitory impulse, but he has said the same thing 
so often as to indicate that a fixed and constant longing possesses 
him. The letter reads : 

My Dear Sir. — Your invitation to attend a meeting of the 
Crescent Democratic Club in celebration of its twenty-ninth an- 
niversary reaches me as I am leaving home for so long an ab- 
sence, that it will prevent my participation in this interesting 
work. 

All the political signs of the times indicate most impressively 
the necessity of increased activity and aggressiveness in the ranks 



72 The Commoner Condensed. 

of Democracy. There were days when Democratic principles, ad- 
vocated in Democratic fashion, gave guarantee of Democratic su- 
premacy — or at least strength and iniiuence in our nation's coun- 
sels. 

Why should there not be a return of those days? 

The answer to this question is not found in less applicability 
than formerly of Democratic doctrine to present conditions. On 
the contrary, there never was a time when they were more needed 
to cure evils which afflict our body politic, and there never was a 
time when our countrymen would be more willing to accept 
Democracy as they once knew it as a safeguard against existing 
and threatened ills. 

I am convinced, however, that if our party is to gain its old 
prestige, and become again a strong and vigorous organization, 
feared by its enemies and inspiring the active devotion of its 
rank and file, it must first, of all things, itself become truly, 
honestly and consistently democratic. Yours very truly, 

Grover Cleveland. 

Princeton*, N. J. 

His advice is so general and indefinite as to be utterly useless. 
All democrats believe that democratic principles should be ap- 
plied to present problems, but as the Kansas City platform ap- 
plies democratic principles to present problems, why use the words 
"return" and "old"? Mr. Cleveland and his political associates 
are long on ambiguous and high sounding phrases, but short on 
definitions; they are "oracular only in the sense that their words 
can be construed to mean anything or nothing. 

If Mr. Cleveland's recent admonition had been spoken instead 
of written, it might have been explained by a wink or by a gesture 
suggesting that he himself was the embodiment of the principles 
to which the party should return, but when the words appear in 
cold type they require a key. 

The President has twice referred to the "rank and file" re- 
cently, as if he would associate himself with those who are ac- 
cused of separating the common people from the uncommon 
ones. Since The Commoner circulates almost exclusively among 
"the rank and file," it seems proper that this paper should give the 
distinguished ex-Democrat an opportunity to suggest plans and 
specifications for a democratic structure which would be commo- 
dious enough to afford a place of refuge for him and at the same 
time allow standing room for real democrats. 

A reward, therefore, of five dollars is offered for a written 



The Commoner Condensed. y$ 

statement, not to exceed five hundred words, signed by Mr. Cleve- 
land, applying democratic principles, as he understands them, to 
at least five of the questions now before the country. The offer 
is open to him or to any one who can secure such a statement 
from him. If the statement does not cover five questions, a pro- 
portionate reward of one dollar will be given for each question 
covered. 

An additional reward of one dollar will be given for a writ- 
ten statement, signed by Mr. Cleveland, explaining why he con- 
sidered his opinion on public questions as of no importance during 
the recent campaign, but regards such opinion as important now. 
When the battle was on between a republic and an empire — 
between a democracy and a plutocracy — between bimetallism and 
monometallism — he refused to say a word or lift a hand in behalf 
of "the rank and file" for whom he now expresses such an affec- 
tionate solicitude. He knew that a republican victory meant an 
endorsement of an imperial policy, with its wars of conquest; he 
knew that it meant trust domination and the reign of monopoly, 
as well as a commendation of a financial policy never approved 
by a democratic national convention, and yet he remained silent. 
As soon as the election was over, he came forth from his seclusion 
and made the air vocal with his suggestions. 

Assuming to be inspired by a purer democracy and boasting of 
a superior virtue, he began to offer unsolicited advice to the party 
to which he once belonged. He is like the soldier who was de- 
scribed as "invisible in war and invincible in peace." To de- 
sertion of the party organization and betrayal of the principles 
of the party, he adds ostentatious pretence of interest in the 
plain people, while he conceals his ideas in ponderous and plati- 
tudinous phrases. If he will clearly and candidly define the 
democratic principles about which he is so prone to talk, the 
people can decide for themselves whether he is the same Mr. 
Cleveland who turned the treasury over to a foreign financial 
syndicate and intrusted J. Pierpont Morgan with the combina- 
tion of the government vaults, and then supported the republi- 
can ticket because his administration was not endorsed — the same 
Mr. Cleveland who denounced trusts in his messages but failed 
to enforce the law against them — the same Mr. Cleveland who 
condemned imperialism and then gave passive support to an im- 
perialistic president, or whether he has repented of his folly and 
is ready to accept the democratic creed. 



74 The Commoner Condensed. 



A GOOD AMENDMENT. 

Judge Brewer, of the United States Supreme Court, in a recent 
address, called attention to a defect in the jury system, viz., the 
requirement of a unanimous verdict. While in criminal cases 
the rule which gives the prisoner the benefit of a reasonable doubt 
makes it necessary to preserve the unanimous verdict, there is no 
reason for adhering to it in civil cases. California and Ken- 
tucky have already secured this reform, and it has been discussed 
in other states. Under the present requirement, a jury often re- 
ports to the judge that it cannot agree, and is sent back with 
the instruction to remain in the jury room until an agreement 
is reached. In such cases it is little more than a test of en- 
durance. • The law should be amended so that two-thirds or three- 
fourths of a jury may render a verdict. 

The New York World, in discussing the question, says that up 
to the time of Edward III. the English jury consisted of fifteen, 
eighteen or twenty, and that twelve were required to agree in a 
verdict. The unanimous verdict, it seems, is an innovation, and 
it has not been justified by experience. 



THE CANAL TKEATY. 

The Nicaragua canal treaty has been rejected by Great Brit- 
ain. While several minor reasons are advanced for the rejection, 
Great Britain's refusal to give sanction to this agreement is largely 
based on the amendment similar to the one so vigorously urged 
by the late Senator Cushman K. Davis, which provided that the 
United States would have the right to "defend" the canal, or 
to fortify it during the time of war. This action disposes of this 
question until the next session of Congress, unless, in the mean- 
time, Secretary Hay shall conclude to frame another proposed 
treaty in the interests of Great Britain. 

But the question is likely to be a full-fledged one at the next 
session of Congress. Senator Morgan, of Alabama, commenting 
on Great Britain's rejection of the proposed treaty, unquestionably 
voices the American sentiment when he. says: "We shall proceed 
quietly to construct, own and control the canal, and Great Britain 
will be left to make her objections in such form as she may 



The Commoner Condensed. 75 

choose." Senator Morgan refers to the compact made between 
the United States and the republics of Nicaragua and Costa 
Eica, in December, 1900. He points out that that compact gave 
the United States canal rights, and was made "deliberately and 
with full knowledge that it was in diametric opposition to the 
Clayton-Bulwer treaty." Senator Morgan says: 

Great Britain and the United States had agreed to the same' 
declarations in the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, and, in conformity 
therewith, had agreed to silence any objections that might arise 
out of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty to the exclusive ownership and 
control of the Nicaragua canal by the United States. 

Great Britain did not urge any objections, but referred to 
them as being possible only, and consented to remove them. Her 
honorable course at that time may not continue to animate her 
conduct under the reign of King Edward, but she must be aware 
that a covert threat of displeasure at our executing our agree- 
ments with Costa Kica and Nicaragua will lose its moral force 
and its power to alarm the United States into a fit of paralysis. 
Those agreements, upon which the whole question of the canal 
now hinges, will be carried out, in harmony with the undivided 
sentiment of the American people. 

If the conclusion that Great Britain is alleged to have reached 
had been notified to the Senate ten days ago, the Hepburn bill 
would now be the law of the land. All delay is to the advantage 
of Great Britain and to our terrible disadvantage, but she has 
gained another year on us. I hope it will be the last. We con- 
template no breach of the peace or of good feeling, because we 
shall do, under our agreement with Costa Eica and Nicaragua, 
what we have agreed to do, as those agreements are in line with 
the treaty of Constantinople, to which all Europe assents. 

The President has taken his stand on this question and the 
true American doctrine is announced in our agreements with the 
two American republics. It is not conceivable that the President 
or the people will abandon what has been thus established. 



COMMISSIONEE GEAY'S PEOTEST. 

The injunction of secrecy has lately been removed from senate 
document 148 (56th Congress, 2d session,) and the public have 
been permitted to review the correspondence which took place 
between the administration and the Peace Commissioners during 
the negotiation of the Paris treaty. The report is so lengthy 
that it cannot be given in full, but the readers of The Commoner 



76 The Commoner Condensed. 

can doubtless secure it from their senators or members of Con- 
gress. A perusal of the instructions of the President and the 
opinions of the various commissioners will reveal the fact that 
the President and the President alone was responsible for the 
treaty. Not only was he responsible for the treaty, but he as- 
sumed the responsibility with a full knowledge that he was violat- 
ing American principles and the government's promises. 

On page thirty-four of the report will be found a remarkable 
communication in the nature of a protest, cabled from Paris by 
Hon. George Gray, a member of the commission. Whether the 
present trend toward empire and conquest continues until our 
form of government is changed, or whether the people bestir them- 
selves and rescue the nation from its perilous course, the words 
of warning uttered by Mr. Gray merit attention and commenda- 
tion. After reading this communication from one of his own 
appointees, the President could not excuse himself by saying that 
he sinned without light. 

Mr. Gray's cablegram reads as follows: 

(3) The undersigned cannot agree that it is wise to take Philip- 
pine Islands in whole or in part. To do so would be to reverse 
accepted continental policy of the country, declared and acted 
upon throughout our history. Propinquity governs the case of 
Cuba and Porto Eico. Policy proposed introduces us into Eu- 
ropean politics and the entangling alliances against which Wash- 
ington and all American statesmen have protested. It will make 
necessary a navy equal to the largest of powers; a greatly in- 
creased military establishment; immense sums for fortification 
and harbors: multiply occasions for dangerous complications with 
foreign nations, and increase burdens with taxation. Will receive 
in compensation no outlet for American labor in labor market 
already overcrowded and cheap; no area for homes for American 
citizens; climate and social condition demoralizing to character 
of American youth; new and disturbing questions introduced into 
our politics; church question menacing. On whole, instead of 
indemnity — injury. 

The undersigned cannot agree that any obligation incurred to 
insurgents is paramount to our own manifest interests. Attacked 
Manila as part of legitimate war against Spain. If we had 
captured Cadiz and Carlists had helped us, would not owe duty 
to stay by them at the conclusion of war. On the contrary, in- 
terests and duty would require us to abandon both Manila and 
Cadiz. No place for colonial administration or government _ of 
subject people in American system. So much from standpoint 



The Commoner Condensed. JJ 

of interest; but even conceding all benefits claimed for annexa- 
tion, we thereby abandon the infinitely greater benefit to accrue 
from acting the part of a great, powerful, Christian nation; we 
exchange the moral grandeur and strength to be gained by keep- 
ing our word to nations of the world and by exhibiting a mag- 
nanimity and moderation in the hour of victory that becomes the 
advanced civilization we claim, for doubtful material advantages 
and shameful stepping down from high moral position boast- 
fully assumed. We should set example in these respects, not 
follow in the selfish and vulgar greed for territory which Europe 
has inherited from medieval times. Our declaration of war upon 
Spain was accompanied by a solemn and deliberate definition of 
our purpose. Now that we have achieved all and more than our 
object, let us simply keep our word. Third article of the proto- 
col leaves everything concerning the control of the Philippine 
Islands to negotiation between the parties. 

It is now absurd to say that we will not negotiate but will 
appropriate the whole subject-matter of negotiation. At the very 
least let us adhere to the President's instructions and if condi- 
tions require the keeping of Luzon forego the material advan- 
tages claimed in annexing other islands. Above all let us not 
make a mockery of the injunction contained in those instruc- 
tions, where, after stating that we took up arms only in obedience 
to the dictates of humanity and in the fulfillment of high public 
and moral obligations, and that we had no design of aggrandize- 
ment and no ambition of conquest, the President among other 
things eloquently says: 

"It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace 
should follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in 
facing war. It should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in 
the concluding settlement as it was just and humane in its origi- 
nal action." 

This and more, of which I earnestly ask a re-perusal, binds my 
conscience and governs my action. 

Wednesday, 12 :30, night. George Gray. 



AMENDMENT BY CONVENTION. 

Article V of the Federal Constitution provides: "The Congress, 
whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall 
propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of 
the legislatures of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a con- 
vention for proposing amendments which, in either case, shall 
be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, 
when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several 



yS The Commoner Condensed. 

states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as one or the 
other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress." 

The above mentioned provision makes it possible for the states 
to take the initiative in securing an amendment to the Constitu- 
tion and is another illustration of the foresight of the early states- 
men. For nearly ten years the people have been trying to secure 
an amendment providing for the election of senators by a direct 
vote of the people. In the Fifty-second, Fifty-third, and Fifty- 
sixth Congresses the necessary resolution passed the House of 
Representatives but died in the Senate. 

Not only did the resolution pass the House, but it passed each 
time by more than two-thirds vote. 

Among the people there is practically no opposition to this 
reform, but the senate deliberately refuses to permit this change 
and defies public sentiment. The time has come for securing 
the amendment in spite of the senate's opposition. The voters, 
irrespective of party, should demand of the state legislatures such 
action as will result in compelling Congress to call a convention. 
When two-thirds of the states present their demand in a formal 
manner, the senate will yield and the victory will be complete. 
Now is the time for action. When United States senators are 
elected by the people, and therefore, directly responsible to them, 
it will be easier to secure any reform which the people desire. 



THE PRESIDENT'S GROWING POWERS. 

A writer in the Forum, discussing the growing power of the 
President, shows that aside from the offices in War and Navy de- 
partments, the President has patronage at his disposal as follows: 

State Department — 
318 Consular and Diplomatic appointments $1,000,000 

Treasury Department — 
743 Customs, Revenue, Marine hospital, etc 617,355 

Post-Office Department — 
4,015 Postmasters 6,931,000 

Interior Department — ■ 
747 Pension officials, land-office agents, etc 1,997,640 

Department of Justice — • 
Judges, attorneys, marshals, etc 1,126,000 

Total $11,671,995 



The Commoner Condensed. 79 

It is estimated that, including all departments, the President 
is, as the Chicago Times-Herald says, "able to divert into the pock- 
ets of his supporters annually the sum of $20,000,000, a total 
distribution of $80,000,000, during his term of office." The Times- 
Herald declares that "there is much apprehension among the stu- 
dents of our political system concerning these growing powers of 
the President." This republican newspaper says: 

In adjusting some of the problems growing out of the recent 
war we have seen Congress practically abdicate in favor of the 
President. The framers of the Constitution rightly appreciated 
that in a republic the popular branch of the government must be 
paramount. We have recently seen the President become the 
autocratic ruler of hundreds of thousands of people in Cuba and 
of millions of people in the Philippines. He has appointed and 
removed officials without asking the consent of the Senate. The 
laws promulgated by the Taft Commission in the Philippines de- 
clare that they were enacted "by the authority of the President of 
the United States" — not of Congress. 

And then the Times-Herald concludes that "the only remedy 
appears to be through the extension and enforcement of the merit 
system." This is, indeed, a profound suggestion. A more sensible 
one, however, would be that we restore the machinery of our na- 
tional government to its proper order; that the law-making and 
war-declaring power be exercised exclusively by the congress ; that 
the President resume his constitutional place as an executive, con- 
tent with being the beloved magistrate of a nation of freemen, 
rather than the autocratic ruler of peoples who have never consented 
to United States government. 



POLITICS m MEXICO. 

Those who have watched the progress of Mexico during the 
last twenty-five years will earnestly hope for the recovery of Presi- 
dent Diaz, about whose sickness such contradictory reports have 
been circulated. He has shown wonderful executive ability and 
under his administration great improvement has been noticeable 
in every direction. Education has become more general among 
the people; the army has been largely reduced — the number of 
commissioned officers as well as the number of privates; business 



80 The Commoner Condensed. 

has prospered; human life and property rights have been made 
more secure, and the nation has constantly advanced in the opinion 
of the outside world. The Americans residing in Mexico have 
found in the president a just and faithful friend, and his death 
would cause universal sorrow. 

There is, however, no reason to predict, as some have done, dis- 
order or revolution in case of his demise: Mexico has many able 
men. They are not well known abroad because the extraordinary 
merit of Diaz has overshadowed them, but they are men of educa- 
tion and executive experience. 

General Reyes, who is often mentioned as "the next president," 
was for some time governor of Nuevo Leon, one of the larger 
states of the republic, and is now a member of the cabinet. At 
Monterey, the capital of his state, there is a considerable colony 
of Americans, and General Reyes speaks our language fluently. 
He is a man of extended learning, courage and capacity. 

Mr. Limenteur, the present secretary of finance, has also been 
mentioned as a possible successor to Diaz. He is of French de- 
scent and speaks that language in addition to Spanish and English. 
His management of the nation's finances has been very satisfactory 
and he is quite popular. 

Whether the neighbor to the south of us is fortunate enough to 
retain the services of the present chief executive or is, by his 
death compelled to choose a new president, there is every reason 
to believe that she has reached a point where she can count upon 
an indefinite continuation of her present period of development. 

The Republic of Mexico is closely bound to us by political in- 
terests as well as by location, and her welfare must always be a 
matter of deep concern to our people. 



ON DANGEROUS GROUND. 

Hon. David B. Hill, like ex-President Cleveland, was invited 
to the dinner given a short time ago by the Crescent Democratic 
Club of Baltimore, and like Mr. Cleveland he sent his regrets. 
The letter which he wrote for that occasion contains several sen- 
tences which indicate that Mr. Hill is on dangerous ground. He 
seems to confess the criticisms made against the democratic party 
by the republicans and by the democrats who opposed the ticket. 



The Commoner Condensed. 81 

He says "Labor and capital should be equally respected, but 
neither should be unnecessarily assailed." The democratic party 
has never been accused of assailing labor, but it is a favorite 
pastime with the republicans to accuse it of assailing capital. The 
democratic party distinguishes between legitimate accumulations 
and predatory wealth, but whenever predatory wealth is attacked 
it tries to shield itself behind honest capital. 

Mr. Hill says "Opposition to dangerous corporate combinations 
should not be allowed to degenerate into indiscriminate attacks 
upon chartered rights." That is almost identical with the lan- 
guage used by the republicans in defending the trusts. They are 
always careful to assure the public that they condemn "hurtful," 
"injurious" and "dangerous" combinations, but they are solicitious 
about vested rights and are fearful lest the attacks may be "in- 
discriminate." The language used by Mr. Hill is generally em- 
ployed by those who have no remedy to propose for the trusts, 
but oppose any remedy suggested. 

But he gets even nearer to the republican line, if possible, when 
he says, "The people want a safe and conservative administration 
of public affairs." That is just exactly what the republicans al- 
ways promise. "Safe and conservative" — everybody wants a safe 
administration and conservatism is an almost universal trait. But 
the republicans prate so much about "safety" and "conservatism" 
that a democrat ought not to use the terms without explaining 
what he means by them. An administration that would be "safe" 
for the monopolies would not be satisfactory to those who are the 
victims of every private monopoly, and an administration so con- 
servative that it would not undo anything that the republican 
party has done would be no better than a republican administra- 
tion. 

Mr. Hill adds : "There must be no question of our intention to 
fearlessly maintain the national credit under any and all circum- 
stances.''" As the democratic party has never attacked the na- 
tional credit that advice is gratuitous unless Mr. Hill means to 
condemn the Chicago and Kansas City platforms; and if such 
is his intention, he ought to make the attack openly and boldly. 

In another part of the letter he says, "We should conciliate rather 
than antagonize the great business interests of the country." How 
is this conciliation to be accomplished? The policies advocated 
by the democratic party are as good for the ordinary business man 



82 The Commoner Condensed. 

as they are for the laboring man or the farmer, but the great 
railroad interests are opposed to the democratic party because 
the party opposes extortionate rates, rebates and discriminations; 
because it opposes watered stock and fictitious capitalization. It 
cannot conciliate these interests without abandoning the people 
generally. The great banking interests of the country are against 
the democratic party because the democratic party is not willing 
to turn seventy-five millions of people over to the tender mercies 
of a few financiers. It cannot conciliate these interests and at 
the same time protect the rights of the wealth producer. The 
great manufacturing interests want a protective tariff and the 
great trust interests want to be let alone. Mr. Hill says that 
the great business interests can easily be conciliated "without 
the surrender of a single essential party principle." It is to be 
hoped that he will at an early day give the party the benefit of 
his definition of "essential" party principles. 

Mr. Wells of St. Louis was nominated for mayor to please the 
"business interests" — they would not be satisfied with a candidate 
who had voted the democratic ticket or who was willing to admit 
that he believed in democratic principles. Shall we teach them 
democratic principles or at their demand abandon democratic prin- 
ciples ? 

Mr. Hill is so skillful in the use of words that he should have no 
difficulty in making his meaning plain. It is not necessary for 
him to borrow republican phraseology. He owes it to the party 
to give expression to his views in clear and unambiguous language. 
If he joins with Mr. Cleveland, Mr. Whitney et al. in their effort 
to republicanize the democratic party he will be a tower of strength 
to their side. If he intends to cast in his lot with the six millions 
and more who kept the faith in 1896 and 1900 he should avoid the 
verbiage that republicans and gold democrats have employed to 
conceal their sinister purposes. 



The Commoner Condensed. 8 



HARBISON'S LAST WORDS. 

The March number of the North American Review contains an 
article from the pen of the late Benjamin Harrison. Having been 
written so shortly before his death, and dealing with public ques- 
tions of the first importance, this article will probably be remem- 
bered as his last public utterance. It is fortunate for his memory 
and for the country that it presents sentiments so truly American 
and so thoroughly consistent with international morality, as well 
as with our nation's traditions. The following extract presents 
a glimpse of his argument, but it deserves perusal entire. 

Mr. James Brice recently said : 

"Indeed the struggles for liberty and nationality are almost 
beginning to be forgotten by the new generation, which has no 
such enthusiasm for these principles as men had forty years ago." 

And the moment when two republics are in articulo mortis, some 
of our journals congratulate us over the prospect of an increased 
trade with the "Crown Colonies" that are to be set up in their 
stead and over the increased output of the Johannesburg mines. 
The emperor of Germany is reported to have forestalled President 
Kruger's personal appeal by the statement that Germany's in- 
terests would be promoted by the British conquest of the republics. 
And Bishop Thoburn asks: "Why should people lament the ab- 
sorption of the small powers by the large ones ?" 

Never before has American sympathy failed, or been divided, 
or failed to find its voice, when a people were fighting for in- 
dependence. Can we now calculate commercial gains before the 
breath of a dying republic has quite failed or the body has quite 
taken on the rigor mortis? If international justice, government 
by the people, the party of the nations, have ceased to be workable 
things and have become impracticable, shall we part with them 
with a sneer or simulate regret, even if we have lost the power 
tc feel it? May not one be allowed to contemplate the heavens 
with suppressed aspirations, though there are no "consumers" 
there? Do we need to make a mock of the stars because we can- 
not appropriate them — because they do not take our produce? 
Have we deceived ourselves? 

There was plainly no call for an armed intervention by the 



84 The Commoner Condensed. 

United States in South Africa, and perhaps our diplomatic sug- 
gestions went as far as usage would justify. But has not public 
opinion here been somehow strongly perverted or put under some 
unwonted repression? If we have lost either the right to de- 
nounce aggression or the capacity to weep when a republic dies 
it is a grievous loss. 



JUSTICE TO THE POPULISTS. 

The populist party, ridiculed by the republicans and denounced 
by the gold democrats, has really been a great educator. It is an 
historical fact that many political organizations have been influen- 
tial in moulding public opinion, even though they have never se- 
cured control of the federal government. The populists have never 
had at any time more than a score of members of Congress, and 
yet they have given an impetus to several reforms which must ulti- 
mately be accomplished. 

For years the democrats preached tariff reform in states like Kan- 
sas, Nebraska, Colorado and the Dakotas, but they seemed to make 
little progress because republican prejudice was a barrier to demo- 
cratic doctrines. The populists did not denounce a protective 
tariff in their platform, but in attacking the republican party they 
weakened the protective sentiment among their members and to-day 
tariff reform is much stronger in the west than it would have been 
without the assistance of populism. The Wilson Bill, the only 
tariff reform measure enacted since the war, could not have passed 
without the aid of populist votes in the senate. 

The first national platform written by the populists demanded 
the election of United States senators by a direct vote of the people. 
That was before the matter received serious attention in Congress, 
but since then the House of Eepresentatives has three times adopted 
a resolution proposing the necessary amendment. In 1900 the 
democratic platform endorsed this reform and it is now receiving 
the support of many prominent papers which until recently have 
been silent upon the subject or opposed to the change. 

The populist party is an advocate of the system known as the 
initiative and referendum, whereby the people can compel the sub- 
mission of important questions and pass upon the acts of legisla- 
tures. This reform has been endorsed by many democratic state 
conventions and was last year approved by the national convention 



The Commoner Condensed. 85 

of the party. South Dakota, at the 1898 election, adopted an 
amendment providing for the initiative and referendum, in spite 
of the fact that the republicans carried the state by a considerable 
majority. Even more recently, a republican legislature in Oregon 
has given its endorsement to direct legislation. 

The republican governor of Wisconsin is urging the adoption of 
a system abolishing political conventions and providing for party 
nominations by a direct vote of the people — a system entirely in 
keeping with the contentions of the populist party. 

Prior to the organization of the populist party, comparatively 
few men advocated the municipal ownership of public utilities, 
and yet to-day business men in every part of the United States are 
openly defending this policy. Whenever the question has been 
submitted to the voters a large majority has generally been polled 
in favor of this reform, once denounced as popuiistic but now re- 
garded as prudent business policy for a community. 

The populists favor a postal telegraph system operated in con- 
nection with the post-office department; this reform has already 
been recommended by one republican postmaster general, Mr. 
Wanamaker, and the matter is now being investigated by an in- 
dustrial commission. 

The populists, while holding to their belief in the government 
ownership of railroads, have given their influence to all legislation 
which tended toward the regulation of railroads or the securing of 
reasonable rates. 

On the money question the populist party has done a great deal 
of educational work. It has steadfastly defended the greenback 
against the attacks of the national banking interests and has in- 
sisted that the right to issue money is a sovereign function of gov- 
ernment which cannot safely be delegated to private individuals or 
corporations. The democratic party has in two conventions sup- 
ported this doctrine, although differing from the populists on the 
subject of redeemability. The democrats advocate a legal tender 
greenback, issued by the government, redeemable in coin, the gov- 
ernment to exercise the option as to which coin, while the populists 
believe in an irredeemable greenback. This difference, however, 
has not prevented the democrats and populists from acting together 
to save the greenback from annihilation. 

The populists believe in the quantitative theory of money and 
favor bimetallism because it would give more money than mono- 



86 The Commoner Condensed. 

metallism. While the democrats in the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives had for twenty years been voting for free coinage at 
sixteen to one, the populists were the first to name the ratio in a 
national platform. The unexpected and unpromised increase in 
the supply of gold, while it has tended to lessen the immediate im- 
portance of the money question, has vindicated the quantitative 
theory which is advocated by democrats and populists but was until 
recently denied by republicans. 

The populists, as might be expected, oppose imperialism and 
trusts. They also unite with the democrats in favoring arbitra- 
tion and condemning government by injunction and the black- 
list. 

No one who understands the history of the last ten years can 
doubt the influence which the populist party has exerted upon 
public affairs. It has been a great educational factor and the 
democratic party has strengthened rather than weakened itself 
by endorsing a number of propositions which are called "popu- 
listic." To repudiate our populist allies and surrender to the 
corporate influences which now dominate the republican party 
would be as impolitic as it would be unpatriotic. The demo- 
cratic party has no reason for existence except to champion the 
cause of the people. It must stand ready to co-operate with those 
who are fighting organized greed, for to refuse such co-operation 
is to give aid and comfort to the common enemy. 



JACKSON VS. IMPERIALISM. 

Congressman Gaines, of Tennessee, who represents the Hermit- 
age district, has had printed in the Congressional Record a letter 
in which he presents evidence to show that Jackson was not an 
imperialist. The quotations given by Mr. Gaines prove that the 
hero of New Orleans specifically repudiated the doctrines which 
the republicans now advocate. The following is taken from the 
letter : 

To the Editor of the American: 

The republican speakers throughout the country, by way of 
justification of the injustice done the Porto Ricans, say that the 
laws recently passed to govern Porto Rico are exactly alike or 
similar to the laws passed in 1821 by Congress for the govern- 



The Commoner Condensed. 87 

nient of Florida until "the first session of the next Congress,"' 
and that Andrew Jackson, as governor of Florida, enforced these 
la T vs. I deny that the laws are even remotely identical, but even 
if it were true, we nevertheless find Andrew Jackson refusing to 
enforce the Florida statute except for a few months (June to 
October), and after setting up the government under this law 
as best he could, he resigned and returned home (in October, 1821), 
and in severe and unmistakable language condemned the law. Here 
are his words: 

"I am clothed with powers which no one in a republic ought to 
possess, and which, I trust, will never be again given to any man. 
Nothing will give more happiness than to learn that Congress 
in its wisdom shall have distributed them properly and in such a 
manner as is consonant to our earliest and deepest convictions." 
(Frost's History of Jackson, and Monument to Jackson.) 

At another time he said : "I hope that no living man shall ever 
in the future be clothed with such extraordinary authority." 
(State Papers, p. 100, Seventeenth Congress.) 

How can any one conceive of language more severely condemna- 
tory of the unrepublican law that conferred such imperial power. 

The Statesman's Manual, volume 1, says : "Jackson took posses- 
sion of Florida in August, 1821, and remained but a few months, 
for, disliking the situation and disapproving the extent of power 
invested in him as governor, he resigned the office and again 
retired to Tennessee." 

What Jackson then condemned, McKinley now endorses. He 
condemned both the policy and the law under which he acted, 
even although it was a temporary law and a temporary policy, 
and the people made him President and continue to honor his 
memory. McKinley now upholds this policy and law, and de- 
mands that we make both the policy and law permanent for the 
control of our new imperial possessions, because he has determined 
to hold them permanently, thus making this policy and law nec- 
essarily continuous, since he does not propose to make them into 
states nor the inhabitants into citizens of the United States, nor 
to acknowledge that the Constitution of the United States applies 
to them, but must go there, if at all, "by statute as a statute," 
repealable at any time. And yet he asks the American people 
to uphold what Jackson condemned and declined to uphold, and 
for that reason make him again President, and thus make him 
and his successors, if he ever has any, the imperial rulers of 
11,000,000 inhabitants who can claim no rights nor benefits under 
the Constitution. 

The Florida territory contained about 10,000 inhabitants, white 
and black, and our treaty acquiring them made them citizens, if 
they so elected, gave the immediate right of future statehood and 
the protection of the Constitution, now no longer doubted to 
apply to the territories, as the Supreme Court of the United 



88 The Commoner Condensed. 

States has held in many opinions, while the President and his 
party propose to hold them indefinitely, and perhaps perpetually, 
outside the protection of the Constitution, without ever intending 
to make states of the territory or citizens of the people. 

A few days before he resigned and came home from Florida, 
General Jackson, in a public letter addressed, not to serfs, colonists 
or dependents, but "to the citizens of Florida," said: 

"They (the secretaries of east and west Florida) are charged 
faithfully to protect and maintain all the citizens and inhabitants 
of whatsoever description, in the said provinces in the peaceful 
enjoyment of their rights, privileges and immunities secured to 
them under the treaty with Spain and under the Constitution 
of the United States, so far as the same is applicable." 

The republicans say that the Constitution does not extend to 
our new possessions, but only to the states, thus threatening- 
Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma with imperialism; whereas 
Jackson held that the Constitution applied to the territories, and 
that, too, at an early day, when the courts had not fully construed 
or settled that question, now declared no longer to be an "open 
question" by the Supreme Court of the United States, composed 
of both republicans and democrats. 



"CONQUEST," SAID THE PRESIDENT. 

In the correspondence concerning the Paris treaty, referred to 
in a former issue, will be found some interesting telegrams which 
passed between the commission and the state department discuss- 
ing the theory to be advanced for the holding of the Philippine 
Islands. Mr. Day, speaking for a majority of the members of 
the commission, cabled the President on November 3, 1898, say- 
ing that the demand for the Philippine Islands could not be based 
on conquest. The following is the message : 

United States Peace Commission, Paris, November 3, 1898 — 
10 a. m. (For the President. — Special.) 
After a careful examination of the authorities, the majority, of 
the commission are clearly of opinion that our demand for the 
Philippine Islands cannot be based on conquest. When the proto- 
col was signed Manila was not captured, siege was in progress 
and capture made after the execution of the protocol. Captures 
made after agreement for armistice must be disregarded and status 
one restored as far as practicable. We can require cession of 
Philippine Islands only as indemnity for losses and expenses of 
the war. Have in view, also, condition of islands, the broken 



The Commoner Condensed. 89 

power of Spain, anarch)' in which our withdrawal would leave 
the islands, etc. These are legitimate factors. Have written fully. 
Thursday, 11:30 morning. Day. 

Secretary of State Hay immediately replied: 

Department of State, Washington", November 3, 1898. 
The President has received your dispatch of this date and 
awaits your letter. Meantime, however, the question may be ulti- 
mately determined. He assumes you have not yielded the claim 
by right of conquest. In fact, the destruction of the Spanish 
fleet on May 1 was the conquest of Manila, the capital of the 
Philippines. The President is confident that the commission will 
be able to make a treaty on just and honorable grounds; a failure 
to do so would be greatly to be regretted. Hay. 

On the following day Mr. Day renewed his protest and Com- 
missioner Davis added a separate opinion in support of Mr. Day's 
communication. They read as follows: 

Paris, November 5, 1898—2 :20. 
(For the President. — Special.) 
Telegram of November 3 from the Secretary of State received. 
We have not yielded the claim by a right of conquest. Telegram 
to you on that subject was on the afternoon of discussion with 
Spanish commissioners. We shall not foreclose important mat- 
ters without advising you. We are doing all in our power to secure 
treaty in accordance with your views. In the opinion of a ma- 
jority of the commission we shall not promote this end by putting 
forth the claim that Manila was taken by conquest on May 1. 
Subsequent military operations and capitulation, no less than 
mutual acceptance of protocol, preclude making demand upon that 
ground. Our opinion as to ineffectiveness of capitulation after 
protocol has already been stated. Day. 

I think we can demand cession of entire archipelago on other 
and more valid grounds than a perfected territorial conquest of 
the Philippine Islands, such as indemnity or as conditions of peace 
imposed by our general military success and in view of our future 
security and general welfare, commercial and otherwise. I think 
the protocol admits all these grounds, and that the ground alone 
of perfected territorial conquest of the Philippine Islands is too 
narrow and untenable under protocol. Friday, 3 :30 afternoon. 

Cushman K. Davis. 

The President, in his reply, again insisted that the commission 
should rely, in part, upon our right to hold the islands by con- 



go The Commoner Condensed. 

quest. It will be seen, therefore, that the President deliberately 
and after repeated warnings clung to the doctrine that conquest 
can give title to lands and peoples. 

Jefferson, in 1791, said, in a letter to William Short, "If there 
be one principle more deeply written than any other in the mind 
of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with 
conquest." 

Mr. Blaine, in 1890, introduced in the Pan-American conference, 
a series of resolutions, the first of which declared, "That the prin- 
ciple of conquest shall not, during the continuance of the treaty 
of arbitration, be recognized as admissible under American pub- 
lic law." 

The second declared, "That all cessions of territory made during 
the continuance of the treaty of arbitration shall be void if made 
under threats of war or in the presence of an armed force." 

Jefferson, speaking for democrats, repudiated the doctrine of 
conquest; Blaine, speaking for republicans as well as democrats, 
adds his condemnation, but President McKinley insists upon con- 
quest as one of the sources of title to the Philippine Islands. If 
we have a right to take the Philippine Islands by conquest, we 
have a right to take any other islands or continents in the same 
way. The doctrine of conquest is absolutely destructive of the 
doctrine set forth in the Declaration of Independence. If one 
is true, the other must be false; the President chose the European 
doctrine and abandoned the American doctrine when he gave his 
instructions to the commission. 



THE FITTUKE OF CUBA. 

A subscriber asks what position the democratic party takes in 
regard to the annexation of Cuba. The democratic party has not 
had occasion to take a position on this question. A discussion 
of annexation at this time would be premature; it would be 
like proposing to a widow at the funeral of her husband. The 
United States declared the Cubans entitled to independence and 
went to war with Spain to enforce the declaration. To discuss 
annexation now would east suspicion on the good faith of the 
nation; neither is there anything to be gained by raising that 
question. 



The Commoner Condensed. 91 

No matter whether annexation is desirable or undesirable, it is 
both right and expedient that the Cubans should be given their 
independence. If annexation is undesirable, there can be no ex- 
cuse for delaying independence; if, on the other hand, annexa- 
tion is desirable, the granting of independence will hasten it. An- 
nexation to be satisfactory, must be voluntary, and it will never 
be voluntary unless the Cuban people have confidence in and 
affection for the people of the United States. And how can they 
have confidence in or affection for the American people, if our 
nation violates its promise and shows more interest in the fran- 
chises secured by private syndicates, than in the nation's honor. 

The imperialistic policy of the republican party has induced 
the leaders to abandon the peaceful and persuasive methods for- 
merly employed by our government, and to adopt the harsher 
methods employed by arbitrary rulers. As a result we are apt 
to lose the prestige which a war for humanity gave us ; by inspiring 
hatred where we should have implanted love, we are apt to make 
enemies of people who wanted to be friends. 



THE CAPTUEE OF AGUINALDO. 

A most important event was the capture of Aguinaldo. Gen- 
eral Funston planned, and with the aid of a few Americans and 
a number of natives, executed a brilliant and daring plot for the 
trapping of the leader of the Filipino forces. Learning of the 
whereabouts of Aguinaldo, he organized a small band and ar- 
ranged with some friendly Filipinos to conduct the Americans 
in the guise of prisoners through some ninety miles of the enemy's 
country to the presence of the chief, who was then taken into 
custody by General Funston and conveyed to Manila. 

The already famous Kansan displayed great courage in the un- 
dertaking, for he risked a double danger — the treachery of the 
natives who accompanied him, and the possibility of encountering 
a superior force. 

It is difficult to say what will be the immediate effect of the 
capture, but it is more than possible that it will hasten the end 
of hostilities. 

When the administration comes to deal with its distinguished 
prisoner, it will be compelled to decide whether it is dealing with 



92 The Commoner Condensed. 

a rebellious subject or with a foreigner who owes no allegiance 
to this government. 

To treat Aguinaldo as a rebellious subject, the administration 
must assert that a defeated monarch can bargain, sell and con- 
vey title to the subjects, and that a republic can first incite the 
subjects of a monarch to rebellion, or assist them in rebellion, 
then make allies of them and afterwards buy title to them from 
the king whose sovereignty was disputed. 

Aguinaldo has proven his ability as a leader and his military 
genius; it remains to be seen whether in prison he will continue 
to proclaim the right of his people to independence or advise his 
countrymen to submit to the conquest of their country by an 
overwhelming force. 

The question of imperialism is not settled by the imprisonment 
of the commander-in-chief of the native forces, nor will it be 
settled by the surrender of all who are in arms. If the Filipinos 
fail in their. appeal to force there is still left an appeal to the 
American conscience. The republicans have taken refuge behind 
the fact that war existed, and have tried to cry down criticism 
as unpatriotic; they have asked, "How can we treat with people 
who are shooting down our soldiers?" Peace will multiply the 
embarrassments of the administration, for it cannot long conceal 
the real character of the civil government which is to be imposed 
upon the Filipinos. 

The war in the Philippines has been an hindrance rather than 
an aid to those who have been resisting the introduction of Eu- 
ropean ideas and methods of government into the United States. 



THOMAS JEFFEKSOK 

On the second day of April, 1743, Thomas Jefferson was born, 
and his life of eighty-three years spanned an important epoch 
in the nation's history. 

At the age of thirty-one, he drafted the address to the king, 
setting forth the rights of the colonists. Two years later, at 
the age of thirty-three, he wrote the Declaration of Tu dependence, 
and for fifty years thereafter, until his death, on July 4, 1826, he 
was the greatest champion of human rights in all the world. 

His service as a representative in state and federal legislatures. 



The Commoner Condensed. 93 

as governor of Virginia, ambassador to France, secretary of state 
under Washington, vice-president, under Adams, and president, 
together with his service in minor offices, covered more than forty 
years of his eventful career. But the work which he did for man- 
kind was so far-reaching in its effect and so enduring in its 
character, that he is remembered for his ideas rather than for the 
positions which he held. 

lie was the greatest constructive statesman known to history. 
His birth and environment were such as might naturally have 
made him an aristocrat, but he became the greatest democrat; 
his wealth, considerable for that day, might naturally have made 
him partial to the rich, but he cast his lot with the common 
people. Many with less education have from a feeling of superior- 
ity held aloof from their fellows, but he employed his knowledge 
of history, of law, of science and of art for the defense and pro- 
tection of the masses. 

He believed in the right of the people to govern themselves 
and in their capacity for self-government. When near the end 
of life, fortified by an experience and observation such as few 
men have had, . he wrote : "I am not among those who fear the 
people. They, and not the rich, are our dependence for continued 
freedom." 

Only four years before his death he said : "Independence can 
be trusted nowhere but with the people in mass. They are in- 
herently independent of all but moral law." At another time 
he said: "No other depositaries of power than the people them- 
selves have ever been found, which did not end in converting 
to their own profit the earnings of those committed to their 
charge." 

And, to add still another extract from his writings: "The 
people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our 
liberty." 

He not only believed in the people, but he understood the 
people and recognized the distinctions which everywhere exist, 
hov/ever much concealed or denied. Eead the analysis which he 
gave of parties and see how completely it has been born out by 
the history of the last hundred years: 

Men, bv their constitutions, are naturally divided into two 
parties: 1. Those who fear and distrust the people, and wish 



94 The Commoner Condensed. 

to draw all powers from them into the hands of the higher 
classes. 2. Those who identify themselves with the people, have 
confidence in them, cherish them and consider them as the most 
honest and safe, although not the most wise depositary of the 
public interest. In every country these two parties exist, and 
in every one where they are free to think, speak and write, they 
will declare themselves. Call them, therefore, liberals and serv- 
iles, Jacobins and ultras, whigs and tories, republicans and federal- 
ists, aristocrats and democrats, or by whatever name you please, 
they are the same parties still, and pursue the same object. The 
last appellation of aristocrats and democrats is the true one ex- 
pressing the essence of all. 

Jefferson not only announced great fundamental principles, but 
he applied them to so many different questions that he can be 
read as an authority on all questions of to-day. He was opposed 
to imperialism and believed in self-government; he was for a 
republic composed of equal and self-governing states and entirely 
opposed to the colonial idea. 

He was opposed to a large army and believed that a govern- 
ment was stronger when resting upon the love of the people than 
when tolerated only because of fear. 

He was so opposed to the principle of monopoly that he only 
excepted copyrights and patents. Here is the amendment which 
he suggested to the Constitution: "Monopolies may be allowed 
to persons for their own productions in literature, and their own 
inventions in the arts, for a term not exceeding — years, but 
for no longer term, and for no other purpose." At another time 
he suggested fourteen years as the limit for patents. 

His hostility to monopoly was exemplified in 1787, in a com- 
munication to John Jay, in which he said: "A company had 
silently and by unfair means obtained a monopoly for the making 
and selling of spermaceti candles (in France). As soon as we 
(Lafayette assisted him) discovered it, we solicited its suppression 
which is effected by a clause in the Arret," 

He denounced as a fatal fallacy the doctrine that a national 
debt is a blessing. 

He was the relentless enemy of banks of issue. At one time 
he declared that banks of issue were more dangerous than standing 
armies. At another time he said: "I hope we shall crush in its 
birth the aristocracy of our monied corporations, which dare 



The Commoner Condensed. 95 

already to challenge our government to a trial of strength, and 
bid defiance to the laws of our country." 

In 1819 he said, "Interdict forever to both the state and 
national government the power of establishing any paper bank; 
for without this interdiction we shall have the same ebbs and 
flows of medium, and the same revolution of property to go 
through every twenty or thirty years." 

He was. a believer in bimetallism, and no one who understands 
his principles can for a moment conceive of him yielding to the 
financial influences which controlled Mr. Cleveland's administra- 
tion and the republican administrations which preceded and fol- 
lowed it. 

He warned his countrymen against the dangers of an appointive 
judiciary holding office for life. 

Of the freedom of speech he said : "The liberty of speaking and 
writing guards our other liberties." 

Of the freedom of the press he wrote, "Our liberty depends on 
the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without 
being lost." 

He was the author of the statute of Virginia guaranteeing 
religious liberty, and was also the father of the University of 
Virginia. He favored a free school system which would bring 
to every child an opportunity to secure an education. 

He was an advocate of the jury system; and he argued in favor 
of freeing the slaves three-quarters of a century before Lincoln 
issued his emancipation proclamation. 

His writings fill many volumes and cover almost every con- 
ceivable subject, but through all that he said there runs the 
evidence of a great heart as well as a great intellect. 

There is need to-day of a revival of Jeffersonian principles. He 
was not an enemy of honestly acquired wealth, but he believed 
that the government had no right to exaggerate by favoritism the 
differences between individuals. He believed that all should stand 
equal before the law and that every department of government, 
executive, legislative and judicial, should recognize and protect 
the rights of the humblest citizen as carefully as it would the 
rights of the greatest and most influential. 

Jefferson's principles, applied to the problems of the twentieth 
century, would restore the republic to its old foundations and 
make it the supreme moral factor in the world's progress. The 



96 The Commoner Condensed. 

application of his principles to-day would restore industrial in- 
dependence and annihilate trusts. The application of his prin- 
ciples to-day would drive the money changers out of the temple, 
insure to the people a stable currency and harmonize labor and 
capital by compelling justice to both. 

Society to-day has its aristocratic and its democratic elements ^ 
whether Jefferson's principles are applied depends upon which 
element controls the government. 



• TWO OATHS OF ALLEGIANCE. 

General MacArthur has notified the War Department that Agui- 
naldo has taken the "oath of allegiance/' The oath to which he 
has subscribed is as follows: 

I hereby renounce all allegiance to any and all so-called revo- 
lutionary governments in the Philippine Islands and recognize and 
accept the supreme authority of the United States of America; I 
do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and allegiance to 
that government ; that I will at all times conduct myself as a faith- 
ful and law-abiding citizen of the said islands, and will not, either 
directly or indirectly hold correspondence with or give intelligence 
to an enemy of the United States, nor will I abet, harbor or protect 
such enemy ; that I impose upon myself these voluntary obligations 
without any mental reservations or purpose of evasion, so help me 
God. 

It will be observed that this oath provides that the subscriber 
shall conduct himself as "a faithful and law-abiding citizen" of 
the Philippine Islands, but he also swears that he will "bear true 
faith and allegiance to the United States government." 

Allegiance is not a one-sided affair. No less an authority than 
Blackstone has described it as "The tie that binds the subject to 
the sovereign in return for that protection which the sovereign af- 
fords the subject." 

If Aguinaldo shall fulfill this oath and "bear true faith and 
allegiance" to the United States government, what will be his 
political status? 

In the McEnery resolution, the United States Senate disclaimed 
any intention of making the Philippines an integral part of the 
union, or of making the inhabitants of those islands citizens of the 



The Commoner Condensed. 97 

United States. And it is the generally recognized policy of the 
administration that the spirit of the McEnery resolution shall be 
carried out. 

So while we require Aguinaldo to make oath that he will "bear 
true faith and allegiance" to the United States government, we, 
in fact, prohibit him from actually fulfilling that oath ; because no 
individual can "bear true faith and allegiance" to a government 
which denies to him the privileges of citizenship, which prohibits 
him, in fact, from "bearing true faith and allegiance" to the gov- 
ernment. 

The trappings of empire seem strange to American eyes. None 
are more novel, however, than a so-called "oath of allegiance," 
wherein a man swears allegiance to the greatest republic on earth, 
in the face of the fact that that republic will not accept his alle- 
giance in the full meaning of the term. 

And, speaking of oaths, it is worth while to compare the oath 
of allegiance above given with the following oath formerly admin- 
istered. It reads: 



OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 

FOR 

NATIVE INHABITANTS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



Manila, 

ss. 



Philippine Islands. j 

I, , do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I am a native 

inhabitant of the Philippine Islands, and I do further swear (or 
affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the 
United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I 
will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this 
obligation freely and without any mental reservation or purpose 
of evasion. 

Sworn to and subscribed this day of , before me. 

Form 45. Collector of Customs. 

It will be noticed that the Filipino is no longer required to 
swear that he "will . support and defend the Constitution of the 
United States against all enemies." This change is eminently 
proper for, since the republican party has shown itself to be an 
enemy to the Constitution, the original oath might require the 



98 The Commoner Condensed. 

Filipino to resist republican attacks upon the Constitution. The 
republican party discarded the Constitution in fact some months 
ago ; it seems now to have discarded it in form. 



DENMARK'S GOOD EXAMPLE. 

The London Daily News is authority for the publication of the 
conditions to be imposed by Denmark upon the United States in 
the ease of a transfer of the Danish West Indies. Its Copenhagen 
correspondent says: 

I am enabled to state, on the very best authority, that Den- 
mark has communicated to the United States the following con- 
ditions for the sale of the Danish West Indies: 

1. Four million dollars to be paid to Denmark. 

2. The population to decide by vote whether to remain Danish 
or to be transferred to the United States. 

3. If the vote is favorable to the United States, then the in- 
habitants to become immediately not only American subjects, but 
American citizens. 

4. Products of the island to be admitted to the United States 
free of duty. 

It is supposed here that Washington will not readily accept the 
third and fourth conditions. 

A few years ago it would not have been considered necessary for 
any nation to insist upon such conditions for our nation would 
have suggested them, but recent events have made it necessary for 
nations dealing with us to provide for the future welfare of their 
subjects. Denmark sets a good example but it is humiliating for 
this nation to be compelled to accept instructions in liberty. 



LINCOLN AND THE SILVER REPUBLICANS. 

The San Francisco Call, speaking of the action of Senator 
Dubois and other silver republicans in joining the democratic party, 
takes occasion to misrepresent the position of Abraham Lincoln 
on the silver question. It says: "The messages and writings of 
Mr. Lincoln prove him to have been the predecessor of Mr. Cleve- 
land in declaring the principles of sound money, which Mr. Cleve- 
land made the pole star of his administration. Both Lincoln and. 



The Commoner Condensed. 99 

Cleveland stood exactly in line with Jefferson and Jackson on the 
issue of sound money/' 

It also denies the right of the silver republican to claim any 
kinship with Lincoln, or his principles. It is not strange that 
the gold standard papers attempt to distort history, for they are 
compelled to do so in order to find any support for their financial 
theories. 

Jefferson believed that the money unit should rest on the two 
metals, gold and silver; while Mr. Cleveland believes that the 
money unit should rest on one metal, gold. Jackson affixed his 
signature to the bill which provided for the free and unlimited 
coinage of gold and silver at the legal ratio of sixteen to one, 
without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation, and 
in changing the ratio from fifteen to one, to sixteen to one he 
reduced the size of the gold dollar. Mr. Cleveland is the leader 
of those democrats who are opposed to the coinage of silver into 
legal tender money at any ratio or under any circumstances. 

Raymond's Life of Lincoln, published soon after the death of 
President Lincoln and before the republican party began its crusade 
against silver, reproduces a message which Lincoln sent to the 
miners of the west. The following is an extract from it : 

Mr. Colfax, I want you to take a message from me to the miners 
whom you visit. I have very large ideas of the mineral wealth 
of our nation. I believe it practically inexhaustible. It abounds 
all over the western country, from the Rocky Mountains to tlie 
Pacific, and its development has scarcely commenced. During the 
war, when we were adding a couple of million dollars a day to 
our national debt, I did not care about encouraging the increase 
in the volume of our precious metals. We had the country to save 
first. But now that the rebellion is overthrown, and we know 
pretty nearly the amount of our national debt, the more gold and 
silver we mine, we make the payment of that debt so much the 
easier. 

It will be seen from the above that Mr. Lincoln held to the 
quantitative theory of money — a theory denied by the republicans 
in the campaign of '96. It will also be seen that he was willing 
to make the payment of the national debt easier by increasing the 
amount of money; while Mr. Cleveland tried to make the debt 
harder to pay by decreasing the volume of money. 

On the subject of paper money also the silver republicans are 

Lorn. 



loo The Commoner Condensed. 

in line with the early statesmen and opposed to the latter da}' 
policies of Mr. Cleveland and the republican leaders. Jefferson 
was opposed to banks of issue, state or national; Jackson made 
the greater part of his reputation by his fight against the recharter 
of the national bank ; and Lincoln signed the bill which provided 
for the greenback. Jefferson considered the issue of paper money 
a function of government and insisted that the banks should go 
out of the business of governing. Mr. Cleveland considers the 
issue of paper money a function of banks and believes that the 
government should go out of the business of banking. 

Lincoln assisted in establishing the national bank in order to 
furnish a market for government bonds during the war; now the 
republicans are retiring the greenbacks in order to give the banks 
a chance to issue more paper money. 

Senator Teller, Senator Dubois, ex-Senator Towne and the other 
silver republicans are adhering to doctrine which in former times 
was republican as well as democratic. The republican leaders and 
gold democrats are the revolutionists. 



THE YOUNG MAN'S CHANCES. 

The million dollar salary voted to Mr. Schwab by the steel trust 
caused numerous republican editors to write enthusiastic articles 
on the opportunities offered to young men by the great corpora- 
tions. The subject has now been taken up by debating societies 
and the school boys are investigating the matter for themselves. 
That Mr. Schwab's rise to fame and fortune has been rapid, there 
is no doubt, neither is there any doubt that his present position 
is attractive to many, but the very fact that his case has attracted 
so much attention is conclusive proof that it is extraordinary. He 
has won the capital prize in the industrial lottery, but where a 
system of monopoly offers such an opportunity to one man, it 
closes the door of opportunity to thousands of others equally able 
and deserving. 

When all the great industries are controlled by trusts, there will 
be a few big salaried officials and the remainder of the employes 
will be condemned to perpetual clerkships with no possibility of 
independence in the business world. 

If the present tendency toward consolidation becomes perma- 



The Commoner Condensed. 101 

nent, it is only a question of time when the principal positions in 
the corporations will go to relatives and favorites, and descend 
from generation to generation. Competition puts a premium on 
brains; monopoly puts a premium on blood. 

Young men, and old men for that matter, will find that indus- 
trial independence will give a sufficient opportunity to a large 
number of people, while the trusts will give an unusual orjportunity 
to a small number of people. 



A DISASTROUS VICTOEY. 

In the election of Mr. Wells, as mayor of St. Louis, the re-or- 
ganizers have scored a triumph. The democrats of St. Louis and 
Missouri will, however, find it worth their while to calculate the 
cost of the victory and to prepare for the struggle that awaits 
them. 

In November, 1900, the republican national ticket received 60,- 
608 votes in St. Louis, and the democratic national ticket, which 
Mr. Wells refused to support, received 59,941. At the recent city 
election, Mr. Wells received 43,012 votes — nearly seventeen thou- 
sand less than the democratic vote of last fall, while Mr. Parker, 
the republican candidate for mayor, received 34,840 votes — about 
twenty-six thousand less than the republican vote of last fall. Mr. 
Merriwether, a democrat in national politics, running upon a mu- 
nicipal ownership platform, received 30,568 votes and Mr. Filley, 
a republican, running on an independent ticket, received 2,068 
votes. It will be seen that the total vote cast for mayor was large 
for a local contest, amounting to about ninety per cent, of the 
vote east last fall. If Mr. Wells and Mr. Parker had polled the 
same proportion of the total vote that the national candidates of 
their parties polled in 1900, Mr. Wells would have received about 
55,000 votes and Mr. Parker about 55,500. 

It is impossible to ascertain how many democrats voted for Mr. 
Merriwether and how many voted for Mr. Parker, just as it is 
impossible to say how many republicans voted for Mr. Wells and 
how many for Mr. Merriwether, but it is reasonable to suppose 
that the republican vote which left Mr. Parker went largely to 
Mr. Wells, while the democratic vote which left Mr. Wells went 
principally to Mr. Merriwether. 



lo2 The Commoner Condensed. 

Mr. Wells lost at least twelve thousand democratic votes, if he 
gained no republican votes, and to this must be added a sum equal 
to the republican votes received. If, for instance, he received 10,- 
000 republican votes, the account would stand thus: For Wells, 
33,000 democratic votes and 10,000 republican votes — total, 43,000 
votes. But this would show a loss of 22,000 democratic votes ; can 
the re-organizers afford to trade 22,000 democratic votes, good at 
all elections, for 10,000 republican votes, good only in local elec- 
tions and when a republican is nominated on the democratic ticket ? 

If Mr. Wells only received 5,000 republican votes, the account 
would stand: Wells, 38,000 democratic votes and 5,000 republi- 
can votes — total, 43,000. This would show a loss of seventeen 
thousand democratic votes, or an exchange of three democrats for 
one republican. Is there anything in this victory to boast of? 
If the democrats who voted for Mr. Merriwether had followed 
the example set by Mr. Wells and voted the republican ticket, Mr. 
Parker would have been elected by a considerable majority. 

But what of the future? The Republic, with commendable 
frankness, recommends a national application of the St. Louis 
plan of harmonizing. It says: 

St. Louis has supplied the example of a thoroughly united de- 
mocracy. With little evidence of reluctance all elements of the 
party joined hands in the recent campaign. They worked together 
harmoniously and voted without scratching. 

To obtain national ascendency, this unification must proceed 
heartily all over the country. 

With a united democracy the party is certain to win the next 
national election. The republican party has drifted so far away 
from American principles, that the revolt of the people will be 
overwhelming when the forces naturally democratic are found act- 
ing together. 

The St. Louis democracy has set its face to the future. Give 
us such a union of popular forces in all the states, and the next 
national election will be from that moment won. 

This is exactly what might have been expected. Mr. Wells 
was not nominated because the re-organizers were especially inter- 
ested in a good municipal government; he was nominated because 
he represents a corporate element which calls itself democratic, as 
a matter of habit, but gives its pecuniary and political support to 
the republican party. It will never be found supporting a demo- 
cratic ticket unless that ticket is selected and controlled bv those 






The Commoner Condensed. 103 

who have some special privileges which they desire protected by 
the government. 

If the democracy of St. Louis had defeated Mr. Wells, the 
democracy of Missouri would have been spared the fight which 
must now be made. The contest which resulted in the Pirtle 
Springs convention was fought over the silver question, the fight 
which is now opened will be a broader one, and will involve the 
very existence of the party. 

The Republic will lead the Francis-Wells element and will be 
supported by the railroad attorneys and corporation agents as well 
as by the gold standard advocates. ta Every democratic newspaper 
in the state will be compelled to take sides and a contest which 
might have been settled in a day, if confined to St. Louis, will 
keep the state stirred up for the next four years. 

What is the use, it may be asked, of opposing the Republic- 
Francis-Wells combination ? Why not allow it to control the party 
organization ? The answer is found in the election of 1894. Such 
a slump in the democratic vote as that which occurred in that 
year or in St. Louis a few days ago, would give the state to the 
republicans. There is no room in this country for two parties 
representing republican principles; unless the democratic party 
faithfully and courageously opposes plutocracy all along the line, 
it has neither chance nor reason for existence. 

If the St. Louis contest had been purely a local one, The Com- 
moner would have taken no part in it, but as it was a link in the 
chain — a part of a plan, national in extent, — to republicanize 
the democratic organization, this paper called attention to the 
facts and pointed out the purpose of the re-organizers. The daily 
papers outside of St. Louis openly discussed the scheme, and since 
the election, the rejoicing has been general among those self- 
styled democrats who have twice aided in electing a republican 
president. The election of Mr. Wells was a disastrous victory 
for the democracy of St. Louis, Missouri and the nation. 



134 The Commoner Condensed. 



VI. 

AN UNFORTUNATE COMPARISON. 

A New York firm has published in book form an address de- 
livered last November by Joseph H. Choate, our ambassador to 
Great Britain. This address was delivered before the Edinburg 
Philosophical Institution. At that time Queen Victoria was liv- 
ing. Mr. Choate read to the assembled Britishers the famous letter 
written by Abraham Lincoln to the Boston mother, Mrs. Bixby, 
who had given five sons to the union cause. That letter cannot 
be printed too often. 

I have been shown in the files of the War Department a state- 
ment that you are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously 
on the field of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any 
words of mine which should attempt to beguile you from your 
grief for a loss so overwhelming — but I cannot refrain from ten- 
dering to you the consolation which may be found in the thanks 
of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly 
Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement and leave 
you only the cherished memory of the loved and the lost, and 
the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacri- 
fice upon the altar of freedom. 

When Ambassador Choate had finished reading this splendid 
epistle, he said to the assembled Britishers : 

Hardly could your illustrious sovereign from the depths of her 
queenly and womanly heart have spoken words more touching and 
tender to soothe the stricken mothers of her own soldiers. 

Such a comparison was exceedingly unfortunate. 

Mr. Choate was quoting from Abraham Lincoln, a man among 
the most famous of all the men of the world for his ability to say 
the right thing at the right time, for the purity and the eloquence 
of his language, for the tenderness and the gentleness of his heart. 

One of the sweetest things Lincoln ever wrote was the epistle to 
the woman who had lost five sons on the field of battle, and yet its 
tenderness and its eloquence were characteristic of the man, and 



The Commoner Condensed. 105 

entirely in keeping with his record as an orator and writer. But 
this American ambassador, standing before a British audience, 
thinks he has paid a remarkably high tribute to one of the greatest 
orators and writers in all history when he has said, "hardly" could 
the British sovereign have done better. The British sovereign was 
a good woman, but she was not at all famous for her literary ability. 
The comparison made by Mr. Choate was doubtless pleasing to 
his British audience but it was unworthy of the great lawyer who 
made the comparison and it was a piece of flunkeyism of which no 
man in his position should be guilty. 



A SAMPLE OF WHITEWASHING. 

Whitewashing is so common in legislative bodies now-a-days that 
the ordinary resolution denying charges and vindicating the accused 
attracts little attention, but the resolution reported by a special 
committee of the Nebraska legislature deserves to rank among the 
prize specimens of this kind of literature. 

On the last day of the session (such resolutions are generally 
brought forward on the last day) Representative Wilkinson of Cass 
County presented a report from his committee — but let the report 
speak for itself. 

Mr. Speaker and Members of the Legislature: Your house 
committee appointed to investigate and report regarding rumors 
to the effect that undue influence was exerted by railroad com- 
panies and candidates for United States senators, with the mem- 
bers of the legislature, beg leave to make the following report : 

We have made a thorough and personal investigation, and find 
the members of this Twenty-seventh session as a body, regardless 
of party, to be of exceptionally high moral character ; that an honest 
effort was made by the members to promote the best interests of 
the state by the passage of good laws and the careful appropriation 
of the state's money, and that class and unjust legislation was 
honestly opposed; that transportation given the members by the 
railroad companies (which is a common custom) was purely com- 
plimentary, and without in any way attempting to influence the vote 
of members and their choice of candidates for United States sena- 
tors, or for the passage of any special act of legislation. 

"In the investigation the members were without exception willing 
and ready to answer every question that would lead to the discovery 
of anything irregular, as far as they knew, with the result that in 



io6 The Commoner Condensed. 

not a single instance could anything be charged or proved against 
any member or candidate for United States senator; on the con- 
trary, the true spirit of western and manly independence exerted 
itself throughout the entire session, and which we believe was most 
thoroughly demonstrated in the contest for the selection of two 
United States senators just ended, and that all reports to the con- 
trary are false. Wilkinson", 

Chairman of the Special House Committee. 

What more could have been desired? The examination was 
"thorough and personal ;" the members "regardless of party" were 
found to be "of exceptionally high moral character ;" they had 
all put forth an "honest effort" to promote "the best interests of 
the state" by the passage of "good laws" and the "careful appropria- 
tion of the state's money," etc. 

The lexicon of eulogy was exhausted and complimentary and 
congratulatory expressions were used to the limit. The passes given 
to the members (a common custom, as the report explains) were 
"purely complimentary" and were not given with any thought of 
"influencing the vote of members and their choice of candidates." 
The members were "without exception" willing to answer "every 
question," but not in "a single instance" could anything be "charged 
or proved against any member or candidate for United States 
senate," etc., etc. 

Here was a vindication that vindicated and an exoneration that 
exonerated. Did the House adopt the report and thus seal for all 
time the lips of the critic ? Nay, not so. 

Up rose Mr. Whitmore, a republican and enquired why the com- 
mittee had not called upon him for evidence. He intimated that 
he could have given some information about the "hordes," "some- 
times several hundred in one day" brought in by the railroads to 
help "one certain candidate." 

Chairman Wilkinson admitted reluctantly that Mr. Whitmore 
may possibly have been overlooked by the committee. 

Then Mr. Dahlsten, a fusionist, took the floor. He said that, 
as the matter was up, he would like to testify that he had been 
offered money to absent himself from the joint session and thus 
aid in the election of "a certain candidate." He added that other 
members of the House had spoken to him of receiving similar offers. 
It was evident that Mr. Dahlsten had also been overlooked by the 
committee. 



The Commoner Condensed, 107 

Then a third member ventured the opinion that the investigation 
had not been conducted in such a manner as to make the report of 
any value and said that as all the members were honorable men, he 
did not. see any use of any resolution at all. By this time Chairman 
Wilkinson was in a mood to accept almost any suggestion which 
would put an end to the discussion and he lost no time in withdraw- 
ing the resolution. 

The legislature adjourned, the members separated and wended 
their ways to their respective homes, but they carried with them 
no self-bestowed vindication. When the finger of suspicion is 
pointed at them and revilers attack their fair fame they will be 
defenseless. Their children will never know, as a matter of record, 
that they are all "of exceptionally high moral character" and that 
they all made "an honest effort" "to promote the best interests of 
the state." 

But while the members generally languish under suspicions 
which they refused to remove by resolution, Mr. Wilkinson of Cass 
County will go thundering down the ages as the author of one of 
the most artistic and comprehensive resolutions ever offered for 
the purification and glorification of Solons. 

If any republican reader doubts the correctness of the above re- 
port he is respectfully referred to that uncompromising, though 
not always courteous, republican newspaper, the Nebraska State 
Journal, from the columns of which the above information has been 
gleaned. 



THE RICE DEPORTATION". 

The American people do not take kindly to deportation, but many 
of them will be amazed when they learn all the facts concerning 
the deportation of George T. Rice, the newspaper editor who was 
sent out of the Philippine Islands because he made charges affect- 
ing the integrity of a public official. 

When Mr. Rice landed in San Francisco he made a complete state- 
ment, which was printed in the San Francisco Star, a weekly news- 
paper. Mr. Rice states that in his capacity as an editor he criti- 
cised a custom house official. Rice obtained his information from 
sea captains and merchants who had had dealings with the custom 
house, and who claimed that they had been defrauded. Rice states 
that he made an investigation and found the charges to^be true. 



108 The Commoner Condensed. 

The custom house official then decreed that Editor Rice should be 
debarred from the custom house. The military authorities went 
to the aid of the customs official, and in a star chamber proceeding, 
to which Rice was not admitted, a pretense of investigating the 
accused official was made. 

The official was then given a clean bill, and the military authori- 
ties summoned Editor Rice before them. 

Colonel Crowder acted as inquisitor on this occasion, and Mr. 
Rice says the following dialogue took place : 

Crowder — Don't you think you were wrong in this matter ? 

Rice — No, sir. 

Crowder — Then you still think you are right ? 

Rice — Yes, sir; I know I am. 

Crowder — I am sorry for you, young man ; if you still persist in 
saying you are right, my orders are from General MacArthur to 
deport you. 

Rice — If you will give me a fair trial in court I can prove that 
I am right. 

Crowder — Under martial law, such characters as you receive no 
trial. We have not the time. 

Rice — Can I see the evidence in the investigation which you 
claim proves my charges false ? 

Crowder — No; the investigation was placed in competent hands 
and does not need your approval. Your statements have been 
proven to our satisfaction to be without foundation, and you will 
be deported as an incendiary character and a menace to the mili- 
tary situation. You are too young to let go on slandering men 
of honesty and capability, and I consider your character as having 
fallen to its lowest level. In writing and publishing such articles 
you endanger the foundation of our military system. Such con- 
duct as this I consider equal to traitorism. 

Rice — So far as being a traitor, I have served my country in 
the field for over a year, and never had my love of country so 
much as questioned, while you have never been under fire and 
never expect to be, and you dare question my patriotism ! I 
have more patriotism to the square inch than you have in your 
whole carcass. 

Crowder — Be careful; a few more words and I will put you in 
Bilibid! (the jail.) 

Rice — Put me there ! I would rather be an honest prisoner 
than be a craven and deny the truth through fear of your power. 

An order was then issued directing the deportation of Rice. 
Before this order was put into execution, Colonel Crowder called 
upon Rice,, and this dialogue is self-explanatory: 



The Commoner Condensed. 109 

The military governor (Mac Arthur) directs me to' ask you that 
if your conduct is satisfactory up to the time of your deportation 
and he sees fit to remit your sentence, will you promise that in 
the future you will never write articles of a similar character 
against any officer of the military? 

Eice — No, sir. I hold the right to publish anything anywhere, 
whenever I have proof of my statements. 

Crowder — Your case is hopeless. 

Upon Crowder's order Rice was delivered to the provost marshal. 
The editor was then placed in solitary confinement on January 23, 
where he remained until January 27. On January 29, Editor 
Eice sailed for the United States. 

Evidently it does not pay to criticise public officials in the 
Philippines under the carpet-bag regime. 



WATTEESON ON DESTINY. 

In a recent issue of the Courier- J ournal, Mr. Watterson, that 
quaint and always interesting journalist, advises his party to raise 
the white flag and surrender to the republican party on the ques- 
tion of imperialism. He does not announce that he is convinced 
of the righteousness of the republican position, but he excuses him- 
self by assuming that it is impossible to combat the forces which 
seem to be behind the republican party. He admits that imperial- 
ism in an innovation upon American principles and antagonistic 
to the teachings of the earlier statesmen. Here are his words: 

Let us say at once that the scheme of occupying a territory 
remote from our borders, of subduing a people alien to our char- 
acter and institutions and of undertaking a system of colonial gov- 
ernment over this territory and these peoples without their con- 
sent — and apparently in opposition to their will — is not merely a 
serious innovation upon the original plan embodied by the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and contemplated by the authors of 
that Constitution, but that is repugnant to the prudent counsels 
delivered by the wisest of our older statesmen, to say nothing 
about the teaching of history. 

After a brief review of the past one hundred years, he accepts 
the republican doctrine of Providence and says: 

God moves in a mysterious way His wonders to perform. He 
made the Spanish war. He was not less behind Dewey in Manila 



1 10 The Commoner Condensed. 

than He was behind Shafter and Sampson and Schley at Santiago. 
What was His all-wise purpose? We know not. But there w r e 
were and there we are; and nothing is surer in the future than 
that we shall be there a century hence unless some power turns up 
strong enough to drive us out. Instead, therefore, of discussing 
the abstraction of imperialism, illustrated by the rights and wrongs 
of the Philippines, Mr. Bryan were more profitably engaged in 
considering how we may best administer possessions, which, for 
good or for evil, are with us to stay. 

It will be noticed that he adopts the republican theory that 
God is responsible for what we have done; that it is a matter of 
destiny, and that we are being swept along by influences over 
which we have no control. 

The doctrine enunciated . by the rebuplicans since the Spanish 
war, and now endorsed by so great an editor as Mr. Watterson, 
is not only dangerous, but it is immoral. It is politically dangerous 
because it encourages the republican party to shirk responsibility 
for its sins and shield itself behind the pretense that it is working 
out the will of the Almighty ; and it is immoral because it obliter- 
ates the distinction between right and wrong. The republican ar- 
gument is built upon the theory that wrong done upon a large scale 
loses its evil character, and becomes an integral part of God's plan. 
It is in keeping with the tendency to call an embezzler a Napoleon 
of finance, provided the amount embezzled is large. 

Mr. Watterson has not in the past been in the habit of defending 
his position with the philosophy which he now employs. In former 
years he was known as the special champion of "the star-eyed God- 
dess of Keform." When the democratic party went down to defeat, 
as it often did, he did not say: "God moves in a mysterious way 
His wonders to perform. He made protection and the republican 
party, and, therefore, we must bow to both." On the contrary, he 
raised the democratic banner aloft and appealed time and again to 
the intelligence of the American people. Neither has he been in 
the habit of excusing the crimes of individuals by attributing them 
to divine inspiration. When Gov. Goebel was assassinated Mr. Wat- 
terson did not say : "God moves in a mysterious way His wonders 
to perform ; He prompted the assassin to kill ! We cannot under- 
stand His all-wise purpose, but there we were, and here we are, and 
there is nothing to be done about it." 

Instead, he insisted that a murder had been committed and that 
the guilty should be brought to justice. 



The Commoner Condensed. 1 1 1 

When the Louisville and Nashville Bailroad entered the arena of 
politics, and began its work of corruption and intimidation, Mr. 
Watterson did not say : "God moves in a mysterious way His won- 
ders to perform. This Eailroad Company has sprung into existence 
and must be carrying out the purposes of an all-wise Buler." 

Far from it ! He insisted that the railroad should keep out of 
politics, and attend to the business for which it was organized. 

There is no more reason for throwing upon the Almighty the 
responsibility for a war of conquest, and for an imperial policy 
which burdens our nation with a large army and suppresses the 
aspirations of distant peoples for self-government, than there is to 
blame Him because one individual chooses to kill another, or because 
a great corporation attempts to control a state government. 

Questions must be decided by the application of fixed and im- 
mutable principles. Jefferson said: "I know of but one code of 
morality for men, whether acting singly or collectively" ; and Frank- 
lin expressed the same idea, only in different language, when he 
said: "Justice is as strictly due between neighbor nations as be- 
tween neighbor citizens. The highwayman is as much a robber 
where he plunders in a gang as when single, and the nation that 
wages an unjust war is only a great gang." 

If Jefferson and Franklin were right, how can we delude ourselves 
with the doctrine of destiny which is being developed now? 

Yielding to a bad principle because it seems triumphant is simply 
an easy method of avoiding labor and sacrifice. It is a complacent 
but unsound philosophy, which teaches compromise with wrong 
merely because the enemy is strongly entrenched. 

No one has a right to assume that error will be permanently 
victorious. If some of our citizens condemn small crimes but seem 
inclined to condone grand larceny and killing on a large scale, 
Mr. Watterson should remember his lecture on morals and point 
out to the deluded ones that a nation can, no more than an indi- 
vidual, avoid the consequences of transgression. If he believed 
the authors of the Constitution and "the wisest of our statesmen" 
wrong he would be justified in repudiating their counsels, but be- 
lieving them right it is surprising that he should be carried away 
by the brutal and barbarous doctrine upon which empires are built. 
His influence might help to restore American ideals; he cannot 
afford to aid in their overthrow. 

The position of Mr. Watterson would be untenable, even if the 



H2 The Commoner Condensed. 

issue of imperialism had been the only issue presented last fall 
and the people had deliberately endorsed the republican policy. 
Suppose the campaign of 1900 had been fought with no other ques- 
tion before the people, even then it would still be the duty of those 
who are conscientiously opposed to imperialism to continue the dis- 
cussion, with the hope of convincing a majority of the people. But, 
as a matter of fact, there were a number of issues in the campaign. 
While imperialism was declared by the democratic convention to be 
paramount, every one knows that other questions entered into the 
contest, and it is also well known that the republican party con- 
stantly denied that it had any thought of attacking fundamental 
principles, or of converting a republic into an empire. The in- 
dictment brought against the republican party was so severe that 
a great many refused to believe the party capable of such intentions 
as were charged. 

Then, too, the republicans sought cover behind the fact that a 
war was in progress. They circulated misleading reports from the 
Philippine Islands, and declared that the lives of American soldiers 
were imperiled by the fact that the democrats were criticising the 
administration. 

What the democratic party needs is not advice to surrender, but 
courage to resist the attacks which are being made upon. American 
doctrines and democratic principles. 

The campaign of 1896 was the first one in recent years when 
there was a radical issue between the parties. The republican 
party pretended to want international bimetallism, when it 
really wanted the gold standard. It won its victory under 
the cover of international bimetallism and as soon as the 
election was over, threw off the mask and came out for the 
gold standard. Many of the democratic papers which had sup- 
ported the ticket, and all of the democratic papers which had de- 
serted the party in that year, counseled the party to accept a 
decision, won by fraud, as conclusive of the question. And for four 
years the leading democratic dailies gave no assistance whatever to 
the democratic party in its fight against the money power. 

In the campaign of 1900 the republican party practiced another 
fraud upon the people on the subject of imperialism, and now Mr. 
Watterson and a few other democratic editors advise the accept- 
ance of the republican position on that question. 

On the trust question the republican party also practiced decep- 



The Commoner Condensed. 113 

tion, and some of our democratic papers seem willing to concede 
the triumph of the trust principle. 

Nothing is to be gained from a party standpoint, and everything 
is to be lost from the standpoint of principle by Mr. Watterson's 
method of dealing with the questions at issue. He expects the 
democratic party to endorse the colonial system, and then promise 
to send better carpet-baggers to Manila than the republicans have 
sent. Such a course would make our party a laughing stock. 

No party is good enough to administer a colonial system honestly 
and for the benefit of the subjects. A nation that is selfish enough 
to want a colony is too selfish to do justice by it, and a party de- 
moralized enough to endorse a colonial system would be impotent 
to administer it satisfactorily. 

The Commoner is pained to see so able and brilliant an editor 
as Mr. Watterson, unconsciously lend his influence to the republican 
party. Far better that his voice should command a charge upon 
the republican strongholds than that it should call a retreat in the 
midst of a battle which must determine, not only the fate of this 
republic, but the fate of all republics for years to come. 



THE MONEY QUESTION. 

A Kansas paper has inquired why the editor of The Commoner 
does not explain the failure of prices to fall, as predicted by the 
advocates of free silver. The readers of The Commoner are well 
enough acquainted with the money question to know that the quan- 
titative theory is the basis of the science of money. Other things 
being equal, the value of the dollar depends upon the number of 
dollars — an increase in the volume of money increasing the prices, 
and a decrease in the volume of money decreasing prices. This 
is the foundation of all argument made in behalf of bimetallism. 
For twenty years the price level fell, and during that time the 
producers of wealth and the debtors throughout the world suf- 
fered an almost incalculable loss, while the owners of money and 
fixed investments enjoyed an enormous advantage. Silver was 
struck down by those who desired a dearer dollar, and bimetallists 
were called advocates of silver, because they favored the restora- 
tion of silver to its former place in the currency. If the advocates 
of dear money had attacked gold instead of silver, the same people 
who favored the restoration of silver would have formed the restora- 



H4 The Commoner Condensed. 

tion of gold. On one side of the question stood those who wanted, 
as Mr. McKinley once expressed it, to make "money the master, 
and all things else the servant;" on the other side stood those who 
wanted a sufficient volume of money to maintain the level of prices, 
and the free and unlimited coinage of silver, as well as gold, at 
the present legal ratio was urged as a means to this end. 

Since 1896 there has been an unexpected increase in the pro- 
duction of gold, and this increase, which the republicans neither 
promised nor desired, has brought, in part, the advantage which 
the restoration of bimetallism would have brought more com- 
pletely. 

In so far as business conditions have been improved by the in- 
creased production of gold, bimetallists have been vindicated. If 
any one will take the trouble to read the literature circulated by 
the gold standard advocates in 1896, he will find that the quanti- 
tative theory of money was denounced, and a rising dollar eulo- 
gized. Nobody eulogizes a dear dollar now, but the advocates of 
the gold standard are seeking to secure credit because of the in- 
creased volume of money, which they did not contemplate and did 
not want. 

Business conditions have not been normal during the last three 
years. War in the Philippines and in South Africa has operated 
to raise the price level, — first, by withdrawing a large number of 
men from the labor market ; and second, by increasing the demand 
for provisions, army supplies and equipment for soldiers. Na- 
tions have been mortgaging the future to secure money to spend 
in the present. 

There is a theoretical advantage in the double standard, but the 
practical necessity for it has been based upon the scarcity of gold. 
If the production of gold increases to such an extent as to furnish 
a volume of money which will keep pace with population and 
business, the restoration of bimetallism will not be necessary. But 
if such a condition comes it will be more gratifying to bimetal- 
lists than to the advocates of the gold standard, for bimetallists 
will have secured that which they desire, namely, a stable dollar, 
while the advocates of the gold standard will be disappointed be- 
cause of the disappearance of the dear dollar. 

Whether this increase in the production of gold, will be sufficient 
to maintain the level of prices, is a question which no one is 
prepared at this time to decide. 



The Commoner Condensed. 115 

Not all of the annual product enters into the currency. A very 
considerable proportion of the production goes into the arts and 
some gold is necessary to compensate for the shrinkage by abrasion 
and loss of coin. No one can say with certainty just how much 
will be added to the gold coin of the world annually. It must 
be remembered that a large addition to the annual supply of money 
is necessary to keep pace with population and industry. In 1890, 
Senator Sherman made a speech in support of the bill which bore 
his name, and in that speech he argued that an annual addition 
of more than fifty million of dollars was then necessary in this 
country alone. How much would be necessary for the entire world 
if all nations adopted the gold standard? Then, besides furnish- 
ing the necessary annual increase there would have to be enough' 
gold to replace the standard silver money now in use in the world, 
which amounts to some $4,000,000,000. There is also a large 
quantity of uncovered paper, which might absorb a great deal 
more. 

It requires a period of years to measure the influence of the 
money supply on prices. All that any one can say now is that 
the increased production of gold has brought a measure of relief; 
no one can say that it will be found entirely adequate. 

Even now the tendency of prices is downward again, and nearly 
every week shows a greater number of business failures than the 
corresponding week of last year. According to the index numbers 
of the London Economist, the price level reached the highest point 
in March of 1900, and remained nearly stationary until Septem- 
ber of that year. Since the later date there has been a perceptible 
fall. If the reaction from high prices continues for a considerable 
period it will be proof that the gold supply is not equal to the 
demand made upon it, and the necessity for bimetallism will again 
become apparent. 

Whether improved conditions will force the money question into 
the background or whether less favorable conditions will give it a 
new emphasis, no one can predict with certainty. The same prin- 
ciple, however, which divided the people upon the money question 
will divide them upon a number of other questions, and those who 
take the side of the masses on the money question will take the 
people's side on other questions which separate the wealth pro- 
ducers from those who seek an unearned and undeserved advantage 
over their fellows. 



n6 The Commoner Condensed. 



A BIT PEKSONAL. 

The Springfield (Massachusetts) Republican, in a recent issue 
has this to say : 



There is some speculation here and there in view of Mr. Bryan's 
opposition to the regular democratic candidate for mayor of St. 
Louis, as to what he is up to. Judging from a letter concerning the 
St. Louis contest which he wrote, it is a fair presumption that Mr. 
Bryan has determined to make the stiffest possible warfare against 
the re-organization of the democratic party by the Cleveland demo- 
crats. In the letter referred to he expressly stated that Wells should 
be defeated because his election would encourage every so-called 
re- organizer in the country. Mr. Bryan's course in this matter 
together with his Commoner editorship and the freedom of his 
editorial writing, would indicate that another democratic presi- 
dential nomination is of less moment to him than the defeat of the 
plans of the conservatives to recapture the party. It is probable that 
Mr. Bryan has no expectation of being nominated again, but doubt- 
less he intends to have something to say as to who shall be nomi- 
nated and as to the principles the next convention shall adopt. An 
editorship is a bad place for a candidate, but an editorship is not 
so bad a place for naming candidates. On the whole Mr. Bryan's 
present attitude is distinctly belligerent, but not necessarily bel- 
ligerent in his personal behalf. His present course is entirely con- 
sistent with a determination that his principles, on the whole, 
shall prevail. 

It is only fair that the readers of The Commoner should know 
what I am "up to," and if they will pardon me for being a little 
bit personal I will tell them. I have twice received at the hands 
of my party the highest honor it can bestow, and twice has my nomi- 
nation been endorsed by our allies, the populists and silver republi- 
cans. The first nomination came from the delegates in attendance 
upon the three conventions, the second nomination came directly 
from the voters of the three parties. These honors were bestowed, 
not because of personal merit, or as a personal compliment, but be- 
cause of my advocacy of democratic principles. I still believe in 
those principles, and expect to advocate them during the remainder 
of my life. New issues will arise from time to time but the prin- 
ciples set forth in the Chicago platform and in the Kansas City 
platform are fundamental, and can be applied to all questions. 

I am not planning for another presidential nomination — if $ 



The Commoner Condensed. 117 

were I would not be editing a paper ; if I ever become a candidate 
again it will be because it seems necessary for the advancement of 
the principles to which I adhere, and that does not now seem prob- 
able. I shall, however, take an interest in politics for several years 
yet, if I live, and can be relied upon to support those who as candi- 
dates advocate democratic principles, and who can be trusted to 
enforce them if elected. 

I have no enemies to punish. No matter what a man may have 
said or done against the ticket in 1896 or in 1900, that man becomes 
my friend the moment he accepts democratic principles. Neither 
have I any disposition to reward political friends at the expense of 
our cause. No matter what a man may have said or done for the 
ticket in 1896 or in 1900, that man becomes an opponent the 
moment he turns against democratic principles. Political battles 
are fought, not in the past or in the future, but in the present. The 
heretofore cannot be recalled, and the hereafter cannot be antici- 
pated, but the NOW is all important. 

I shall say whatever I think ought to be said, and shall write 
whatever I think ought to be written. This course may not be 
popular, but I trust that it will aid in the restoration of Jeffer- 
sonian principles. 

I shall ask no reward, because I am not working for others en- 
tirely. As a citizen I am interested in having a good government 
under which to live ; as a father I am interested in leaving a good 
government to my children. If a good government can be secured 
it will be reward enough for all that I or any one else can do. 



POLITICS IN BUSINESS. 

When The Commoner was ready to take advertising, a card 
giving rates and terms was sent to a list of advertisers published in 
one of the directories. Among the answers received was one reading 
as follows : 

Replying to yours of the 13th, would say that we would not place 
an advertisement in your paper if it cost us nothing. We do not 
agree with the principles brought forth by Mr. Bryan during the 
last campaign, and do not wish to do anything that would throw 
encouragement or assistance in his way. 



n8 The Commoner Condensed. 

The matter is referred to for a double purpose. First, to show 
the readers of this paper the disadvantages under which one labors 
who attempts to protect the public at large from the evils of private 
monopoly. It will be noticed that the advertiser did not refer to 
the money question, which was the paramount issue of the campaign 
of 1896, but to the principles brought forward in tne last campaign, 
evidently referring to the democratic platform on the trust ques- 
tion or on the question of imperialism. As an advertiser would 
hardly make such a protest against the principles set forth in the 
Declaration of Independence — for they were the principles applied 
to the question of imperialism — it is probable that this corpora- 
tion took offense at the effort made by the democratic party to pre- 
vent the organization of trusts. It is hardly possible that any demo- 
cratic paper will be led to compromise with wrong merely because 
the wrong doers, or the supporters of wrong doing, threaten to 
withhold their patronage. But those who are interested in reform 
ought to know the means resorted to by our opponents. 

The second reason for calling attention to this letter is that it 
suggests what might happen if voters generally were as illiberal and 
as partisan as some of the so-called business men. There is as much 
reason why the ordinary citizen should refuse to patronize a store 
owned by a political opponent, or to purchase an article manu- 
factured by one differing from him in political opinion, as there is 
for a business man to refuse to advertise in a paper which antag- 
onizes his views on public questions. No principle is sound which 
is not capable of general application. The principle adopted by the 
corporation whose letter is quoted would inject strife and bitterness 
into every business community. 

Bankers have sometimes refused loans to, or threatened to with- 
draw loans from, persons holding opposite political views, without 
seeming to realize that the application of the same principle by de- 
positors would bankrupt the institution. 

As a rule, however, men mingle together in business, in society, 
and at church without regard to their political opinions. It is not 
because they lack convictions, but because they have a proper con- 
ception of the privileges and duties of citizenship, and recognize the 
right of each person to have and to express his views on all subjects. 
It is fortunate that narrowness is the exception rather than the rule, 



The Commoner Condensed. 119 



THE BEPRESENTATIVE'S DUTY. 

A reader of The Commoner has asked whether a representative 
should give expression to his own convictions or be governed by 
the wishes of his constituents. There are two theories on the 
subject. The first is that the people think for themselves and 
select representatives to give legislative effect to their wishes; the 
other theory is that the people are incapable of thinking for them- 
selves and choose representatives to do the thinking for the rest of 
the people. 

The former is the democratic theory. There is more intelligence 
and integrity among the people than ever finds expression through 
representatives. The fact that constitutions are referred to the 
people for adoption is evidence of this, as is also the fact that the 
voting of bonds, the selection of county seats, and other important 
matters are usually decided by popular vote. The fact that plat- 
forms are adopted by party conventions is conclusive proof that 
the voters have a right to know the candidate's views before they 
vote for him. 

Accepting this theory to be the correct one, it follows that a 
representative has no moral right to misrepresent his constituents. 
Upon all questions covered by the platform, a representative is 
bound by the platform. A public official who secures an office 
without intending to keep the platform pledges obtains office under 
false pretenses, and certainly to obtain an office by such means 
is as reprehensible as to obtain money or merchandise in that way. 
As a rule a representative is elected to office as the candidate of 
a party, and his platform applies the principles of the party to 
the questions then before the public. If new questions arise after 
the election the representative is in duty bound to apply to them 
the same principles applied by the platform to other questions. If 
the constituents change their views they cannot with propriety 
demand that the representative change his convictions during this 
term, but if the representative undergoes a change of opinion 
which separates him from his constituents upon an important ques- 
tion, he ought to resign. A representative ought to speak and vote 
his convictions, but when his convictions are so altered that he 
cannot conscientiously carry out the wishes of his constituents, he 
ought to give way to some one who is in harmony with the con- 



120 The Commoner Condensed. 

stituency. Sometimes when a great question arises, causing new 
party alignments, the representative returns to his people, presents 
the new issue, and endeavors to convert his constituency to his 
way of thinking : such a course is entirely ' honorable and often 
successful. 

The second theory, namely, that the representative should act 
independently of the wishes of his constituents, is the aristocratic 
one, and rests upon the assumption that the voters are not com- 
petent to think out and decide the questions which concern their 
own welfare. It is only a step from this theory to the doctrine" 
that the people should not be allowed to vote. 

It is important that the representative himself should have a 
proper conception of his relation to his constituents. Most of the 
corruption that finds its way into the government comes from the 
tendency of the representative to regard his office as private prop- 
erty rather than as a public trust. When a representative decides 
that he is not bound to respect the wishes of his constituents, he 
is on the down grade, and usually the next step is to make all 
the money he can out of the office. 



A LESSON TO RULERS. 

Lord Macaulay, in his history of England, describes the growth 
of trusts and monopolies three hundred years ago. He tells how 
the people at last arose and demanded redress, and how the queen, 
seeing that she could no longer resist public opinion, gracefully 
yielded. The historian points to her example as a lesson to rulers. 
In the hope that the lesson may not be lost upon those now in power, 
the description is reproduced : 

It was in the Parliament of 1601 that the opposition which had, 
during forty years, been silently gathering and husbanding strength 
fought its first great battle and won its first victory. The ground 
was well chosen. The English Sovereigns had always been en- 
trusted with the supreme direction of commercial police. It was 
their undoubted prerogative to regulate coin, weights and measures, 
and to appoint fairs, markets, and ports. The line which bounded 
their authority over trade had, as usual, been but loosely drawn. 
They therefore, as usual, encroached on the province which right- 
fully belonged to the legislature. The encroachment was, as usual, 
patiently borne, till it became serious. But at length the Queen 



The Commoner Condensed. 121 

took upon herself to grant patents of monopoly by scores. There 
was scarcely a family in the realm which did not feel itself aggrieved 
by the oppression and extortion which this abuse naturally caused. 
Iron, oil, vinegar, coal, saltpetre, lead, starch, yarn, skins, leather, 
glass, could be bought only at exorbitant prices. The House of 
Commons met in an angry and determined mood. It was in vain 
that a courtly minority blamed the Speaker for suffering acts of 
the Queen's Highness to be called in question. The language of 
the discontented party was high and menacing and was echoed by 
the voice of the whole nation. The coach of the chief minister of 
the crown was surrounded by an indignant populace who cursed the 
monopolies and exclaimed that the prerogative should not be suf- 
fered to touch the old liberties of England. There seemed for a 
moment to be some danger that the long and glorious reign of 
Elizabeth would have a shameful and disastrous end. She, how- 
ever, with admirable judgment and temper, declined the contest, 
put herself at the head of the reforming party, redressed the griev- 
ance, thanked the Commons, in touching and dignified language, 
for their tender care of the general weal, brought back to herself 
the hearts of the people, and left to her successors a memorable 
example of the way in which it behooves a ruler to deal with public 
movements which he has not the means of resisting. 



PLAGIARISM. 



The charge of plagiarism made against a college orator in a 
Missouri contest is a sad reminder of the fact that many young 
men have brought upon themselves an odium difficult to remove 
by borrowing the language of others without giving proper credit. 
Doubtless this is sometimes explained by what is called "uncon- 
scious cerebration," but often the evidence is so plain that it is 
difficult to distinguish the borrowing from a plain case of stealing. 
As the wrongfulness of ordinary larceny does not depend upon the 
discovery of the theft, so the offense of plagiarism is the same 
whether it is found out or not. 

The object of an oratorical contest is to test the ability of those 
who participate in it, and not to ascertain their acquaintance 
with the speeches of others. It is well for the student to remem- 
ber that integrity is even more important than genius, and in- 
finitely more so than a reputation for genius built upon the ability 
of others. The possibilities of our language are such that it is not 
necessary for one person to express himself in the words used by 



122 The Commoner Condensed. 

another, and every mind is so different from every other that a 
man is hampered rather than aided by trying to say something 
just as some one else has said it. The object of education is to 
draw ont and develop the mind, and the student will find that it 
is not only the part of honor, but the part of wisdom as well, to 
be himself and no one else, in all that he says and does. A speech 
to be successful must be appropriate to the occasion of its delivery 
and while the principles set forth may be applicable to other times 
and other places, the speech itself will not fit into any other occa- 
sion. The young man will find it to his advantage to read and 
digest what others have written^ but that which bears his own name 
should be as distinct from that which he has read as the flesh is 
distinct from the food out of which it is created. 



SENATOR McLATTRIN'S BOLT. 

The republican papers are making much of the speech recently 
delivered by Senator McLaurin, of South Carolina, at Charlotte, 
in that state. And well they may, for it marks the beginning of 
a movement in the south which will have an influence upon the 
politics of the nation. It is not likely that Mr. McLaurin will 
be the leader of the movement because he is handicapped by the 
fact that he is using his official position to misrepresent the views 
and interests of his constituents, but some leader will arise to give 
direction and force to the aristocratic and plutocratic element for 
which Mr. McLaurin speaks. There is such an element in every 
community, and now that the race question no longer unifies the 
white people of the southern states, it will doubtless manifest itself. 
Then, too, the corporations are increasing in number and magni- 
tude in the south and with their growth will come attempts to 
secure from the government privileges, favors and immunities. 
The commercialism which has debauched municipal and state gov- 
ernments in the north will soon be apparent in the south and the 
senatorial contests which thus far have been comparatively free 
from scandal south of the Mason and Dixon line will show the 
handiwork of organized capital. 

Senator Tillman has already taken up the gauge of battle thrown 
down by Senator McLaurin, and will doubtless be able to marshal 
a considerable majority in that state, but the same influences are 



The Commoner Condensed. 123 

at work in other states where there is greater danger of their 
success. 

Imperialism gives to the plutocrat his opportunity. He can hide 
behind a pretended patriotism and conceal his mercenary purposes 
by profuse declamation about the nation's expanding greatness and 
international obligations. Those who are willing to purchase trade 
with everybody's blood but their own and who would sell any politi- 
cal or moral principle for a pecuniary consideration rush to defend 
the administration's Philippine policy. 

The democratic sentiment is strong enough to resist and overcome 
the McLaurin movement but those who believe that the man is 
more important than the dollar will have to bestir themselves. The 
corporations are not much on public meetings but they are diligent 
in securing delegates to conventions. The real democrats, confi- 
dent of the merits of their cause, often lack organization and are, 
therefore, at a disadvantage. Their hope lies in a prompt, open and 
persistent appeal to the voters at the primaries. 

A. white republican party in the south may bring some compensa- 
tion in that it is likely to divide the colored vote in the north and 
answer the argument of those northern republicans who have been 
able to give no better reason for remaining with their party than 
that the south was solidly democratic. 



TOLSTOI'S NOBLE APPEAL. 

Count Tolstoi has done much for humanity. He has been an 
heroic figure in his time, and although he has been excommunicated 
by his church and exiled by his country, he will live in history as 
one of the greatest of men. Tolstoi's most recent notable action 
was to address a letter to the Czar of Eussia in which the great 
humanitarian made this striking appeal : 

Why will you fight with what you can never subdue by force, 
instead of covering your name with imperishable fame by treading 
the way of justice ? You protect injustice, sire. 

Free the peasant from the brutal tyranny of the officials ; give 
him equal rights with other ranks; do away with the present 
police system, which demoralizes society, degrades the empire 
and breeds spies and informers. Do away with the restraints on 
education, so that the road to enlightenment may lie open to all. 



124 The Commoner Condensed. 

Prohibit no man from having his free belief, and let religious 
persecution cease. 

It is indeed strange that the monarch who has taken so pro- 
nounced a stand in favor of peace as the Czar of Russia has should 
neglect the opportunity suggested by Tolstoi. It is strange that this 
monarch has not exerted himself in the direction of making his 
own subjects happy. As Tolstoi says, the Czar of Russia has an 
opportunity to cover himself with imperishable fame if he will 
but do those things which will best contribute to the happiness of 
his people. What, indeed, is the prestige of a crown that depends 
solely upon the sword for its existence? How much greater, how 
much happier, is the monarch whose authority and power do not 
depend upon the bayonet, but whose government is supported be- 
cause of the happiness and the contentment of the people over 
whom he rules. 



AN EXECUTIVE DUTY. 

Sometime ago the federal court at New Orleans was asked for 
an injunction to prevent further shipments of horses and mules to 
the British troops in South Africa. This judicial proceeding was 
considered at a meeting of the cabinet, and the dispatches say that 
the cabinet took the position that the courts have no jurisdiction in 
matters affecting the international policies of the government. The 
members of the cabinet agreed that inasmuch as the New Orleans 
case involved neutrality the judiciary was without jurisdiction, and 
that the executive should enjoy a monopoly of authority in the 
premises. 

It will occur to a great many people that the administration is 
very sensitive on any point that may appear to the disadvantage 
of the British Empire and to the advantage of the South African 
Republics. 

The claim that in such cases the judiciary has no authority is 
not sound nor in keeping with well settled practice. 

During the administration of Benjamin Harrison, while civil 
war was pending in Chili, the United States Court at San Diego, 
California, issued a writ for the seizure of a vessel that had been 
loaded with munitions of war, on the ground that it was engaged 
in the violation of the neutrality laws. While this vessel was in 
the custody of a United States Marshal it was forcibly wrested 



The Commoner Condensed. 125 

from his control and put to sea. Our government made a demand 
upon the Chilian government that this vessel and its cargo be 
returned to the - officers of the court, and this demand was recog- 
nized. In his message to Congress, President Harrison, referring 
to this point, said : "It would have been inconsistent with the dig- 
nity and self-respect of this government not to have insisted that 
the Itata should be returned to San Diego to abide the judgment 
of the court." Is it not clear here that Benjamin Harrison, who 
stood high among the lawyers of the country, did not entertain the 
notion that in the interpretation of the neutrality laws the judiciary 
was without authority and that the executive alone had jurisdiction ? 
In the same message President Harrison referred to a trial in 
the federal court of California which resulted in a decision holding 
that inasmuch as one of the contestants in a war had not been recog- 
nized as a belligerent, the acts done in its interest could not be a 
violation of our neutrality laws. "From this judgment," said Presi- 
dent Harrison, "the United States has appealed that we may know 
what the present state of our law is ; for if this construction of the 
statute is correct, there is obvious necessity for revision and amend- 
ment." If this was a matter of purely executive authority the 
government would not have appealed. A cabinet meeting would 
have been held and notice would have been served upon the federal 
court that in attempting to interpret the laws, the judiciary was 
trespassing upon the right of the executive branch of the govern- 
ment, a branch which according to old fashioned notions was de- 
signed for the execution rather than the interpretation of laws. 
But President Harrison, it will be observed, said that an appeal 
was taken "That we may know what the present state of our law 
is." There we have very clearly stated Benjamin Harrison's idea 
that .when any doubt existed concerning a law, the judiciary must 
determine it; the judiciary was the branch of government which 
was to interpret law. But Benjamin Harrison was educated in the 
old fashioned school of law as well as in the old fashioned school 
of statesmanship. He had not learned that in. this government the 
executive is the single power before which all other powers must 
bow. He had not learned that the mandate of men in executive 
positions is potent irrespective of the equities of the situation. 



126 The Commoner Condensed. 



VII. 
GAMBLING, GEEAT AND SMALL. 

The following press dispatches illustrate the point which The 
Commoner desires to make : 

Le Mars, I a., April 17. — The Le Mars National bank did not 
open this morning. Thomas F. Ward, vice-president and manager 
of the institution, is a self-confessed embezzler to an amount of 
from $25,000 to $30,000. He has also absconded. Ward departed 
Monday night and yesterday Cashier Frank Koob received a letter 
from Ward saying: 

"Dear Frank : I leave to-night for God Almighty knows where. 
This board of trade business has ruined me. Save me from in- 
dictment if you can. I will pay back every cent I can/' 

Then the writer explained the funds from which he has been 
stealing to cover his losses. 

Vancouver, Wash., April 21. — Crushed by the disgrace of their 
exposure President Charles Brown and Cashier E. L. Canby of the 
First National bank, which was closed yesterday, decided to end 
their troubles in death. As soon as the shortage was discovered 
Brown and Canby fled. It was believed that they were in hiding 
somewhere near town, as there had been no train on which they 
could have left. A posse of angry depositors searched all night 
for the missing bankers, and if they had been found there might 
have been a double lynching. But the fugitives spared their victims 
the trouble of taking their lives. 

Soon after daylight this morning a little party of the searchers 
directed their attention to a clump of woods two miles north of 
town. 

In the center of the wood is a little clearing, and here the man 
hunt came to an end. Lying on the ground before them the men 
who had sought their capture saw the dead bodies of Brown and 
Canby. Both had used the same weapon and Canby had evidently 
died first, as the revolver was found in Brown's hand. It is evi- 
dent that Canby put the muzzle of the revolver in his mouth and 
then blew the top of his head off. Brown then took it and shot 
himself in exactly the same way, falling over Canby's body. 

Friday evening, Canby, upon being told by Bank Examiner J. W. 
Maxwell that the bank would not be permitted to open Saturday, 
went out in the yard behind the bank and attempted to shoot 



The Commoner Condensed. 127 

himself. His revolver failed to explode, although all five chambers 
were loaded. After failing to shoot himself, Canby went back 
into the bank and he and President Brown left together later, 
taking his revolver. When Examiner Maxwell confronted the bank 
officials with the shortage of $81,000 which he had discovered both 
men admitted their guilt. It is said that Brown and Canby had 
been speculating in stocks. 

Besides Brown's body there was found a package containing $25 
and a note saying that the money belonged to his daughter. Upon 
Canby' s body the following brief note was found : 

"Dear Wife : I feel what I am about to do is for the best. For- 
give me if you can and try to live for our dear children. God 
bless you all. Good-by. Ned. 

"April 19." 

These dispatches, showing how trusted business men were led 
from the path of honesty to crime, disgrace and, in two cases, death, 
suggest a contrast. ^. 

Ever and anon a crusade against vice is undertaken in New 
York and other large cities. Attempts are made to close the 
gambling dens and eloquent sermons are preached in denunciation 
of games of chance. Sometimes the crusades are led by ministers 
and there is no question that these ministers would immediately 
secure the expulsion from their churches of any person convicted 
of running a gambling place or of frequenting one. This is good 
as far as it goes, but it does not go far enough. 

Tell one of these crusaders that a young man who has, by the 
exercise of industry and economy, saved up five hundred dollars, 
has been enticed into a gambling place and has there lost his little 
fortune, and no language will be sufficiently severe to condemn 
the folly of the young man, the crime of .the keeper of the house 
and the wickedness of the officials who permit such an establish- 
ment to exist. 

But change the details of the picture; tell the crusader that it 
was a middle aged man instead of a youth, that the amount lost 
was fifty thousand dollars instead of five hundred, that the specu- 
lator used trust money and that the gambling was done on the 
board of trade or the stock exchange — and what will be the re- 
ply? Will the crusader denounce the board of trade and the stock 
exchange and condemn the officials who permit them to exist? 
And yet the ordinary games of chance are innocent amusement 
in comparison with the greater games played where cliques, corners 



128 The Commoner Condensed. 

and false rumors affect the market and drive prices up or down 
to suit the purpose of those in control. 

No one will undertake to defend gambling from a moral or an 
economic standpoint, but why do the crusaders exhaust their en- 
ergy upon the petty offenders and remain silent in the presence 
of big gamblers who, besides bringing ruin to thousands, lend a 
sort of respectability to schemes for obtaining something for noth- 
ing? 

The total amount of money lost at the card table, the wheel 
of fortune and other games which are declared to be illegal is 
insignificant in comparisoD with the amount lost in speculation on 
the boards of trade and stock exchanges. Then, too, in small 
gambling, the parties to the games and their immediate families 
are usually the only ones pecuniarily affected, while speculation 
upon the market injures the producers, consumers and legitimate 
dealers who try to conduct their business honestly and who them- 
selves do not deal in futures or options. 

If the ministers w T ho discourse eloquently on sin in the slums 
of the cities will arraign the speculating pew holders, they will 
find it easier to cure the more hideous but less harmful kinds of 
gambling. 

If the educators who have faith in the power of public opinion 
to remedy evil will endeavor to create a sentiment against 
gambling in stocks and grain and produce, they will find it easier 
to prevent gambling among their students. The mania for mak- 
ing a fortune in short order is corrupting society and undermining 
the business integrity as well as the morality of many communi- 
ties. 



WHEN HARMONY IS POSSIBLE. 

There is no word more pleasant to the ear than "harmony"; 
there is no condition more delightful to contemplate or to enjoy 
than "harmony"; and there is no phrase more shamefully abused 
than "harmony." 

Just now some men who w^ere formerly democrats are pleading 
loudly for "harmony" and they offer to deliver their particular 
and peculiar brand of ' 'harmony" postpaid to any part of the 
country — west and south preferred. Their promises and guaran- 
tees read like the advertisement of a sorceress, "Estranged friends 



The Commoner Condensed. 129 

reconciled, waning love revived, obstacles to reunion removed, lost 
property found and a happy and prosperous life ensured." — This 
is but a partial catalogue of the good things held out by the 
soothsayers who ply their avocation under the guise of re-organ- 
izers. 

No one should be deceived by this pretended desire for harmony. 
No process has ever been discovered for welding together into one 
harmonious party men who differ in conviction and desire the tri- 
umph of opposite principles. There can be no difference of opinion 
among intelligent and honest men as to the basis of real or perma- 
nent harmony. 

In Webster's dictionary harmony is defined as "concord and agree- 
ment in facts, opinions, manners, interests, etc/' This is the only 
foundation upon which useful or enduring harmony can rest. 

There was harmony in the democratic party until 1892. In that 
year Mr. Cleveland ran for president upon a platform which was 
clear and definite on the tariff question, but ambiguous on the 
money question. One part of the platform was emphasized in the 
east and another part in the south, while in the west the democrats 
were advised by the democratic national committee to vote the popu- 
list ticket in order to defeat the republican electors in states where 
the democrats were known to be in the minority. Following these 
instructions the democrats helped to carry Kansas, Colorado, Idaho 
and Nevada for the populist candidates and almost carried the state 
of Nebraska. 

When Mr. Cleveland took his seat he surrounded himself with a 
cabinet composed of men who, on the money question, dissented 
from the views of the majority of the democrats who voted for 
him. Instead of calling Congress together to consider the tariff 
question which had been made the paramount issue and about 
which nearly all democrats agreed, he waited until summer and 
then convened Congress in extraordinary session to consider a finan- 
cial measure proposed by Senator John Sherman a year before- 
This measure was forced through Congress by a disgraceful use 
of patronage, and received the support of a larger percentage of 
the republican congressmen. Soon afterwards a bill was passed to 
coin the seigniorage — a bill which was supported by a majority of 
the democrats and opposed by a majority of the republicans. Mr. 
Cleveland vetoed this bill at the demand of New York financiers. 

A little later he made a contract with the Eothschild-Morgan 



130 The Commoner Condensed. 

syndicate for the sale of gold bonds and then asked Congress to 
ratify the contract, but a democratic congress refused to do it. 
Then came the election of 1894 which gave the republicans a ma- 
jority of over one hundred and forty in Congress. To understand 
the change which took place in two years (and that, too, before the 
party standard was placed "in unfamiliar hands/' as Mr. Cleveland 
would say) it is only necessary to remember that the democrats had 
a majority of ninety-two in the preceding Congress. In this new 
Congress, elected in '94, New York had only six democrats, Penn- 
sylvania two, Ohio two, Illinois one, and Indiana none. 

At that election the republicans carried eleven of the fifteen 
districts of Missouri and Mr. Hill was defeated for Governor in 
New York by 156,108. 

Of the twenty-nine senators whose terms began the following 
March eighteen were republicans, ten were democrats and one a 
populist. 

In the spring of 1895 it became apparent that the next national 
convention would have to deal with the money question. On April 
13, Mr. Cleveland wrote a letter to a Sound Money League in 
Chicago defending his own financial views and opposing those which 
he knew to be entertained by a majority of his party. Near the 
conclusion of the letter he said : "Disguise it as we may, the line of 
battle is drawn between the forces of safe currency and those of 
silver monometallism." The following month, Mr. Carlisle, then 
secretary of the treasury, went to Memphis and attempted to or- 
ganize the southern democracy in support of the president's posi- 
tion. 

In June of that year the democrats who favored bimetallism sent 
delegates to a meeting at Memphis and at that meeting the national 
Silver Committee was appointed. Then followed a contest of a 
year's duration between the gold element on the one side, led by 
the administration and supported by the banks, railroads and 
most of the daily papers, and on the other side the bimetallic 
element, led by the silver committee. The battle was fought out 
at the primaries and the administration, in spite of its powerful 
allies, lost. 

When the convention met, about two-thirds of the delegates 
were under instructions to vote for a platform favoring the free 
coinage of gold and silver at sixteen to one, and yet, notwith- 
standing this well-known fact, the administration forces, under 



The Commoner Condensed. 131 

the direction of Mr. Whitney, tried to induce the delegates to violate 
their instructions and betray their constituents. 

The minority opposed the money plank of the platform and 
offered a substitute favoring international bimetallism. A few 
weeks later the same men met at Indianapolis and, forgetting all 
about international bimetallism, declared for the gold standard 
and nominated a separate ticket. Then forgetting all about the 
ticket which they had nominated, they for the most part voted 
the republican ticket. During the campaign every conceivable 
fraud was resorted to. Wherever a republican court would aid 
them (as in Nebraska) they had the bolting electors put on the 
ticket as "democrats" to deceive the voters. 

The Palmer and Buckner ticket carried just one precinct in the 
United States, and yet the men who put that ticket in the field 
volunteer as leaders of the democratic party and promise* to win 
a glorious victory. 

They do not seem to think it necessary to discuss the principles 
which the platform shall contain or to suggest any remedy for ex- 
isting ills. 

When the election of 1896 was over, the leading gold democrats 
of the nation met at the Waldorf Hotel, boasted of their opposition 
to the democratic ticket and claimed credit for the election of a 
republican president. 

After four years of republican administration, marked by high 
tariff legislation which the gold democrats always professed to 
abhor, marked by trust ^domination which tSe gold democrats 
always pretended to dislike and characterized by imperialistic ten- 
dencies against which the leading gold democrats loudly pro- 
tested, another national campaign was fought. Some of the men 
who left the party in '96 returned in 1900, and were warmly 
welcomed, but a majority of the prominent gold democrats sup- 
ported the republican ticket again last year, proving either that 
they regard the money question as more important than industrial 
independence, which is attacked by the trust, and the declaration 
of independence, which is attacked by imperialism, or else that 
the same principles which led them to support the financial 
policy of the republican party also led them to support the other 
policies of that party, 

The election of 1900 resulted in a second defeat more pro- 



132 The Commoner Condensed. 

nounced than that of 1896, but not as overwhelming as the defeat 
of 1894. 

Now the men who were responsible for two national defeats are 
talking about harmony and offering to guarantee success, provided 
the party will follow the instructions which they give. And what 
are the conditions? 

First, That the party shall abandon the doctrines set forth in 
the platform of 1896, reaffirmed by nearly every democratic state 
convention in 1900, and reiterated by the national convention 
of that year. 

Second, That it shall drive away the populists and silver re- 
publicans who came to the support of the democratic ticket when 
the gold democrats went over to the enemy. 

These conditions are impossible ones. The men who make these 
demands would not feel at home in any democratic party worthy 
of the name, and they would not only drive democrats out of the 
party, but would repel allies and keep young men with democratic 
inclination from coming into the party. Whether circumstances 
reduce or increase the importance of the silver question, the same 
principles are involved in other phases of the money question, in 
the question of monopoly and, in fact, in all the other questions 
now before the country. 
-. The harmonizing of personal differences is an easy matter. 

Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Hill were thought to be personal enemies, 
but the money question brought them together, and at the Chicago 
convention the -latter offered the resolution endorsing the adminis- 
tration of the former. Mr. Hanna and Mr. Foraker are supposed 
to be personally unfriendly, but they act together when the roll is 
called. The harmonizing of radical differences of opinion be- 
tween conscientious men is, however, more difficult. 

Eeconciliation between the two elements of the democratic 
party must be brought about, if at all, in one of two ways: 
First, by such a change of opinion in either element as will pro- 
duce "concord or agreement." 

The minority denies that it has changed and there is no evi- 
dence of change in the majority. 

Second, the two elements might be brought together by some 
question of sufficient importance to overshadow the questions 
about which they differ. But in such case the platform must 
represent the views of the majority on minor questions. When 



The Commoner Condensed. 133 

the gold democrats supported the republican ticket in '96 they did 
so on account of the money question and were willing to over- 
look the tariff plank in the republican platform. So, in 1900, 
some of the most loyal and earnest supporters of the democratic 
ticket were republicans who were opposed to imperialism and who 
were willing to overlook differences on minor questions. 

The struggle between plutocracy and democracy must be fought 
out, and the democratic party must take one side or the other. 
There is no middle ground. If those who have opposed the party 
in recent years are willing to take the democratic side in this 
fight there will be no difficulty in "getting together" and there 
will be no lack of harmony. If, however, the men who have been 
voting the republican ticket expect to come back and convert the 
democratic party into a plutocratic party, to be run along republi- 
can lines and according to republican methods, they will have to 
announce their platform and make the issue at the primaries. 
The six million and more voters who supported the ticket will 
not be led into the republican party without a struggle. There 
is no sense in inviting an opponent into your house to see which 
can put the other out, and those who remain faithful have a 
right to know whether the re-organizers come as friends or as 
enemies. 

The objection to the re-organizers is not based so much upon 
what they have done as upon what they are doing and propose 
to do, if they obtain control of the party. 



BRAVO! JUDGE THOMPSON". 

On another page will be found a synopsis of the opinion de- 
livered by Judge Owen P. Thompson, of Jacksonville, 111., in the 
suit brought at Springfield, against the state board of equalization 
to compel the assessment of some Chicago corporations which were 
almost entirely escaping taxation. Enough of the opinion is given 
to show the facts as they were brought out at the trial, the conduct 
of respondents and the reasoning upon which the decision was 
based. 

It was fortunate for the tax-payers of Chicago that the case 
was tried before a brave and honest judge, one who could not 
be awed or influenced by the great corporations which were shirk- 



134 Tta Commoner Condensed. 

ing their duty, and throwing upon others the burdens which they 
themselves ought to bear. It is to be hoped that the daily papers 
which report with fidelity the small stealings by obscure persons 
will give due attention to this suit which involves $235,000,000 
withheld from assessment by well-known corporations. 

Solomon Simon seems to have been the only member of the 
Board of Equalization who tried to protect the plain every-day 
citizens. 

Long life and health to Judge Thompson and Solomon Simon ! 



EOOSEVELT ON DUTY. 

The Vice-President delivered a speech a few nights ago before 
the Home Market Club of Boston. A perusal of his remarks 
convinces one that he shares with the President the tendency to 
apply the term "duty" to those things which he desires. He says : 

For good or for evil we now find ourselves with new DUTIES 
in the West Indies and new DUTIES beyond the Pacific. We 
cannot escape the performance of these DUTIES. All we can 
decide for ourselves is whether we shall do them well or ill. 

The fact that these "duties" were self-imposed and are clung 
to in spite of the fact that they involve a violation of American 
principles, cuts no figure. It is all in the definition of duty. 
According to republican logic it is very wrong to steal unless 
you find something which is very valuable — then larceny becomes 
a duty. The fact that you may be compelled to take human life 
in order to get the thing desired is immaterial — call it duty and 
sin becomes a virtue. 

A little later on in his speech the real secret of the Philippine 
policy leaks out. Mr. Roosevelt says: 

In developing these islands it is well to keep steadily in mind 
that business is one of the great levers of civilization. It is 
immensely to the interest of the people of the islands that their 
resources should be developed, and therefore it is to their interest 
even more than to ours that our citizens should develop their in- 
dustries. The further fact that it is our duty to see that the 
development takes place under conditions so carefully guarded 
that no wrong may come to the islanders, must not blind us to 
the first great fact, which is the need of development. 



The Commoner Condensed. 135 

The reasoning is complete. Business is a civilizer ; the Filipinos 
need civilizing, and we are nothing if not business-like. There- 
fore;, it is to the interest of the Filipinos that we should develop 
them for their good. This is strenuous life, and lest some might 
be restrained by conscientious scruples, the Vice-President felt 
it necessary to impress upon his hearers that "the first great fact" 
is the "need of development." The "duty to see that the develop- 
ment takes place under conditions so carefully guarded that no 
wrong may come to the islanders" is simply a "further fact" — 
not "the first great fact" — and, "must not bind us" to the princi- 
pal thing — "the need of development." 

Nowhere does Mr. Roosevelt discuss the effect of the new policy 
upon our theory of government; nowhere does he attempt to ex- 
plain why a colonial system was wrong in 1776 and right now. 
His whole argument can be summed up as follows: We are in 
the Philippine Islands — no matter how we got there, we are there ; 
whether there for good or evil, we cannot get away; it looks as if 
it were providential for them — and, besides, there is money in it 
for us. 



WATTERSON'S DEFINITION". 

Mr. Watterson, in a lengthy editorial in the Courier- Journal 
entitled "The Dream of the Dreamer," fixes, so far as he has 
power to do so, the status of the editor of The Commoner. 

Quoting from The Commoner's editorial of three weeks ago 
he says: 

In these extracts Mr. Bryan shows himself not as a party 
leader, but as a moral philosopher. They in turn disclose the 
difference which exists, and has always existed, between fact and 
theory as illustrated by the conduct of men and the movement of 
the world. To lay down principles is easy enough. Any man 
can sit in his watch-tower by the margin of the sea and descant 
upon the rules of navigation. The mariner tossed by the raging 
billows applies himself to the needs of the moment, the state of 
his steering gear, the leaks in his hold, the character of his cargo, 
the condition of his crew, the weather and the points both of 
the compass and his destination. Yet navigation is said to be an 
exact science, whilst government, if a science at all, is least exact 
of all others ; a bundle of quiddities, referable to the passions of 
some, the interests of others, the ignorance of all; intensely, ex- 



136 The Commoner Condensed. 

clusively practical, the very sport and prey of the accidents of 
fortune. 

He is no statesman who has not learned to detach his policies 
from his visions. He is no statesman who has not emancipated 
himself from that which for want of a better name dreamers call 
the ideal. He is no statesman who does not apply his means to his 
ends, going fast or slow as occasion requires, but making no mis- 
take in reading the riddle of the time, in deciphering the mathe- 
matics of the moment, in translating the spirit and temper of the 
people. 

Mr. Bryan, let us repeat, is a moral philosopher — not a states- 
man. 



I wonld feel more overwhelmed by this crnshing condemnation 
bnt for the fact that Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin 
also come in for their share of the censure. Their principles are 
swept aside as "generalities" when they attempt to hold nations 
to the same code of ethics which they apply to individuals. Mr. 
Watterson says that he will not stop "to gainsay or dispute" these 
generalities. 

He apparently admits the correctness of the principles laid down 
by the opponents of imperialism, but argues that the nation is at 
liberty to disregard them. The difference between the honest man 
and the dishonest one is not generally a difference in principles — 
for nearly all men admit the truth when it is stated in the abstract 
— but the difference is that the former applies his principles to 
every-day life, while the latter, in the hour of temptation, waives 
them aside as generalities and then tries to lay upon his environ- 
ment the responsibility for his sins. 

Mr. Watterson's definition of statesmanship is that it is the 
art of detaching one's policies from his visions or, to speak more 
plainty, the art of ignoring moral principles whenever it is popular 
or profitable to do so. Fortunately ihis definition has never been — 
and let us hope never will be — generally accepted. The statesman 
must have ideals, for without them he cannot appeal to the hearts 
of men ; and he must follow his ideals, for unless he does he cannot 
long retain the confidence of the people. The politician may 
"run with the hare and hunt with the hounds/' but in the former 
case he is apt to be caught and in the latter case he earns a dog's 
reputation. 

Mr. Watterson's illustrations are as unfortunate as his logic, ag 
the following will show: 



The Commoner Condensed. 137 

Mr. Jefferson allowed no theory to stand between him and the 
purchase of Louisiana, though in making the purchase he had to 
cross his own tracks. Mr. Lincoln allowed no constitutional scruple 
to stand between him and emancipation, though, being a conscience 
Whig, to save his conscience, he issued the proclamation as a war 
measure. 

There was no moral principle involved in the acquisition of the 
Louisiana Territory. Jefferson doubted whether the letter of the 
constitution permitted it, but having an opportunity to purchase 
it, not for the exploitation of a colony but as an integral part of 
a republic, he did so expecting to ask for a constitutional amend- 
ment approving of it. 

The act, however, was so universally commended and the opinion 
that the act was constitutional was so general that no effort was 
made to amend the constitution. 

Lincoln was always opposed to slavery. While he believed that 
slavery should be protected where it existed under the Constitution, 
he never attempted to conceal his opinion as to the moral question 
involved, and he justified his emancipation proclamation as the 
taking of property is always justified in time of war. Neither 
Jefferson nor Lincoln "detached his policies from his visions" or 
justified what he regarded as morally wrong on the ground that 
he was swept along by an irresistible force. 

Imperialism is not a transient question; it is an organic dis- 
ease and attacks the vital principles of the republic. The perma- 
nent retention of the Philippine Islands necessitates one of two 
courses. First, we can admit the Filipinos to citizenship and allow 
them to share with us in shaping the destiny of "The United States 
of America and Asia," but no considerable portion of our people 
favors this plan. Second, we can treat the Filipinos as subjects 
and give them, not such a government as we have but such a govern- 
ment as we think they ought to have, shooting such as interpose 
an objection. This is the plan which the republican party is now 
developing. 

Buckle said that the English could not defend the war against 
the colonies without asserting principles which, if carried out, 
would have destroyed English liberty. So, to-day, the democratic 
party cannot defend the administration's policy in the Philippines 
without asserting principles which, if carried out, will destroy 
liberty in the United States. 



138 The Commoner Condensed. 

The commandment thou shalt not steal, cannot be qualified so 
as to admit of the stealing of islands or so moderated as to excuse 
larceny when committed by a large nation against a small one; 
neither can the principles which underlie our government be so 
construed as to sanction a government founded on force or "taxa- 
tion without representation." For more than a century our nation 
has been travelling upward and toward the light. Its history, its 
traditions and its songs have breathed the spirit of liberty and have 
been an inspiration to the oppressed in every quarter of the globe. 
The democratic party has raised its voice in behalf of human rights 
and blood bought blessings. It will not abandon its ideas; it will 
not detach its policies from its visions ; it will not adopt an "any- 
thing to win" policy; it will not begin bellowing at the scent of 
blood. 



VIKGINIA'S TEMPTATION". 

Virginia seems likely to have a spirited contest over a proposed 
section in her new constitution restricting the appropriation for 
the education of the negroes. The plan suggested, and strange 
to say it has received considerable support, is to provide that the 
appropriation for negro schools shall be in proportion to the taxes 
paid by the colored people. 

The Richmond Times denounces the scheme in the following 



The state will cruelly have neglected its duty if it give to the 
white children the means of primary education, and withhold it 
from the children that are black. Nor do we believe that the 
people of Virginia are willing that this cruel thing be done. 

Senator Daniels in a letter recently published says: 

Primary education ought to be free to all. With the three K's 
open to everybody they have the keys that unlock the book of knowl- 
edge, and it is their own fault or peculiar misfortune if they do 
not then work out their own salvation. You will observe that I 
speak of primary education. I do so because I think much of edu-^^ 
cation has been wasted, and there is ample room for improvement 
and reform without disturbing the foundations of education and 
denying to any one primary opportunities. * * * Our own 
people are liberal by nature and history, and there was never a 
time when they could better afford to be liberal by interest. Every 



The Commoner Condensed. 139 

southern state and every border state has had a constitutional con- 
vention, and some of them two constitutional conventions since 
Virginia's last one, in 1867. All of these states have had racial 
questions to deal with, and some of them were stirred to the high- 
est pitch of indignation by the atrocities of carpet-bag government. 
Yet in no one of them has any such radical move as the parti- 
tion of school funds by severe racial lines ever found favor. This 
is a most significant fact. It shows the concurrent opinion of all 
commonwealths similarly situated to ours that no such step is 
advisable. We would isolate ourselves by taking it and chill the 
temper of reform. 

The question raised is one of very serious importance — of far 
greater importance than the educational qualification which has 
been adopted in some of the states. An educational qualification, 
however objectionable it may seem at the time, is only a tempo- 
rary barrier, for with a proper school system the franchise is soon 
within the reach of all; but to disfranchise the negro by an 
educational qualification and then deny him the means of getting 
an education, is a much more serious matter. 

While it may seem a hardship for the white people to bear so 
large a share as they do of the expenses of instruction for colored 
children, they find some recompense in the fact that they own 
a large share of the taxable property. In no state of the union 
is there an attempt to make each family or class pay for its own 
education. In every community the expense of public schools is 
paid by general taxation. 

Very often large taxpayers have few children or none at all, 
but they are compelled to contribute to the support of schools 
because every citizen of a community is interested in the educa- 
tion of all the members of the community. Life and property 
are more secure and existence more tolerable in proportion as 
the people are developed in mind and character. 

If the people of Virginia are short sighted enough to yield to 
the temptation and abandon their efforts to educate the black 
people among them, they will pay a terrible penalty in being 
compelled to live among people brutalized by ignorance. The 
amount of money saved would be a small return for the peril 
which they would bring upon themselves and their children. 
Jefferson, whose dust makes sacred the soil of Monticello, was a 
firm believer in a common school system which would place the 
advantages of education within the reach of every child. Surely 



140 The Commoner Condensed. 

Virginia, the home of Jefferson, will not be the first state to enter 
upon a restrictive policy which would condemn a portion of the 
people to enforced illiteracy. 



THE PASS IN COURT. 

During the recent session of the Nebraska Legislature two bills 
relating to railroad passes were introduced in the House of Repre- 
sentatives and favorably reported, but were not considered. The 
following extracts present the parts germane to the present discus- 
sion. H. R. No. 430 : "A judge or justice is disqualified from act- 
ing as such except by mutual consent of parties, in any case wherein 
he is a party or interested * * * or when he shall 
have received or used free transportation, or transportation at less 
than the established or usual rate of price, or had the promise 
of the same in any form for his person or property; from any 
railroad company or over or upon any railroad or any such trans- 
portation within the time aforesaid, shall have been, directly 
or indirectly requested by him for himself or for any other 
person or property, and such mutual consent must be in writing 
and made a part of the record." 

H. R. No. 428 : "It shall be sufficient cause of challenge of a 
petit juror that he lacks any one of the qualifications mentioned 
in section two (2) of this act * * * or that he 
has served as a juror on the trial of a cause in any court of 
record in the county within one year previous to the time of 
his being offered as a juror; or that within such time he shall 
have received or used free transportation, or transportation at less 
than the established or usual rate or price, or had the promise of the 
same in any form for his person or property, from any railroad 
company, or over or upon any railroad, or any such transportation 
within the time aforesaid shall have been directly or indirectly 
requested by him for himself or for any other person or property." 

Judge Munger of the United States Court for the District of 
Nebraska has recently held it cause for challenge in a suit to which 
a railroad was a party that a juror after he was drawn and sum- 
moned asked and received from such railroad a pass. 

The principles embodied in the bills quoted from and the rule 



The Commoner Condensed. 141 

laid down by Judge Munger are undoubtedly sound. That a pass 
has a pecuniary value is recognized by both the donor and the 
donee, and that a pass may have an influence upon the mind and 
decision of a juror or judge is understood by the railroad if not 
by the recipient of the pass. Corporations do not give away things 
of value without expecting a return in some form, and they would 
not continue to give passes unless they felt that this expectation 
had been realized in the past. 

The parties to a suit are entitled to a fair and impartial trial, 
and a trial cannot be fair or impartial if the judge or a juror is 
under pecuniary obligations to one of the parties to the suit. As 
long as men can be influenced by "zeal born of benefits received and 
fostered by the hope of favors yet to come," as Mr. Cleveland once 
felicitously expressed it, they will be tempted to lean toward the 
side from which the benefit comes. It cannot be stated as an uni- 
versal or invariable rule that a pass is a bribe, nor can it be said 
that it always influences the person w T ho receives it, but until a 
passometer is invented which will measure the influence of free 
transportation upon the judicial mind, the only safe plan is to 
prohibit the use of passes by those who are to decide controversies 
to which a railroad is a party. If a judge is required to travel in 
the discharge of official duties his expenses are provided for; if 
he has occasion to travel on private business he can better afford 
to buy a ticket than the average man. If any one will observe he 
will find that those who need free transportation most are unable 
to secure it, and that those best able to pay their fare are the 
ones who have the influence necessary to secure passes. 



CEIMINAL SPECULATION". 

If a crime is defined as an act the doing of which is prohibited 
by law, stock speculation cannot be considered criminal, but when 
the word crime is used in its broader sense to describe an act which 
offends against morality or the public welfare, it certainly in- 
cludes that species of gambling upon the market which endangers 
the community as well as injures the participants. A record of 
Wall Street's doings for the last week is an indictment against our 
boasted civilization. That such transactions are allowed is as much 
a reflection upon the intelligence of the country as it is upon the 



142 The Commoner Condensed. 

conscience of the people. It is little less than amazing that a 
few men should be permitted to corner the market for their own 
selfish purposes, beat down the price of one stock and boom the 
price of another stock, demoralizing business and jeopardizing 
the interests of all classes of society. It is reported that the slump 
in stocks amounted to seven hundred millions in value, and 
that the New York banks had to put up nearly twenty millions 
of dollars to prevent a panic. How will the historian describe an 
age in which a petty thief is severely punished while great crimi- 
nals go unwhipped? It often takes an object lesson to arouse the 
people to the evils of a bad system and the recent fluctuations in 
the stock market, costly as they have been, will be cheap if they 
lead to legislation which will put an end to stock gambling, errone- 
ously described as "business." 



COEPOEATIOISrS ENTER PARLIAMENT. 

From London dispatches it would seem that corporation in- 
fluence is manifesting itself in the English parliament. The 
following is in point : 

The discussion in the house of commons to-day of a private 
bill conferring additional powers on the London & North- 
western railway led to a great deal of acrimonious recrimination. 
John Burns, who, with the opposition generally, opposed the meas- 
ure, was called to order by the speaker for stigmatizing some of 
the railroad representatives in the house as "ornamental guinea 
pigs." Mr. Burns' special reference was to Mr. Macartney, who 
was elected a director of the London & Northwestern railroad 
after having been appointed financial secretary to the admirality. 

The bill was finally rejected by a vote of 210 to 202, amid pro- 
longed cheering. 

Mr. Swift MacNeill, a liberal member, entered a protest against 
Mr. Macartney's vote in favor of the bill on the ground that he 
was pecuniarily interested. Mr. Macartney's right to vote was 
defended on the ground of precedent, Mr. Balfour going to his 
rescue. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and John Dillon advo- 
cated a rule prohibiting directors of corporations from voting 
under such circumstances. Mr. Kier-Hardie said that the House 
ought to adopt a higher standard of purity and declared that there 



The Commoner Condensed. 143 

was a strong feeling in the country "that the House was becoming 
more and more corrupt financially " He declared that the "work- 
ing people regarded the House as an annex to the stock exchange." 
All this goes to show that corporate influence is making itself 
felt on the other side of the Atlantic and that there, as here, it is 
being exerted in behalf of privileges and favors antagonistic to 
the interests of the common people. It also shows that those who 
are under corporation influence lose all sense of propriety and in- 
sist upon voting upon questions in which they are pecuniarily 
interested. 



MOTION", NOT PROGRESS. 

A republican reader of The Commoner — and The Commoner 
is glad to have republican readers — complains because this paper 
refers with approval to the principles of Jefferson, Jackson, and 
Monroe and condemns the principles set forth by the republican 
party of to-day. 

The reader referred to objects to the prevalent practice of "ran- 
sacking antiquated centuries to find a suitable standard for present 
day actions." He says: "All the nations are moving forward in 
conformity with the growth of knowledge, the birth of new 
thought, and the expansion of ideas ; and it is neither wise, intelli- 
gent, nor patriotic to condemn progressive men and advanced 
measures." 

The difficulty with this republican reader is that he fails to 
distinguish between motion and progress. Motion is change of 
place; progress is movement forward: He fails to distinguish 
between growth and inflammation. The republican party is not 
making progress; it is in motion, but the motion is backward 
instead of forward. The doctrines which it now advocates are not 
new; they are as old as history. Imperialism is not an invention 
of modern origin; it is ancient. It rests upon the doctrine of 
brute force, and force was the foundation of empires in the past 
and is the foundation of the monarchies of the old world to-day. 

Cain was the first man to act upon the imperialistic idea. He 
killed his brother and wore the brand of a murderer forever after- 
ward. Imperialism has been killing ever since. It disregards 
human rights and moral principles. The fact that a nation instead 
of an individual commits a wrong does not change the character 



144 The Commoner Condensed. 

of the act ; neither does the fact that punishment is delayed justify 
us in believing that it can be avoided. There is only one sound 
rule, namely, that every violation of human rights will bring its 
punishment — if a great many join in the violation, the punish- 
ment will be greater when it comes. 

The principles of Jefferson, Monroe and Jackson are referred to 
because they were sound principles at the time they were applied, 
and they are still sound. They can be forgotten, they can be ig- 
nored, they can be trampled upon, but their truth cannot be 
destroyed. 



THE RATIFICATION OF THE TREATY. 

A reader of The Commoner has called attention to the fact 
that republicans try to shirk responsibility for an imperial policy 
by saying that I advised the ratification of the treaty. He asks 
that I state the reasons which led me to favor ratification. 

In a speech delivered at Indianapolis, August 8, 1900, accept- 
ing the democratic nomination, I took occasion to discuss this 
matter, the following being an extract from that speech : 

When the President finally laid before the senate a treaty which 
recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession 
of the Philippine Islands to the United States, the menace of 
imperialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject the 
treaty and risk the ills that might follow rather than take the 
chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the independent 
action of this country. 

I was among the number of those who believed it better to 
ratify the treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, remove 
the excuse for war expenditures and then give the Filipinos the 
independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty. 

In view of the criticism which my action aroused in some quar- 
ters, I take this occasion to restate the reasons given at that time. 
I thought it safer to trust the American people to give independence 
to the Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of that purpose 
to diplomacy with an unfriendly nation. 

Lincoln embodied an argument in the question when he asked, 
"Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws?" 
I believe that we are now in a better position to wage a successful 
contest against imperialism than we would have been had the 
treaty been rejected. With the treaty ratified a clean-cut issue is 
presented between a government by consent and a government 



The Commoner Condensed. 145 

by force, and imperialists must bear the responsibility for all that 
happens until the question is settled. 

If the treaty had been rejected the opponents of imperialism 
would have been held responsible for any international complica- 
tions which might have arisen before the ratification of another 
treaty. But whatever difference of opinion may have existed as 
to the best method of opposing a colonial policy, there never was 
any difference as to the great importance of the question and 
there is no difference now as to the course to be pursued. 

The title of Spain being extinguished we were at liberty to deal 
with the Filipinos according to American principles. The Bacon 
resolution, introduced a month before hostilities broke out at 
Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the same terms 
that it was promised to the Cubans. I supported this resolution 
and believe that its adoption prior to the breaking out of hos- 
tilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at 
any subsequent time would have ended hostilities. 

If the treaty had been rejected considerable time would have 
necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed 
upon and ratified, and during that time the question would have 
been agitating the public mind. If the Bacon resolution had been 
adopted by the senate and carried out by the President, either at 
the time of the ratification of the treaty or at any time afterwards, 
it would have taken the question of imperialism out of politics 
and left the American people free to deal with their domestic 
problems. But the resolution was defeated by the vote of the 
republican vice-president, and from that time to this a republican 
congress has refused to take any action whatever in the matter. 

While the treaty was pending in the senate, and about two 
months before the vote was taken upon it, I wrote, an article for 
the New York Journal, giving reasons in support of the proposition 
to ratify the treaty and declare the policy of the government by 
resolution. This article will be found on another page of this 
issue. 

The ratification of the treaty in no way committed this nation 
to an imperial policy. It simply terminated Spanish authority 
and left the United States free to deal with the islands according 
to American principles. The Bacon resolution, which declared 
it to be the purpose of the United States to establish a stable 
government, which, when established, was to be turned over to 
the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands, was a tie vote in the 
senate, and was only defeated by the vote of the vice-president. 
As the treaty required a two-thirds vote for its ratification, it is 



146 The Commoner Condensed. 

evident that one-fourth of those who voted to ratify did so with 
the understanding that the question remained an open one. 

Senator Wellington of Maryland voted for the ratification of 
the treaty, and in a speech delivered last fall he stated that he 
so voted because the President promised him that the Philippine 
Islands would not be held permanently. If the ratification of the 
treaty had necessarily committed this country to an imperialistic 
policy, then all who opposed imperialism would have been justified 
in opposing it, aye, even compelled to oppose, the treaty. But 
as ratification did not commit the nation to an imperialistic policy, 
the only question the senate had to consider was how best to cor- 
rect the errors in the treaty. 

The payment of twenty millions of dollars to Spain did not 
obligate this country to enter upon a colonial policy. It could 
have been recovered from the Filipinos in return for independence, 
and if not recovered, it was a small contribution to the extension 
of liberty. We had by one act of Congiess appropriated fifty 
millions of dollars to secure independence for the Cubans who 
numbered less than two millions, could we not spare two-fifths 
of the sum to bring liberty to five times as many in the Philip- 
pines? 

The treaty should have provided for the independence of the 
Filipinos as it provided for the independence of the Cubans, but 
when the treaty, by an inexcusable error, provided for cession in- 
stead of independence it was easier to ratify the treaty, extinguish 
the title of Spain, and confer independence upon the Filipinos 
than to continue the war and risk international complications by 
an effort to compel Spain to do what we could do ourselves. 

Our treaty with Spain, according to international law, imposed 
upon us no obligations to change our form of government or to 
abandon our ideals in order to enforce an imperialistic doctrine. 
It is still possible for this nation to return to American methods. 
All it has to do is to announce its purpose to deal with the Filipinos 
in accordance with the principles set forth in the declaration of 
independence and then keep its promise. Why does it not do 
this? Because the republicans think that oriental trade is more 
important than American principles. 



The Commoner Condensed. 147 



VIII. 
PLUTOCRACY IN EDUCATION. 

Unfortunately the tendency of a principle to expand until it 
pervades every sphere of human thought and activity is not con- 
fined to good principles. The idea of liberty, based upon the doc- 
trine that all men are created equal, has for more than a century 
been manifesting itself in government, in society and in church 
organizations, and it has tended to ennoble man and to exalt human 
rights. But the opposite doctrine has not been entirely dormant. 
Just now the plutocratic idea is very active. The tyranny of or- 
ganized wealth in industry is sure to be followed by an increasing 
influence of money in government, society and the church. Every- 
thing will be colored to a greater or less extent by the theory that 
money is the one thing of overshadowing importance. 

The commencement period, when schools are closing and gradu- 
ating classes are occupying public attention, is a good time to 
consider the influence of plutocracy upon education. Fortunately 
Mr. Charles Schwab, the million-dollar-a-year president of the 
steel trust, has spoken so plainly on the subject that little room is 
left for conjecture or speculation. In speaking to a class at an 
evening school in New York a few nights ago, he said: 

Let me advise you all to make an early start in life. The boy 
with the manual training and the common school education who 
can start in life at sixteen or seventeen can leave the boy who 
goes to college till he is twenty or more so far behind in tha race 
that he can never catch up. This, however, does not apply to the 
professional life. The other day I was at a gathering of some forty 
business men — men in industrial and manufacturing business — 
and the question arose as to how many were college-bred men. 
Of the forty only two had been graduated from college, and the 
rest of the party, thirty-eight in number, had received only com- 
mon school educations and had started in life as poor boys. So 
I say, as parting advice, start early. 

This is the advice given by the best paid employe in the United 
States — the advice given by a man who receives a salary twenty 
times as great as that paid to the president of the United States, 



148 The Commoner Condensed, 

one hundred times as great as the salary paid to a justice of the 
Supreme Court, two hundred times as great as the salary paid to 
senators and representatives and more than a thousand times as 
great as the average salary paid to ministers and school teachers. 
His advice shows that he misconceives the main purpose of edu- 
cation, and values going to school only as it enables the student 
to get ahead of some one in the business world. 

The principal value of education lies in the fact that it dis- 
ciplines the mind, enlarges the mental horizon and enables one to 
view men and things in their proper relations. Education is in- 
tended to make a citizen useful to his country as well as success- 
ful. It makes its possessor the heir of the ages and enables him 
to judge of the future by the experience of the past. If a boy is 
taken out of school at the age of sixteen or seventeen and put to 
work "making a fortune/' he is never likely to have time to study 
history or political economy and will be apt to accept without 
question the opinions of those who are a little ahead of him in 
the race for wealth — opinions which are in turn received from 
those still farther ahead. 

Plutocracy boasts that it is practical; it has no ideals, for an 
ideal is looked up to, while plutocracy has its face to the ground. 

Mr. Schwab's advice will do infinite damage to the young men 
of the country, but it ought to awaken the thoughtful to the ten- 
dencies of commercialism. If we are to have the oppression of 
a trust system at home and the despotism of an imperial policy 
abroad, we must expect to see education dwarfed, social inter- 
course debased and religion materialized. 



THE EFFECT OF DIET. 

It is reported from Havana that the Cuban commissioners upon 
their return gave a detailed account of their trip to Washing- 
ton, including the social attention shown them. Some objection 
was made to the recording of the entertainment part of the report, 
but the objection was very properly over-ruled. 

The republican leaders have expert knowledge on the effect of 
diet. In the campaign of 1900 they addressed their arguments 
to the stomach rather than to the head or heart. They insisted 
that a full meal was the summit of human hope and their theory 



The Commoner Condensed. 149 

exhibited some signs of popularity. History testifies to the molli- 
fying effect of food distributed to the poor in the days when 
plutocracy was destroying the glory of the Eoman empire. If the 
Cuban commissioners were won over to the Piatt amendment at 
the banquet table, it is only fair that this new evidence of the 
potency of pleasant viands should be preserved in the Cuban 
archives. If they swallowed their objections to foreign inter- 
ference and washed them down with wine the fact should be 
properly authenticated. 

There are those who insist that the disposition can be changed 
by diet and much evidence can be adduced in support of the propo- 
sition. Many a man has visited Washington with a disposition 
to serve his constituents and has found that disposition gradually 
changed by a diet of champagne and terrapin. 



LINCOLN'S GETTYSBURG SPEECH. 

As the survivors of the Mexican, civil and other wars prepare 
for the solemn services of Memorial day they will find both pleas- 
ure and profit in re-reading Lincoln's Gettysburg speech. To the 
veteran it is an expression of lofty patriotism, to the student of 
oratory it is a model of brevity, beauty, simplicity and strength, 
and to all it is an inspiration: 

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon 
this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to 
the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are en- 
gaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any 
nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are 
met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate 
a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here 
gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting 
and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense we cannot 
dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. 
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have conse- 
crated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will 
little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never 
forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be 
dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here 
have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here 
dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these 
honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which 



150 The Commoner Condensed. 

they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly 
resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this na- 
tion, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that 
government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall 
not perish from the earth. 

At no time within the past quarter of a century has there been 
more necessity than there is now for the lovers of liberty to exert 
themselves to preserve "a government of the people by the people 
and for the people." 



ME. WATTERSOEPS CARTOON. 

Editor Watterson of the Courier- Journal has devoted so much 
space to me that no apology is necessary for another comment 
upon his views. 

Relying upon his age, experience and more extended observa- 
tion, he has on several occasions outlined what he regards as the 
proper course for me to pursue. Without questioning his good 
intent or his wisdom on subjects in general, I find it impossible to 
follow his advice without abandoning all that I have been taught 
to hold sacred. In the first editorial on this subject Mr. Watter- 
son's position was criticised as an immoral one. The editorials 
with which he has attempted to support his position have more 
and more clearly demonstrated the weakness of his argument. 

No advocate of imperialism has placed his defense upon lower 
ground. No one who has attempted to defend the administration 
has shown more complete disregard for the principles and motives 
that should actuate men, parties and nations. He says : 

In abandoning them (the Philippines) we yield our vantage 
ground in the far East, which is already become the center of the 
strife of the powers for commercial supremacy. We make what 
the world and the ages will hold an ignominious and a short- 
sighted surrender ; for we are entering upon a cycle of pure com- 
mercialism, whose end will witness the survival of the fittest, and 
since when was any spirited people insensible either to money or 
empire? Wrong, morally wrong, says Mr. Bryan? Why, on that 
line, all effort, which has gain for its object is wrong. Out of 
line with American traditions, says Mr. Bryan? Why, every im- 
portant movement from the Louisiana purchase to the abolition 
of slavery, might be so described. But, right or wrong, facts ; and, 
as an organized body, what shall the democratic party do about 
them? 



The Commoner Condensed. 151 

This is Mr. Watterson's argument. He first assumes that we 
are entering "upon a cycle of pure commercialism." Second, he 
assumes that it is impossible to combat this spirit and, third, he 
argues that (assuming his two prophecies to be true) it is better 
for the democratic party to do wrong and prosper than to do 
right and suffer. He attempts to disclose what is destiny, and then 
criticises those who refuse to accept him as an ordained prophet. 
All through Mr. Watterson's argument runs the theory that wrong 
is not wrong if it is successful, and that right is not right if it 
fails. His argument ignores entirely the fixed moral principles 
which should guide the individual, the party and the nation, and 
he also ignores the fact that retribution always follows wrong- 
doing. 

He tells me how I can be a Warwick, if not a king. He does 
me scant honor when he assumes that I am willing to purchase 
either position at the expense of moral or political principles. 

It is not my present purpose, however, to discuss his views, for 
when two men differ as to a moral question, argumentation is of 
little value. Morals are matters of heart rather than of head. 
If argument would keep men from stealing or from taking hu- 
man life, there would be neither larceny nor murder, but when 
a man really wants to steal or to kill, or, to apply the principles 
to the present case, wants nothing but immediate victory, and 
cares not for the necessary but remote consequences, the case is 
almost hopeless. 

The object of this editorial is to call attention to a picture 
which illustrates Mr. Watterson's views better than his pen or 
mine can do. Judge, the illustrated paper, asked Mr. Watterson 
to suggest an idea for a cartoon. In reply he wrote: "Draw a 
picture of baby Jonathan in his cradle asleep. About him are 
his playthings — a toy kettle drum, marked 'Independence/ a toy 
cannon marked 'Freedom/* and dangling by a string from his 
clutched hand a child's balloon, marked 'The Future.' Above him 
hover the spirits of Washington and Franklin. Beyond, in the 
clouds, a vision of domes and spires, spanned by a rainbow of red, 
white and blue. Beneath, the words out of the old song, 'Asleep, 
I Dream of Love." 

"Draw another picture of a richly furnished apartment and a 
party at a card table; England and Germany at the right and 



152 The Commoner Condensed. 

left of Uncle Sam, who, with calm self-conficlence sits in a 
rocker. Kussia, France, China and Japan ranged about. Some 
exposed cards, marked 'Peace/ 'Order/ 'Keligion/ 'Humanity.' 
Behind Uncle Sam on the wall appear portraits of Washington, 
Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln, and on the floor a great mastiff, 
eager and alert and ready to spring, marked 'Popular sovereignty/ 
Beneath this portrait Uncle Sam is made to say 'Gentlemen, I 
bank this game.' Under the first picture write 1801, under the 
other 1901." 

By the kind permission of Judge this cartoon was reproduced 
and the reader will note that Judge's artist has faithfully 
carried out Mr. Watterson's instructions. It would be difficult to 
illustrate more forcibly the change that has taken place within 
the last two years. It is hard to conceive of a more scathing con- 
demnation of the innovation wrought by the republican adminis- 
tration. From the child dreaming of love to the successful gambler 
is a transition, indeed ! The remarkable thing about it all is 
that men who, like Mr. Watterson, recognize the change, should 
attempt to defend it or should counsel democrats to accept it as 
final. The question that must occur to every reader is: Is this 
change necessary? And if not necessary, why should it be sub- 
mitted to as a matter of destiny? Is freedom only a toy cannon, 
and independence a noisy drum ? Is there no other future for baby 
Jonathan than the career of a fortunate gambler? Is it not 
possible to conceive of a republic developing and expanding with- 
out the abandonment of ideals or principles? 

This doctrine, that virtue and morality are good enough for a 
child but out of place in a man is a monstrous one, and one un- 
worthy of the great brain and big heart of the man who seems 
to have fallen into the advocacy of it. It is impossible to exag- 
gerate the demoralizing influence of such a doctrine ; it paralyzes 
all attempts to instruct or restrain youth. When you say to a 
young man that a nation when full grown must throw off restraint, 
ignore well-settled principles, and plunge into the exciting but 
uncertain career of a gamester, you cannot blame him if he tells 
you that the same doctrine applied to him would lead him to dis- 
card all the good advice given him in his bo}diood. 

The imperialistic doctrine lays the axe at the root of the tree 
and attacks every vital tenet of our government and of our religion, 



The Commoner Condensed. 153 

and we already begin to see the evil effect of it. The embezzle- 
ment at Havana and the crookedness at Manila are only illus- 
trations of what may be expected under a colonial system. If 
this nation adopts the principle that helpless races can be ex- 
ploited because we are strong, carpet-bag officials will not be slow 
to adopt the same principle and appropriate everything within 
their reach. Mr. Watterson knows something of the corruption 
that developed under the carpet-bag reign which followed the civil 
war, and ought to be able to make some estimate of the mal- 
feasance and mis-feasance which can be expected when this nation 
denies self-evident truths and encourages infidelity to moral pre- 
cepts. 

As an individual can better afford to retain his character rather 
than grow rich by dishonorable means, so the democratic party 
can better afford to appeal to the conscience of the people, even 
though it remains out of power, than to enjoy power at the ex- 
pense of its principles. "What shall it profit a man if he gain 
the whole world and lose his own soul ?" What shall it profit the 
democratic party if it gain power and lose the spirit that has 
made it indestructible ? What shall it profit a nation if its flag 
floats over every sea and its garrisons terrify every land if, in the 
language of Lincoln, it loses "the spirit which prizes liberty as 
the heritage of all people in all lands everywhere?" 



"WHAT ABOUT NEXT WEEK?" 

When President McKinley was addressing the laboring men at 
San Francisco and congratulating them upon their "prosperity" 
and "contentment," one brawny wage-earner arose and asked, 
"What about next week?" Of course, he was guilty of some dis- 
courtesy in thus interrupting a meeting made notable by the pres- 
ence of the chief executive, and his companions beckoned to him 
to be silent. But he could not have asked a more embarrassing 
question at a republican meeting. The administration is living in 
the present, with no thought or plan for the future. It might be 
well for the president to consider the simple question propounded 
by the California toiler. 

The railroads are consolidating, shutting out competition, issuing 



154 The Commoner Condensed. 

watered stock, and making worthless securities dividend-paying by 
the exercise of arbitrary power in the fixing of rates. They are 
having things all their own way now, but — "What about next 
week?" 

The trusts are swallowing the industries, building up enormous 
fortunes, and levying tribute upon the entire country. They may 
be willing to contribute largely to the republican campaign fund 
to-day, but what will be the effect upon industry? — "What about 
next week?" 

The money changers are in control of our finances, they can 
expand or contract the currency at will; they can make more 
out of the fluctuations of the market than they can in legitimate 
business; they rule with a rod of iron, but what is the end? — 
"What about next week ?" 

Imperialism is rampant, speculators are planning forays against 
distant lands; carpet baggers are growing fat and respect for 
political principles and moral precepts is being lost sight of ; some 
people are making money out of it, but — "What about next week ?" 
If the republicans are not too busy to think, if "prosperity" leaves 
them time for reflection, they will find it worth while to answer 
to their own satisfaction, if they can, that pertinent and per- 
plexing question, "What about next week?" 



BLACKLISTING. 



Judge Frank Baker, of the Cook County (111.) Circuit Court, has 
rendered an important decision on the subject of blacklisting. The 
following is a statement of the facts, together with his reasoning: 

Plaintiff alleges that she is an expert can labeler, able to earn 
$15 per week at her trade. That defendants are canners at the 
Union Stock Yards and are all the persons engaged in that busi- 
ness at that place. That upon February 5, 1900, defendants ma- 
liciously, etc., agreed and conspired together not to employ any 
employe or any one of them who should go out on a strike or quit 
on account of a disagreement as to wages, except by consent of the 
former employer. That for two years before February 5, 1900, 
plaintiff was employed by defendants Libby, McNeil & tabby, and 
on that day quit because of disagreement as to wages. That she 
afterward applied to defendants, Armour & Co., and Fairbank 
Canning Company, for employment, and was denied such employ- 



The Commoner Condensed. 155 

ment because of said agreement and conspiracy. All this, it is 
alleged, was done maliciously with the intent to injure plaintiff. 
Defendants demur to the declaration. 

The case has been fully and most ably argued, both orally and 
in writing. I shall not review the numerous authorities cited nor 
attempt to do more than state my conclusions and the rules of law 
upon which they rest. 

" When damage is sustained by one person from the wrongful 
act of another, an action for compensation is given to the injured 
party against the wrongdoer." By wrongful act is to be under- 
stood not an act wrongful in morals only, but an act wrongful in 
law. An act is wrongful in law if it infringes upon the right of 
another, and not otherwise. An act which does not infringe upon 
any right of a person is not, as to such person, wrongful. One has 
a right to decline to enter the service of another, and several per- 
sons, acting jointly in pursuance of an agreement to that effect, 
have the right to so decline. So, one has the right to decline to 
employ another, and several persons, acting jointly in pursuance 
of an agreement to that effect, have the right to so decline. 

The existence of malice, of a malicious intent to injure a per- 
son, will not convert an act which does not infringe any right of 
such person into a wrongful act or a civil wrong. It follows that, 
in my opinion, the facts and agreements of the defendants set 
forth in the declaration cannot be held to infringe upon any right 
of the plaintiff, and therefore are not as to her, in law, wrongful. 
The demurrer is sustained." 

Hon. W. J. Strong, who has been attorney in several similar 
cases, representing the plaintiffs and the case has attracted much 
attention. 

The political question involved is even more important than the 
legal one; that is to say, whether the Judge is right from a legal 
standpoint in sustaining the demurrer is not nearly so important 
as the question, "should the law protect the employe from black- 
listing?" 

If the court was in error, relief may be had by appeal to a 
higher court; if the law is not broad enough to protect employes 
it can be amended. The question of greatest importance is, there- 
fore, whether a man discharged from one corporation should be 
prevented from obtaining employment elsewhere by agreement 
among the employers. This question is a political one to be 
decided by the law-makers. 

The democratic national platform adopted in 1900 contained 
the following plank: 



156 The Commoner Condensed. 

We are opposed to government by injunction; we denounce 
the blacklist and favor arbitration as a means of settling disputes 
between corporations and their employes." 

Each one will decide the question according to his sympathies. 
Those who think that an employe ought to be thankful for the 
opportunity to work and should accept without complaint whatever 
the employer gives, will probably feel that the employers have a 
right to combine and blacklist any one who is lacking in gratitude 
or contentment. Those, on the other hand, who regard an em- 
ploye as a man having the same rights as his fellow-man, and 
owing a duty to his family as well as to his employer, will feel 
that the employe should not be shut out of all remunerative em- 
ployment because he and one employer differ upon wages, terms, 
or conditions. 

The position taken by the democratic platform is eminently 
sound. If a man is skilled in a particular industry, and blacklist- 
ing is agreed upon by all the employers in that industry, the 
employe is to a large extent a slave, because if he is not satisfied 
with the terms fixed by his employer he cannot secure like em- 
ployment elsewhere, and to go outside of the business in which he 
has skill would be to throw away all the benefits arising from ex- 
perience and training. 

A blacklist agreed upon among employers brings to the em- 
ployer many of the advantages, and imposes upon the employe 
many of the hardships, arising from a complete monopoly. If 
Judge Baker's decision is sustained in the higher courts, black- 
listing will become an issue in Illinois politics, and there is little 
doubt how it will be settled when the people have a chance to 
vote upon it. Lincoln said of the Dred Scott decision that courts 
could not settle political questions; that such questions must be 
settled by the people. But courts can center public attention upon 
a question and often a court decision is made the basis of a 
political movement. 

The democratic party's platform utterance on this subject would 
have been more appreciated by laboring men if Judge Baker's de- 
cision had been rendered before the late election. 






The Commoner Condensed, 



157 



BEFORE AND AFTER. 

During the campaign of 1900, the republican papers gave great 
prominence to those democrats who declared their intention of 
voting the republican ticket. On the morning of October 18, the 
La Crosse Chronicle printed an interview with Mr. Albert Hirsh- 
heimer in which that gentleman gave his reasons for voting for 
the re-election of Mr. McKinley. 

A few days ago, Mr. Hirshheimer's company sold out to a 
trust and the La Crosse Republican and Leader of May 8 con- 
tained an interview with Mr. Hirshheimer in which he gave the 
reasons for selling. He began business in 1865 — seven years before 
silver was demonetized — and the agitation of the money question 
never drove him out of business, but the trusts have forced him 
to sell. Below will be found extracts from his two interviews: 



BEFORE — OCTOBER 18, 1900. 

Said Mr. Hirshheimer: I 
voted once for Abraham Lin- 
coln, and for William McKin- 
ley four years ago, and those are 
the only exceptions to my vot- 
ing for the nominees of the 
democratic party on national 
candidates. I shall vote for the 
re-election of President McKin- 
ley. 

My reasons, you ask; I don't 
court newspaper notoriety, but I 
will give my reasons for voting 
for President McKinley. They 
are purely business reasons. We 
want stability in our financial 
affair?, as well as stability in 
our tariff laws. I do not con- 
sider that a high taraiff or a 
low tariff makes much differ- 
ence. The trouble comes from 
anticipating changes every two 
or four years. I submit that the 
commercial interests of the 
country should not be made the 
football in the game of the poli- 
ticians. 



AFTER — MAY 8, 1901. 

Said President A. Hirsh- 
heimer: The Packers Package 
Company was forced to sell out 
to the trust. They control the 
tin output and they have been 
hindering us so during the past 
month that we have not been 
able to run our factory only 
one-half its capacity. They have 
refused to deliver us the tin 
ordered, shipping only one or 
two cars a week. Thus we eith- 
er had to sell out to them or 
fight them. We could not do the 
latter thing, for we could not 
get the tin with which to make 
our product, and carry on the 
fight. Therefore, we simply had 
to sell out to the trust. It was 
either that or lose our money. 



158 The Commoner Condensed 



THE KICHMOND TIMES' MISTAKE. 

The Kichmond (Virginia) Times has been one of the most 
violent opponents of democratic principles as enunciated in the 
Chicago platform. Its zeal in the support of a republicanized 
democracy has only been equalled by the ability with which it 
has misrepresented the position of the democratic party upon 
public questions. In a recent editorial it repeats what it has 
so often said about those who are opposed to monopolies and 
other republican methods of enriching a few at the expense of 
the many. It takes for its text an editorial which appeared in 
the Atlanta Constitution, and after charging the Constitution 
with inconsistency says: 

Everybody knows that Mr. Bryan's crusade was against pov- 
erty. He has insisted that there ought to be no such thing as 
poverty. He has made war upon millionaires and plutocrats, and 
the whole tendency of his gospel has been to put all men on the 
same plane and to make every man as rich as his neighbor. He 
does not believe, if we understand him, that there should be 
plutocrats on the one hand and hewers of wood and drawers of 
water on the other. He does not believe that there should be 
master and man, but that every man should be his own master 
and serve nobody but himself. 

As I have defended the principles set forth in the platforms 
adopted in 1896 and 1900, it is not necessary to regard the Times' 
editorial as a personal criticism. It is rather directed against all 
members of the party who have supported the platforms referred 
to. While the democrats believe that there should be no such 
thing as a "plutocrat" or a "master," it is not true that they 
expect to eliminate poverty, neither do they expect to make every 
man as rich as his neighbor. The Times discloses either 
great ignorance or great insincerity in the language quoted. 
In accepting the presidential nomination in 1896 I quoted with 
approval the words of Andrew Jackson, to wit: 

"Distinctions in society will always exist under every just 
government. Equality of talents, of education, or of wealth can- 
not be produced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of 
the gifts of heaven, and the fruits of superior industry, economy 
and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protection by law." 



The Commoner Condensed. 159 

In commenting upon these words I said: 

"We yield to none in our devotion to the doctrine just enunciated. 
Our campaign has not for its object the reconstruction of society 
We cannot insure to the vicious the fruits of a virtuous life; 
we would not invade the home of the provident, in order to supply 
the wants of the spendthrift; we do not propose to transfer the 
rewards of industry to the lap of indolence. Property is and will 
remain the stimulus to endeavor and the compensation for toil." 

On that occasion I not only quoted as above from Jackson's 
veto message (with which the Times will doubtless agree), 
but also that part which draws the line between legitimate re- 
wards and illegitimate wealth. If Jackson had stopped with the 
words above quoted he would be more popular to-day with the 
newspapers which construe as an attack upon property every effort 
to protect the people from injustice; but he added: 

"But when the laws undertake to add to those natural and 
just advantages artificial distinctions — to grant titles, gratuitous 
and exclusive privileges — to make the rich richer and the potent 
more powerful — the humble members of society — the farmers, me- 
chanics, and laborers — who have neither the time nor the means 
of securing like favors for themselves., have a right to com- 
plain of the injustice of their government." 

I have never been able to find in the writings of any states- 
man or philosopher, living or dead, a clearer definition of the 
democratic position. I have never found a democrat who dissented 
from Jackson's statement on this subject. 

In accepting the democratic nomination in 1900 these views 
were reiterated, as will be seen by the following extract from 
my Indianapolis speech: 

"The democratic party is not making war upon the honest 
acquisition of wealth; it has no desire to discourage economy, in- 
dustry and thrift. On the contrary, it gives to every citizen the 
greatest possible stimulus to honest toil when it promises him 
protection in the enjoyment of the proceeds of his labor. Property 
rights are most secure when human rights are most respected. 
Democracy strives for a civilization in which every member of 
society will share according to his merits. No one has a right 
to expect from society more than a fair compensation for the 



160 The Commoner Condensed. 

service which he renders to society. If he secures more it is at 
the expense of some one else. It is no injustice to him to pre- 
vent his doing injustice to another. To him who would, either 
through class legislation or in the absence of necessary legis- 
lation, trespass upon the rights of another the democratic party 
says, 'Thou shalt not.' " 

This speech was widely circulated during the campaign and 
no democrat has ever complained to me of the sentiment ex- 
pressed. 

The democratic party does not expect to destroy poverty, 
because poverty can never be destroyed until the members of 
the human race so nearly approach perfection in thought, and act, 
that they will not incur the penalties prescribed for the violation 
of natural laws. The democratic party is protesting against those 
things which interfere with the natural distribution of rewards 
and punishments. It is protesting against legislation which gath- 
ers from millions in order to give an undeserved advantage to 
hundreds, or at most, thousands. The principles of the party, 
whether applied to the tariff question, the money question, the 
trust question, the question of imperialism or to any other question, 
are intended to secure equal rights to all and to deny special 
privileges to any. Equality in rights does not mean equality 
in possessions or equality in enjoyment, A man may have a right 
to the proceeds of his toil, but if he does not toil there will 
be no proceeds, or if he toils without intelligence to direct his 
toil the proceeds will be less than if he toils with intelligence. 
Every man has a right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happi- 
ness," but he can make his life worthless, he can be indifferent 
to his liberty, and he can so act as to secure misery instead of 
happiness. Human rights are equal before the law, but the re- 
wards ought to be in proportion to virtue, to industry and to 
discretion. 

The position of the democratic party has been so plainly 
stated that no one can give a valid excuse for not understanding 
it, and my own position has been stated so often that no one 
who cares to know it need be in doubt. 



The Commoner Condensed. 161 



empeeok Mckinley. 

By a vote of five to four the Supreme Court has declared Presi- 
dent McKinley emperor of Porto Eico, and according to the press 
dispatches the emperor has gladly and gratefully accepted the title 
and authority thus conferred upon him by the highest judicial 
tribunal of the land. 

As the last issue of The Commoner was going to press, Justice 
Brown began reading the opinion of the court in the De Lima case 
and as the decision was against the government in that case it was 
at first thought that the inhabitants of Porto Eico had been brought 
under the protection of the Constitution. But those who were en- 
couraged to believe that the Constitution had caught up with the 
flag were doomed to disappointment. In the Downes case, decided 
immediately afterwards, a majority of the court, composed of Jus- 
tices Brown, Gray, White, Shiras and McKenna, held that Congress 
could deal with Porto Eico (and the same logic applies to the 
Philippines) without regard to the limitations of the Constitution. 
Chief Justice Fuller and Associate Justices Harlan, Peckham and 
Brewer dissented in strong and vigorous language, but the opinion 
of the majority — even a majority of one — stands until it is re- 
versed. This is one of the most important decisions, if not the 
most important, ever rendered by the court; it not only declares 
that Congress is greater than the Constitution which created it — the 
creature greater than the creator — but it denies the necessity for a 
written constitution. The position taken by the court is defended, 
or rather excused, by reasoning which, if followed out, will destroy 
constitutional liberty in the United States. Every reason given 
by Justice Brown could be used with even more force to support 
a decision nullifying all limitations placed by the Constitution on 
Congress when dealing with the citizens of the several states. If 
the Porto Eicans can trust the wisdom and justice of a congress 
which they do not elect and cannot remove, why do the people 
of the United States need a constitution to protect them from a 
congress which they do elect and can remove ? The decision in 
effect declares that the people are not the source of power; it de- 
fends "taxation without representation" and denies that govern- 
ments derive "their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned." 



1 62 The Commoner Condensed. 

It assails the foundations of the Eepublic and does so on the 
ground of expediency. 

The dissenting opinions bristle with precedents and burn with 
patriotism; they ought to awaken conscientious republicans to a 
realization of the meaning of imperialism. 

This decision, like the Dred Scott decision, raises a. political 
issue which must be settled by the people. The Supreme Court 
has joined with the President and Congress in an attempt to change 
the form of our government, but there yet remains an appeal to 
the people. 

The election of 1900 did not decide this question, for the re- 
publicans denied that they favored imperialism, but they can deny 
it no longer. They must now admit their repudiation of the Con- 
stitution as well as the Declaration of Independence. 

So much space is given to the majority and minority opinions 
(see pages five to eleven) that extended comment is impossible at 
this time, but the discussion of the subject will be continued in 
future issues. 

A STATEMENT OF THE CASE. 

The opinions delivered by the United States Supreme Court 
in the Porto Eican cases are so important, not only for the present 
but for the future, that it behooves every American citizen to thor- 
oughly understand their purport. In these opinions, three separate 
periods were treated, and it will be well to consider them in proper 
order. 

Between the time when General Miles took possession of Porto 
Eico and the time of the ratification of the peace treaty, the mili- 
tary authorities established certain military tariff duties. The 
court sustained these duties on the broad ground of military 
authority and necessity. 

After the ratification of the peace treaty and prior to the 
enactment of the Foraker law, in which law the present Porto 
Eican tariff duties are set forth, tariff duties were levied on goods 
coming from Porto Eico to the United States under the terms 
and rates of the Dingley law. On this point the court held that 
the Dingley law contemplated the levying of duties on foreign 
goods from foreign countries; that after the ratification of the 



The Commoner Condensed. 163 

peace treat}' Porto Eico became "domestic" territory, and there- 
fore the Dingley duties could not prevail. 

In the Downes case the court took up that feature of the 
Foraker law which established tariff duties on goods coming from 
Porto Eico to the United States. The court held these duties to 
be lawful on the ground that Congress had full authority to make 
rules, regulations and laws for the government of "domestic" ter- 
ritory other than states. 

In order to fully understand these opinions it must be known 
that in ruling that the Dingley tariff rates could not prevail against 
Porto Eico, the court did not act on the theory that the Constitu- 
tion followed the flag during any of these periods under considera- 
tion. This ruling was made because, in the opinion of the court, 
a law enacted for the purpose of levying tariff duties against a 
foreign country could not be applied in levying tariff duties 
against a country that was not "foreign." In other words, if 
immediately after the ratification of the peace treaty, Congress 
had enacted a law levying the Dingley rates specially against 
Porto Eico, those rates would have prevailed. In the court's opin- 
ion, the legality of any tariff rate between Porto Eico and the 
United States simply waited upon a formal act of Congress estab- 
lishing those rates as applying to Porto Eico. 

The logic of this opinion as it applies to the right of Con- 
gress to levy tariff customs would make it possible for Congress to 
levy tariff duties on articles coming from any territory of the 
United States. 

With respect to our new possessions, the decision is an unfair 
one because it denies to them equal trade privileges with other 
portions of the United States whose sovereignty has been estab- 
lished over them, and the purpose of the Constitution in providing 
for equal trade privileges was that no section subject to United 
States sovereignty should ever become the victim of discrimination. 
This principle is in line with the very foundation principles of 
this government, which contemplated that all the people of the 
United States should have equal privileges, should be exempt from 
discriminations, and should enjoy the immunities which the con- 
stitution makers conceived to be essential to the perpetuity of free 
institutions. 



164 The Commoner Condensed. 



THE ATTITUDE OF ALIENS, 

In the opinion delivered by Justice Brown in the Downes 
case, the Supreme Court went much farther than the consideration 
of the right to levy tariff duties. Justice Brown contended that 
power to acquire territory by treaty "implies not only the power 
to govern such territory, but to prescribe on what terms the United 
States will receive its inhabitants, and what their status shall be 
in what Chief Justice Marshall termed 'The American empire.' " 

Justice Brown then distinctly declared that the annexation of 
territory did not make the inhabitants of that territory citizens 
of the United States. He admitted, however, that whatever may 
be finally decided as to the status of these islands and their in- 
habitants "it does not follow that in the meantime the people 
are in the matter of public rights unprotected by the provisions of 
our Constitution and subjected to the mere arbitrary control of 
Congress. Even if regarded as aliens, they are entitled, under 
the principles of the Constitution, to be protected in life, liberty 
and property/' 

Here we find the Supreme Court's declaration of the status 
of the people of these islands. Although the Constitution does 
not follow the flag, "under the principles of the Constitution" the 
people of our new possessions are entitled "to be protected in life, 
liberty and property." In other words, although cut away from 
all former allegiance, although taken away from former sover- 
eigns and denied the right of building a sovereignty for them- 
selves, and although required to render allegiance to this country, 
yet they are in the attitude of "aliens," they are to be taxed with- 
out representation, and to be governed without having a voice in 
the government. This is imperialism pure and simple. 

DELEGATED POWERS. 

Throughout the majority opinion delivered by Justice Brown 
runs the theory that the American Congress may do anything not 
forbidden in the Constitution. This is one of the most repugnant 
features of this opinion. Justice Brown seems to have searched 
the Constitution for prohibitions rather than for that grant of 
power which the American people have always conceived to be the 
true office of that instrument. In one place Justice Brown said: 



The Commoner Condensed. 165 

"If in limiting the power which Congress was to exercise within the 
United States, it was also intended to limit it with regard to such 
territories as the people of the United States should thereafter 
acquire, such limitations should have been expressed." In an- 
other place he refers to a constitutional clause as "suggestive 
of no limitations upon the power of Congress in dealing with ter- 
ritories." In another place he says that "no construction of the 
Constitution should be adopted which would prevent Congress from 
considering each case upon its merits unless the language of the 
instrument imperatively demands it." And in his conclusion Jus- 
tice Brown, referring to the right or authority of Congress to do 
whatever it sees fit to do said: "We decline to hold that there is 
anything in the Constitution to forbid such action." 

The American system of government is not a complicated one. 
Indeed, its strength and success have depended, in a marked de- 
gree, upon its very simplicity. For years we have been taught to 
look in the Constitution for powers delegated to the United States 
and for powers prohibited by the Constitution to the states. For 
years we have been taught that the federal constitution was a grant 
of power, while the state constitution was a limitation of power; 
yet the opinion delivered by Mr. Justice Brown encourages the 
notion that our federal authorities may do whatever they think 
necessary to be done when the same is not specifically forbidden 
in the federal constitution. 

The dangers arising from such an irrational un-American 
notion will depend entirely upon the character and disposition of 
men in authority. A written constitution has been the safeguard 
of American institutions, and once it shall be fully established 
that that Constitution is a limitation rather than a grant of power, 
this government and its people are completely at the mercy of the 
men who happen to be in authority. 

The mischievous character of Justice Brown's decision on this 
point is indicated in one paragraph wherein he said — "The states 
could only delegate to Congress such powers as they themselves 
possess, and as they have no power to acquire new territory they 
have none to delegate in that connection." This was Justice 
Brown's apology for the absence from the Constitution of a dele- 
gation of power to Congress to deal with newly acquired territory. 
He would then hold that Congress, the creature of the Constitution, 



i66 The Commoner Condensed. 

had greater powers than the body that created the Constitution 
itself. In order to avoid the well established theory that the Con- 
stitution is a grant of power, we have, according to Justice Brown's 
opinion, only to ascertain that the grantors of power were with- 
out authority in a certain respect in order to give to the creatures 
of the Constitution whatever authority and power those creatures 
see fit to exercise. 

A RADICAL CHANGE. 

Justice Harlan discusses this point at considerable length, 
and his words are quoted here that the reader may note the contrast 
between his views and those expressed by the majority of the court 
through Justice Brown. Justice Harlan says : 

I take leave to say that if the principles now announced 
should ever receive the sanction of a majority of this court, the 
result will be a radical and mischievous change in our system of 
government. We will, in that event, pass from the era of consti- 
tutional liberty, guarded and protected by a written constitution, 
into an era of legislative absolutism, in respect of many rights 
that are dear to all peoples who love freedom. 

In my opinion, Congress has no existence and can exercise 
no authority outside the Constitution. Still less is it true that 
Congress can deal with new territories just as other nations have 
done or may do with their new territories. This nation is under 
the control of a written constitution, which is the supreme law of 
the land, and the only source of the powers which our government, 
or any branch or officer of it, may exercise at any time or at any 
place. Monarchical and despotic governments, unrestrained in their 
powers by written constitutions, may do with newly acquired ter- 
ritories what this government may not do consistently with our 
fundamental law. 

The idea that this country may acquire territories anywhere 
upon the earth, by conquest or treaty, and hold them as mere 
colonies or provinces, is wholly inconsistent with the spirit and 
genius as well as with the words of the Constitution. The glory of 
our American system of government is that it was created by a 
written constitution which protects the people against the exercise 
of arbitrary, unlimited power, and the limits of which may not be 
passed by the government it created, or by any branch of it, or even 
by the people who ordained it, except by amendment. 

It will be an evil dav for American liberty if the theory of a 
government outside of the supreme law of the land finds lodgment 
in our constitutional jurisprudence. 



The Commoner Condensed. 167 



THE AMERICAN EMPIRE. 

The court's decision was based upon expediency. In the opin- 
ion to which Justice Harlan referred as an effort to establish "two 
governments in this country — one resting on the Constitution for 
Americans — the other carried on in the national capitol by the 
same people, without the constitution for a subject people/' Justice 
Brown said: "A false step at this time might be fatal to the de- 
velopment of what Chief Justice Marshall called 'The American 
Empire/ " 

It would seem that this phrase was employed by way of apology 
or defense for the American empire which Justice Brown and his 
colleagues were seeking to erect upon the ruins of the American 
Constitution. When the great Marshall used the term "the Ameri- 
can empire/' he referred to an empire of love, an empire of perfect 
republicanism, an empire of hearts, an empire in which the people 
reigned supreme and the congress, the executive and the courts 
were the servants, rather than the masters, of the people. He 
referred to "the American empire" as expressing the perfect reign 
of American principles on every foot of American territory, and 
the enjoyment of American rights, privileges and immunities on 
every foot of soil within the American domain. 

It was in 1820 that Chief Justice Marshall used this term. 
The court at that time had under consideration the constitutional 
provision that "all duties, imports and excises shall be uniform 
throughout the United States." On this point Chief Justice Mar- 
shall said: "Does this term (The United States) designate the 
whole or any portion of the American empire? Certainly this 
question can admit of but one answer. It is the name given to our 
great republic which is composed of states and territories. The 
District of Columbia or the territory west of the Missouri river is 
not less within the United States than Maryland or Pennsylvania 
and it is not less necessary on the principles of our Constitution 
that uniformity in the imposition of imposts, duties and excises 
should be observed in the one than in the other." 

What a difference, then, between "the American empire" of 
the great Marshall and the American empire of Mr. Justice Brown ! 

Marshall's "American empire" was "our great republic whic^ 
is composed of states and territories." The American empire of 



168 The Commoner Condensed. 

Mr. Justice Brown contemplates "two governments in this country ; 
one resting on the Constitution for Americans — the other carried 
on in the national capitol by the same people, without the consti- 
tution and for a subject people." 

PERHAPS ! 

Justice Brown would be happier if he had contented himself 
with a decision without attempting to give any reasons for it. 
There are many vulnerable passages in the opinion which he deliv- 
ered, but there is one passage which shows the uncertainty pro- 
duced by the court's decision. Heretofore the people have regarded 
liberty as an inalienable right, and freedom of speech and freedom 
of the press have been considered absolutely necessary to its defense. 
Those who prize liberty and regard freedom of speech as above 
price will not take kindly to the word "perhaps/' used by Justice 
Brown in discussing this subject. He said: 

To sustain the judgment in the case under consideration it 
by no means becomes necessary to show that none of the articles 
of the Constitution applies to the island of Porto Rico. There is a 
clear distinction between such prohibitions as go to the very root of 
the power of Congress to act at all, irrespective of time or place, 
and such as are operative only 'throughout the United States' or 
among the several States. 

Thus, when the Constitution declares that 'no bill of attainder 
or ex-post facto law shall be passed/ and that mo title of nobility 
shall be granted by the United States/ it goes to the competency 
of Congress to pass a bill of that description. Perhaps the same 
remark may apply to the first amendment, that Congress shall 
make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting 
the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or 
of the press; or the right of the people to peacefully assemble, 
and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.' We 
do not wish, however, to be understood, as expressing an opinion 
how far the bill of rights contained in the first eight amendments 
is of general and how far of local application." 

He is not willing to go at once to the full extent of his logic. 
He seems to have faith in Congress ; he does not doubt that it will 
deal fairly with subject races, and yet he shrinks from the thought 
of annihilating, at one blow, the whole bill of rights. He boldly 
declares that "there is a clear distinction between such prohibi- 
tions as go to the very root of the power of Congress to act at all, 
irrespective of time or place, and such as are operative only 
'throughout the United States/ or among the several states" — not 



The Commoner Condensed. 169 

merely a distinction, but a "clear distinction." And yet lie becomes 
perplexed as soon as he begins to draw the "clear distinction." He 
is quite sure that Congress is entirely prohibited from passing a 
"bill of attainder or ex-post facto law," or from granting "a title 
of nobility." He thinks that "perhaps, the same remark may apply" 
to laws respecting the establishment of religion to laws prohibiting 
free speech, to laws abridging the freedom of the press, and lim- 
iting the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and petition 
for redress. Perhaps ! Perhaps ! ! PERHAPS ! ! ! How soon he 
becomes entangled in his own web ! And this is constitutional law ! 
Justice Brown wants it distinctly understood that the court is not 
at this time "expressing an opinion how far the bill of rights con- 
tained in the first eight amendments is of general and how far of 
local application." It will be interesting to American patriots to 
learn that rights for more than a century considered inalienable are 
now divided into "general" rights and "local" rights; that some 
belong to every one, while others belong only to some, and that the 
some who enjoy all rights are to decide what rights are safe in the 
keeping of others. The Boston Herald very properly says that 
imperialism "does not consist in having an emperor, but in govern- 
ing a country on the well established basis that all men are not 
free and equal." It is not the form but the essence which controls ; 
it is not the name, emperor, but the thing, emperor, that is hateful. 
The Herald adds : 

It does not matter whether the form of rule is that of a czar, 
or that of an imperial parliament which rules over subject people 
in the name of a conquering and governing nation. The govern- 
ment of England is just as imperialistic as the government of 
Russia. The inhabitants of Somali Coast Protectorate, an English 
colony, have no more political rights accorded to them by the 
British parliament, representing the English people, than the czar 
accords to the inhabitants of the Crimea, The government of 
England is imperial, because, while arrogating to themselves the 
right to do what they please, the English people control the indus- 
trial and political existence of hundreds of millions of people, and 
settle these in such manner as they see fit. The government of the 
czar is imperialistic because, while arrogating to himself the right 
to do as he pleases, the czar dictates the political and industrial 
development of scores of millions of people. But in each instance 
there is a denial of the democratic theory of government, that the 
people of a country have a right to regulate their own affairs. 



170 . The Commoner Condensed. 

The decision of the Supreme Court in the Downes case places 
the inhabitants of Porto Eico at the mercy of Congress and the 
executive. There is not a vital right that they can claim as theirs. 
They must bow before the American flag; they must swear alle- 
giance to it ; they must follow where it leads ; their property and 
their lives may be demanded for its maintenance and defense, and 
yet what is there in that flag which represents right or hope for 
them ? Heretofore, a territory has looked forward to the time and 
condition of statehood; its embarrassments have been considered 
temporary and during its period of waiting its people have been 
protected in the enjoyment of all the rights guaranteed to citizens 
by the Constitution. If its delegate in Congress has had no vote its 
people have been reasonably safe from harm because the general 
laws made for the territories were also operative in the states. Now 
comes a new order of things; the nation has caught the spirit of 
conquest ; it has stained its hands with the blood of subject races. 
The people of Porto Rico are notified that they are to be with us, 
but not of us. They are to have neither our government nor their 
own government, but such a government as we think good for them. 
We shall buy of them what we please upon our own terms ; we shall 
make their laws for them ; we shall tax them ; we shall govern them, 
and if they dare to quote our Declaration of Independence against 
us we shall shoot them. "Perhaps," we may allow them freedom of 
religion — five Judges in a court of nine, speaking for us, say that 
we are not sure f^out this. "Perhaps," we may allow them free- 
dom of speech — the question is not settled ; "perhaps," their news- 
papers may be allowed to criticise carpet-bag officials — but it is 
not yet determined whether this is a general right to be enjoyed 
by the Porto Ricans or a local one to be enjoyed only by the people 
of the United States. "Perhaps," they may be allowed to peace- 
ably assemble — this is a matter for future consideration; "per- 
haps," they will be permitted to petition for redress of grievances^ 
we shall see about this later. 

The Porto Ricans had heard of our revolutionary war; they 
had read our state papers ; they had been inspired by our patriotic 
songs, and so, when General Miles landed upon the Island, the 
people of Porto Rico met him with music and spread flowers in his 
path. Theirs is a rude awakening ! While they dreamed of Ameri- 
can liberty the republican leaders were calculating the trade value 
of eight hundred thousand Porto Ricans. 



The Commoner Condensed. 171 

"Perhaps/' Justice Brown's opinion will convince the rank and 
file of the republican party that our institutions are in danger and 
that the republican party should be repudiated. If liberty becomes 
a "perhaps" in Porto Rico how long will it be a certainty in the 
United States ? 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

As this is the last issue of The Commoner before the Fourth 
of July, the Declaration of Independence is reproduced in order 
that it may be re-read on the one hundred and twenty-fifth anni- 
versary of its adoption. One year ago, it was read and amid great 
enthusiasm endorsed as a part of the democratic national platform. 
This document, the most remarkable state paper ever penned, was 
written by Thomas Jefferson and to its maintenance he and his co- 
patriots pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor. 
And yet, in a higher and broader sense it was not the work of 
human hands. It was rather a bow of promise which the sunlight 
of truth, shining through tears, cast upon the clouds. It assured 
the world that the waters of despotism had reached their flood 
and were receding. God grant that they may never rise again ! 



THE SOUTH CAROLINA SITUATION. 

In view of the action of Senator McLaurin in withdrawing 
his resignation, the reader may be interested in reviewing the 
dialogue which brought about the resignation. 

At a meeting at Oaffney Senators Tillman and McLaurin met 
in joint debate and the former in the course of his speech said : 

Let McLaurin resign and go before the democratic primary 
this year, and I'll go home and keep my mouth shut and let the 
other fellows attend to him. If you elect him I will take it as 
notice that you don't want me. If he is a democrat, then I'm 
not. 

Senator McLaurin replied: 

Oh, yes. Tillman says, "Why don't I resign." If I'm elected 
it will mean the people don't want him. But he stopped there. 
He's smart. You'll never catch him committing himself too far. 



172 The Commoner Condensed. 

He did not say if I'm elected he'd resign. Oh, no. You'll never 
hear of Benjamin, the Tillmanite, resigning. 

And the dialogue continued as follows: 

Tillman: I will say it, and do say it! 
McLaurin : Agreed. 

Tillman: I will resign right now, if you will, and we will go 
before the people. 
McLaurin : Agreed. 

Tillman: Draw up the paper and we will sign it right now. 
McLaurin: That suits me. 

In pursuance of this agreement the resignations were pre- 
pared, signed and delivered to the governor, who, after a few days' 
consideration, addressed communications to the senators advising 
them to recall their resignations and giving as the main reason 
therefor that a campaign this year would involve the people in an 
unnecessary and harmful political agitation. Senator Tillman 
promptly replied that great issues were at stake, that the next 
session of the senate would deal with questions of the highest im- 
portance and that South Carolina was entitled to a voice in the set- 
tlement of these questions. He renewed his assertion that Senator 
McLaurin was misrepresenting the wishes and interests of the 
people of the state and ought to be replaced by some one who 
would reflect the sentiment of the people. He insisted that he was 
willing to risk his own term in order to enable the people to get 
rid of Senator McLaurin. 

Senator McLaurin, however, seized with alacrity upon the sug- 
gestion made by Governor McSweeney and withdrew his resigna- 
tion. One paragraph of his letter to the governor is worth repro- 
ducing. He says: 

I appreciate fully the force of the reasons given by you and 
the effect upon the people of the state of a heated and strife-produc- 
ing contest for United States senator this year. For the sake of 
the peace, prosperity and happiness of the people of this state, I 
am willing to hold on to my commission as United States senator 
and to continue to serve the state as I have done in the past to the 
best of my ability. 

His willingness "to hold on to" his commission "for the sake 
of the peace, prosperity and happiness of the people" of his state 
recalls a story told by John Allen, of Mississippi. A county treas- 
urer, let us call him Mr, Smith, became a candidate for a third 



The Commoner Condensed. 173 

term; his competitor, whom we will call Mr. Jones, made his fight 
against the incumbent on the ground that a third term ought not 
to be given to an official entrusted with the handling of the county 
money. He insisted that there ought to be a change so that the 
books could be examined. His arguments were effective and he 
beat Mr. Smith. At the end of the second term he began to long 
for a third term himself, but for awhile, remembering the issue 
upon which he won the office, he refrained from announcing his 
candidacy. Finally his desire to retain the office overcame his 
desire to be consistent and he entered the race for a third time. 
To quiet his conscience, however, he went around to apologize to 
Mr. Smith. for the arguments he had formerly advanced and his 
apology ran like this: 

"Mr. Smith, when you were a candidate for a third term I 
made the race against you on the theory that a third term was 
wrong. I had heard the arguments made against a third term 
and I really believed that they were sound, but I have been in the 
office two terms myself and I now see that there is no reason, 
why a good county treasurer should not serve as many terms 
as he likes. I admit now that I was wrong and when I make 
a mistake I am just man enough to acknowledge it." 

Senator McLaurin sees now that he made a mistake in risk- 
ing two years of senatorial salary and he is "just man enough 
to acknowledge it." 

The letters written by the two senators are entirely char- 
acteristic of the men. The honorable course pursued by Senator 
Tillman and the evasion resorted to by Senator McLaurin will 
increase the desire already very general among democrats to see 
some plan adopted which will give Senator Tillman a colleague 
in harmony with his constituents. 



174 The Commoner Condensed. 



IX. 

CONSTITUTIONAL LIBEETY. 

The worst feature of the supreme court decision in the 
Downes case is that it strikes a blow at constitutional liberty. 
In attempting to defend the position taken by the majority of the 
court, Justice Brown used arguments which, if carried to their 
logical conclusion, would deny the necessity for a constitution 
anywhere. According to the decision of the court, Congress 
can govern Porto Bico as a colony, without constitutional 
limitations, so far as the taxing power is concerned, and enough 
is said in the majority opinion to show that no political right 
is absolutely secure. 

The question naturally arises: If the Porto Ricans do not 
need the protection of a written constitution, why do the people 
of the United States need a written constitution? If we con- 
cede that the Porto Ricans are safe without a constitution we 
must also admit that the American people would be safe without 
a constitution. Justice Brown says: "Grave apprehensions of 
danger are felt by many eminent men — a fear lest an unre- 
strained possession of power on the part of Congress may lead to 
unjust and oppressive legislation, in which the natural rights 
of territories, or their inhabitants, may be engulfed in a cen- 
tralized despotism. These fears, however, find no justification 
in the action of Congress, nor in the conduct of the British 
parliament toward its outlying possessions since the American 
revolution. * * * There are certain principles of natural 
justice inherent in the Anglo-Saxon character which need no 
expressions in constitutions or statutes to give them effect or to 
secure dependencies against legislation manifestly hostile to their 
real interests." 

I shall at another time treat of his reference to the benevo- 
lence of the British Parliament, but my purpose at this time 
is to emphazise the fact that he repudiates the arguments which 
have always been given in support of a written constitution. It 



The Commoner Condensed. 175 

was necessary to do so in order to justify the Porto Eican de- 
cision, and yet in doing so he surrenders one of the most vital 
principles of government. Some of the republican papers have 
violently assailed me because I pointed out the political heresy 
uttered by the court. Will any republican paper quote the language 
which I have quoted above, and then answer two questions ? 

FIRST.— IS A CONSTITUTION A GOOD THING FOR 
THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES ? 

SECOND.— IF SO, DO NOT THE PORTO RICANS ALSO 
NEED A CONSTITUTION? 

A special invitation is extended to the editor of Postmaster 
General Smith's paper to answer these questions, but any republi- 
can paper, great or small, conspicuous or obscure, is at liberty to 
try. The Porto Ricans do not elect the Congress; we do, and yet 
we have the protection of a constitution while the Porto Ricans 
have none. We can retire the members of Congress if we don't 
like their conduct; the Porto Ricans cannot, and yet we have a 
constitution and the Porto Ricans have none. The members of 
Congress are chosen from among us, and they must live under the 
laws which they make for us ; the congressmen are not chosen from 
among the Porto Ricans, and do not live under the laws made for 
the Porto Ricans, and yet we have a constitution and the Porto 
Ricans have none. If "there are certain principles of natural jus- 
tice inherent in the Anglo-Saxon character which need no expres- 
sion in constitutions or statutes to give them effect or to secure de- 
pendencies against legislation manifestly hostile to their real in- 
terests," why were the people of revolutionary days unwilling to 
rely upon that "natural justice"? If there is no danger in "an 
unrestrained possession of power on the part of congress" why 
were our forefathers so careful to restrain that power ? Has human 
nature so changed as to make unnecessary now the constitutional 
limitations which were thought necessary a century ago? 

Constitutional liberty has been attacked and the attack must 
be met at once. The doctrine laid down by Justice Brown is 
antagonistic to all that the American people have been taught to 
believe sacred. If we admit his argument when applied to Porto 
Ricans, upon what ground can we stand when we claim for our- 
selves the protection of the Constitution or the bill of rights? If 
the principle contended for by Justice Brown is established for 
the government of colonies, it will by irresistible logic become 



176 The Commoner Condensed. 

operative in the United States. That the readers of The Com- 
moner may fortify their own views by the wisdom of Thomas 
Jefferson, the following extracts are made from his writings as 
collected in that invaluable volume "The Jeffersonian Cyclopedia." 

In 1803 Mr. Jefferson said: "Our peculiar security is in the 
possession of a written constitution. Let us not make it a blank 
paper by construction." 

In 1802 he wrote : "Though written constitutions may be 
violated in moments of passion or delusion, yet they furnish a 
text to which those who are watchful may again rally and recall 
the people. They fix, too, for the people the principles of their 
political creed." 

At another time he described our Constitution as "the ark 
of our safety, and grand palladium of our peace and happiness." 

It will be remembered that the federal constitution was op- 
posed by some because it did not contain a bill of rights, and the 
first ten amendments were immediately adopted to remedy this 
defect and provide additional guarantees to life, liberty and prop- 
erty. Jefferson was a firm believer in the doctrine which led to 
the adoption of the bill of rights. In a letter written in 1789 he 
said: "I disapproved from the first moment the want of a bill of 
rights (in the constitution) to guard liberty against the legisla- 
tive as well as the executive branches of the government; that is 
to say, to secure freedom in religion, freedom of the press, free- 
dom from monopolies, freedom from unlawful imprisonment, 
freedom from a permanent military and a trial by jury in all 
cases determinable by the laws of the land." 

In a letter to James Madison, written in 1787, Jefferson said: 
"A bill of rights is what the people are entitled to against every 
government on earth, general or particular; and what no just 
government should refuse, or rest on inferences." 

At another time he defined his position as follows: "By a 
declaration of rights I mean one which shall stipulate freedom of 
religion, freedom of the press, freedom of commerce against 
monopolies, trial by juries in all cases, no suspension of the 
habeas corpus, no standing armies. These are fetters against 
doing evil which no honest government should decline." 

Jefferson was a believer in popular government, but he also 
believed in the inalienable rights of individuals — rights which the 



The Commoner Condensed. 177 

government does not give and ought not to take away — rights 
which cannot be safely intrusted to the keeping of any legislative 
body. Until recently Jefferson's position on this subject was 
unanimously endorsed. 

Every state has adopted a constitution placing restrictions 
upon the legislative branch as well as upon the other. branches of 
the government. The state of Ohio has a constitution and a bill 
of rights ; how can Senator Hanna and President McKinley favor 
a constitution and a bill of rights for Ohio and then declare that 
the people of Porto Eico need no such protection ? If the farmers, 
laborers and business men of Ohio are not willing to trust the 
wisdom and justice of an unrestrained state legislature, by what 
process of reasoning do they reach the conclusion that the people 
of Porto Eico can entrust their rights to the protection of an unre- 
strained congress? 

Justice Brown is a citizen of the state of Michigan, and 
Michigan also has a constitution and a bill of rights. Is Justice 
Brown willing to go before the people of his own state and tell 
them that their legislature should be vested with full and unre- 
strained power to act on all questions affecting the rights and prop- 
erty of the citizens ? If not, why not ? Is a congress more reliable 
than a state legislature? Is a representative body more trust- 
worthy as it gets farther away from the people? Is delegated 
authority more carefully exercised in proportion as the seat of 
government is farther removed from the voters? 

The position taken by Judge Brown would be ludicrous if it 
were not so serious. It is strange that his language is not chal- 
lenged by republicans. Two republican judges out of six dissented 
from this position; have the republican newspapers less independ- 
ence than the judges? Have the rank and file of the republican 
party, who are under no obligation to the party, less independence 
of thought and action than the justices who hold their commissions 
from republican presidents? Unless the people are wholly ab- 
sorbed in money-making and entirely indifferent to that constitu- 
tional liberty so highly prized and so dearly bought by our 
ancestors there will be so emphatic a protest against the imperialis- 
tic utterances of a court that no body of officials on the bench or 
elsewhere will soon again disregard the spirit of American insti- 
tutions. 



178 The Commoner Condensed. 



HEBRON ATTACKS MARRIAGE SYSTEM. 

Prof. Herron has committed an unpardonable sin — he has at- 
tacked the marriage system. So long as he confined his efforts 
to the amelioration of social conditions his motives were respected 
whatever criticism may have been directed against his methods or 
his theories. But when he rebels against a marriage system 
which requires a husband to care for his wife and perform a 
father's duty, he forfeits public esteem. In his letter to the 
Congregational church, replying to an invitation which had been 
extended to him to join in calling a council to inquire into his 
ministerial standing and church membership, he took occasion to 
condemn the entire system of marriage as immoral and blas- 
phemous. The following extract is sufficient to set forth his 
views on the subject: 

I do not believe that the present marriage system is sacred or 
good. It rather seems to me the destruction of the liberty and 
love and truth which make sacred and worth while. If love and 
truth are the basis of morality, then a marriage system which 
makes one human being the property of another, without regard 
to the well-being of either the owned or the owner, seems to me 
to be the very soul of blasphemy and immorality. 

The family founded on force is a survival of slavery and one 
of the expressions of the slave principles on which our whole slave 
civilization is built. It is made of the superstition which thinks 
it good for human beings to own each other and good for the 
race to have all the sources and tools of life owned by the few 
who are strong and cunning and unscrupulous to possess them. 

Mr. Herron made no defense to the suit for divorce instituted 
by his wife, and in his letter he announced his purpose to marry 
a Miss Rand (whom he has since married). He is not the first 
man to become alienated from his wife by falling in love with 
another woman, but he differs from others in attempting to ex- 
onerate himself by assailing the most sacred human institution. 
He endeavors to spiritualize and idealize a new attachment which 
is neither spiritual nor ideal. It is only charitable to suppose that 
he loved his first wife when he promised to love and care for 
her; it is only charitable to assume that this love was present 
when his home was blessed with the children whom he now 
abandons. But he allowed his heart to stray away from his own 
home to the home of another; he allowed an acquaintance to 



The Commoner Condensed. 179 

usurp his wife's place in his affections. He calls the new at- 
tachment "comradeship/'' but that does not sanctify or excuse 
his conduct. So far as the evidence shows his wife was a comrade 
before his affections were withdrawn and did what she could to 
continue the comradeship. He deliberately; chose to repudiate his 
marriage vows, and now, rather than admit that he has fallen 
from the path of honor and uprightness, he cries out against 
domestic virtue and conjugal happiness. 

Marriage is not slavery ; neither the husband nor the wife owns 
the other. They are joint occupants of earth's holiest tenement. 
One may so act as to forfeit the confidence of the other and it may 
be even wise, under some circumstances, for them to separate, but 
such exceptions do not justify a wholesale condemnation of the 
marriage system. The Christian home is not a prison; there is 
room enough and freedom enough in it for the development of 
all that is pure and noble. Its character would not be improved 
by a free and frequent change of partners. Children should be 
protected from the results of a "freedom" which would lead to 
the disruption of the family every time a person appeared who 
seemed to husband or wife more congenial than the other. 

According to Prof. Herron's theory, the highest virtue is to 
live the truth — to be one's self. He says : 

Civilization, with its network of falsehood and suspicion, of 
retribution and revenge, is a sort of world conspiracy against the 
soul's integrity and individuality. Yet the right of a single oul 
to fully and freely express itself, to live out and show forth all 
the truth about itself, so that it need have within itself no hidden 
things, but be naked before the universe and not be ashamed, is 
infinitely more important than the whole fabric of civilization. 

There are times when to be without a sense of shame indi- 
cates an absence of conscience. 

It is not sufficient that one should reveal his inmost self to 
the world ; if that were all the vilest sinner could become a saint 
by confessing his wickedness. Something more is necessary; there 
should be repentance and works meet for repentance. It is more 
important that one improve himself than that he exhibit himself; 
it is more virtuous to resist temptation than to boldly admit 
having yielded to it. The marriage system will survive this attack, 
as it has survived others, but Mr. Herron will not add to his 
Usefulness by the position which he has taken. 



i8o The Commoner Condensed. 



THE DOCTRINE OF THRONES. 

The opponents of imperialism assert that "it is the doctrine of 
thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself." To-day the 
republican party is thoroughly committed to this doctrine of 
thrones. 

In a speech delivered in the House of Representatives in 1818, 
Henry Clay pleaded for South American independence from Span- 
ish rule. "It is the doctrine of thrones/' said Mr. Clay, "that 
man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their partisans assert his 
incapacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command 
universal assent to the propositon it is then demanded as to par- 
ticular nations; and our pride and our presumption too often 
make converts of us. I contend that it is to arraign the disposi- 
tion of Providence himself to suppose that he created beings 
incapable of governing themselves and to be trampled on by 
kings. Self-government is the natural government of man, and 
for proof I refer to the aborigines of our own land. Were I to 
speculate in hypothesis unfavorable to human liberty, my specu- 
lations should be founded rather upon the vice, refinement or 
density of population. Crowded together in compact masses, even 
if they were philosophers, the contagion of the passions is com- 
municated and caught, and the effect too often, I admit, is the 
overthrow of liberty. Dispersed over such an immense space as 
that on which the people of Spanish America are spread, their 
physical, and I believe their moral condition, both favor their 
liberty." 



"THE BEST FORM OF ' GIVING." 

In addressing a Sunday school class recently, Mr. Rockefeller 
of the Standard Oil Trust, said that his organization paid twenty- 
two millions a year in wages, and that in thirty years it had paid 
out between six hundred and seven hundred millions to laboring 
men. "This," he added, "I regard as the best form of giving." 

There is no doubt that remunerative employment is more 
helpful than charity, but Mr. Rockefeller can hardly credit his 
charity account with the amount paid out in wages. During the 
past seven years the dividends declared by the Standard Oil Trust 



The Commoner Condensed. 1S1 

have amounted to $252,000,000. Thus it will be seen that the 
dividends for seven years amount to more than one-third of the 
wages paid during a period of thirty years. Mr. Rockefeller's 
share of the dividends for the past five months are said to amount 
to ten millions — this is at the rate of twenty-four millions a year. 
If Mr. Rockefeller can make twenty-four millions (not to speak 
of the dividends paid to other stockholders) by paying twenty-two 
millions in wages he has found a very profitable investment, even 
though it cannot properly be described as the "best form of giving/' 
iVs Mr. Rockefeller gets more out of it than the thousands of men 
who do the work, and as he could get nothing out of the business 
but for the work done by the wage earners, it is evident that the 
day laborers are doing some "giving" themselves. Mr. Rockefeller 
has the reputation of being a very liberal man, but it is quite evi- 
dent that he is giving away some one else's money. If the em- 
ployes are not receiving wages enough he is giving away their 
money or money which should be paid to them, and they should 
be credited with his donations. If the employes are receiving 
wages enough, it must be apparent that the consumers of oil are 
paying too much, and therefore they should be credited with Mr. 
Rockefeller's donations. Some one has described the Chicago Uni- 
versity as a national university, because it is supported by money 
collected from all the people, by that most successful taxgatherer, 
the Standard Oil Trust. 

As a matter of fact, the payment of wages is not "a form of 
giving." You do not speak of giving a man a horse when you re- 
ceive for the horse as much as it is worth. There is much less 
reason for describing wages as a gift because the wage-earner not 
only earns all he receives, but he earns for his employer a profit 
besides. But even if the ordinary wage-earner could count his 
wages as a gift, it would be a perversion of language to say that 
Mr. Rockefeller was giving to his employes when the employes 
give back to Mr. Rockefeller all that he pays for wages and more 
than one hundred per cent, profit on the wages besides. 

When Mr. Rockefeller is ready to render an account of his 
stewardship, he will not find the amount paid by him in wages 
standing to his credit, but he will find some charges made against 
the amount which he has received. A part of his enormous income 
represents money which his employes ought to have received, and 
a part represents money taken from the public in violation of 



182 The Commoner Condensed. 

human as well as divine laws. Xot only will he find it impossible 
to obtain credit for wages paid to employes, but lie will find that 
much that he has given to religion, to education and to charity has 
been set down in the "incidental expense" column and not under 
the head of benevolence. The money which he has paid to sub- 
sidize the press — not money paid to proprietors of papers, but 
money expended in such a way as to silence criticism and to provoke 
eulogy, money paid to prevent ministerial denunciation of trust 
methods — not money paid to the ministers themselves, but money 
given to religious enterprises, and money used to corrupt colleges 
and to support professors who will defend, or at least deal gently 
with, monopolies — all these expenditures are not given to charity 
but are a part of the business. Mr. Eockefeller has given so small 
a part of his income that he has become fabulously rich in a short 
time. Measured by the rule laid down by the Master in the case 
of the widow who gave in two mites, Mr. Eockefeller is a miser. 
Thousands have given more liberally in proportion to their in- 
come, although their gifts have not amounted to so much in dollars. 
If Mr. Eockefeller had given, not a small per cent., but all of his 
income to church and charity, he could not have compensated for 
the harm he has done, nor could he have justified the criminal 
methods which he has employed. Mr. Eockefeller cannot boast of 
his giving, least of all can he boast of giving to his employes. 



WHO WEOTEIT? 



"These are words of weighty import. They involve conse? 
quences of the most momentous character. I take leave to say 
that if the principles thus announced should ever receive the sanc- 
tion of a majority of this court, a radical and mischievous change 
in our system of government will be the result. We will, in 
that event, pass from the era of constitutional liberty guarded 
and protected by a written constitution into an era of legislative 
absolutism." 

Here is a serious charge brought against the majority of the 
Supreme Court of the United States. The court is accused of 
bringing about a "change in our system of government" — not only 
a change but "radical and mischievous" change. It is charged 
that in the event of that decision — and the decision was made — 



The Commoner Condensed. 183 

"constitutional liberty" would be lost and "an era of legislative 
absolutism" ushered in. 

What graver indictment could be brought against our highest 
judicial tribunal? Who wrote it? Who is guilty of thus reflect- 
ing upon the patriotism and purpose of the court? Let the re- 
publican papers ferret out the culprit and visit condign punish- 
ment upon him. Let him feel the righteous wrath of those pure 
and immaculate souls who always bow to a court decision (when 
it is on their side), and never utter a reflection against a judge 
(unless he decides against them). 

Who wrote the words above quoted ? Did they emanate from a 
demagogue; was this the wail of a defeated candidate; was it 
the speech of some disturber of the peace — some stirrer up of dis- 
content ? 

No, the words will be found in a dissenting opinion of a justice 
of the Supreme Court of the United States of America. A demo- 
cratic justice? No. A populist justice? No. A silver repub- 
lican justice? No. 

What then? They are the words of a republican justice of the 
supreme court— -Justice Harlan — appointed by a republican presi- 
dent. 

Hereafter, when republican papers desire to condemn those 
who criticise a supreme court decision, let them begin at the top 
and assail Justice Harlan first. After they have administered 
to him the rebuke which he, from their standpoint, deserves, 
they will be too much exhausted to attack those who quote 
Justice Harlan against the court. 



"LAKGE CONCESSION'S/' 

Justice Brown, in delivering the majority opinion in the Downes 
case, clearly shows that he was willing to make "large conces- 
sions" in order to sustain the administration. He concludes his 
argument, or rather his explanation, by presenting the expediency 
excuse in all its baldness. He says : 

A false step at this time might be fatal to the development 
of what Chief Justice Marshall called the American empire. 
Choice in some cases, the natural gravitation of small bodies 
toward large ones in others, the result of a successful war in still 



184 The Commoner Condensed. 

others, may bring about conditions which would render the an- 
nexation of distant possessions desirable. If those possessions 
are inhabited by alien races, differing from us in religion, customs, 
laws, methods of taxation and modes of thought, the administra- 
tion of government and justice, according to Anglo-Saxon prin- 
ciples, may for a time be impossible; and the question at once 
arises whether large concessions ought not to be made for a 
time, that, ultimately our own theories may be carried out and 
the blessings of a free government under the Constitution ex- 
tended to them. We decline to hold that there is anything in 
the Constitution to forbid such action. 

The inference is clear that he would have joined the minority 
but for the fear that "a false step," as he called it, "might be 
fatal to the development" of the administration's plan. He 
assumes that conditions might make "the annexation of distant 
possessions desirable," and recognizing that such lands might be 
"inhabited by alien races, differing from us in religion, customs, 
laws, methods of taxation and modes of thought," he surrenders 
the principles of constitutional government in order to vest in 
Congress power to administer a different kind 01 government from 
that contemplated by our forefathers. Of course, he does not 
expect to suspend the Constitution forever, but in order to justify 
a temporary suspension of the Constitution he employs arguments 
which destroy the foundations of constitutional liberty. It is 
the old story — as old as history. It is yielding to temptation; 
it is the conscious departure from the right path with lame and 
halting apologies therefor. It is the ancient argument that the 
end justifies the means — an argument that has been used to bolster 
up every thing bad and to excuse all villainy. When a person 
starts to "making concessions" whether from moral principles or 
from constitutional provisions, he always increases the conces- 
sions until they become as large as the case requires. Justice 
Brown makes the mistake of weighing desire against duty. Noth- 
ing can be desirable which requires a surrender of our ideas of 
government. That ought to be a starting point. If the truths set 
forth in the Declaration of Independence are self-evident truths; 
if the rights enumerated are inalienable rights; if the people are 
the only source from which a just government can derive its 
powers — if these things are true, then nothing can be desirable 
which requires a repudiation of them. The very fact that Justice 



The Commoner Condensed. 185 

Brown discusses the question, or entertains the thought of com- 
paring the desirableness of distant possessions with the duty of 
maintaining the principles of free government shows that his heart 
has wandered from the paths trod by the revolutionary patriots. 
He may delude himself with the idea that he can ultimately extend 
the blessings of "free government" by denying the principles of 
free government now. But it is a vain hope. To justify a tempo- 
rary surrender we must relax our hold upon American doctrines 
and when that hold is once relaxed it is not apt to be regained. 
Power is fascinating. It flatters our vanity to be told that we 
are "a superior people" and owe it to "inferior people" to take 
care of them. As we never can convince them that we are dis- 
interested or make them satisfied with our sovereignty, it is not 
safe to give them a voice in their own government. 

If our subjects protest against carpet-bag officials, it is proof 
positive that they lack the intelligence to govern themselves. 
When a superior race is dealing with an inferior one, lack of ap- 
preciation is a heinous offense; and when did the subject ever 
appreciate an effort to deprive him of his liberty ? 

Progress, civilization, capacity for self-government — all these 
are relative terms. Individuals differ from each other, races differ, 
nations differ. Let us suppose that ten represents the capacity 
of the Filipinos for self-government while one hundred represents 
the capacity of the American people; how can they come nearer 
together unless the Filipinos make more rapid progress than the 
American? Is it probable or even possible that the Filipinos, de- 
nied the experience which self-government gives, would improve 
as fast as we so long as we are in the full enjoyment of self-govern- 
ment? 

Justice Brown referred with evident pride to England's methods 
of dealing with her colonies, and yet England is making no progress 
toward self-government. The Indian people are complaining 
that Englishmen are sent out to fill the important offices at high 
salaries; the native papers of influence do not attempt to defend 
the policy of the English government and the educated classes 
are especially hostile to British rule. 

Japan has made more progress in the last forty years than 
India has made in a hundred and fifty. Mexico, half Spanish and 
half Indian, has made greater strides in the last quarter of a 



1 86 The Commoner Condensed. 

* 
century than India has made in a century and a half. When the 
Mexican war was ended our flag was hauled down from the heights 
of Chapultepec, and both the United States and Mexico have 
prospered more as sister republics than either would have pros- 
pered had we adopted an imperialistic policy. 

The "destiny" argument obliterates all distinction between right 
and wrong ; it assumes that there is somewhere an irresistible force 
which impels the American people to do what they do not want to 
do and ought not to do, whereas the only force behind imperial- 
ism is the commercial argument that the Constitution and all 
moral principles must give way to the almighty dollar. The "des- 
tiny" argument justifies grand larceny and wholesale slaughter, 
provided that they will pay, and then imperialists, conscious that 
the means employed cannot be defended by argument, throw the 
blame upon Providence. There is no more reason to believe that 
God commands a big nation to destroy, subjugate or rob 
a weaker nation than there is to believe that God commands 
a strong man to kill or rob a cripple, and yet the imperialists 
invoke the law to punish the individual as a criminal while they 
extol a war of conquest as patriotic. 

If concessions are made they ought to be made for the sup- 
port and maintenance of republican government, not for its over- 
throw, but Justice Brown made all the concession away from 
liberty rather than toward it. His policy would send this nation 
out upon the highways of the world as a bully and a braggart. 
Unless he knows that moral principles will be suspended for the 
protection of our nation, he must know that this nation cannot 
exercise the powers conferred by the supreme court without de- 
stroying its moral prestige among the nations and inviting a 
terrible retribution. The victims of arbitrary power may survive, 
but those who exercise arbitrary power become hardened and cal- 
loused until they lose respect for liberty and then lose liberty itself. 

The concessions made by the court are so large that no material 
advantage however great could compensate the nation for them. 
What shall we say, then, when these concessions are made to 
secure advantages which are seeming rather than real — advan- 
tages which but a few can enjoy? 



The Commoner Condensed. 187 



UNSAFE BANKING. 

The failure of the Seventh National Bank of New York city 
calls attention to the fact that many banks are doing business 
upon an unsafe basis. This particular bank made a report to the 
clearing house on June 21st showing that its capital was only 
$376,340 while its deposits were over $5,700,000; its loans over 
$4,400,000. A shrinkage of ten per cent, in the value of its loans 
would have more than wiped out its capital. According to the 
report referred to the net profits were $234,000 but even this sum 
added to the capital would not give a sufficient margin to make 
the business safe. 

Some ratio should be fixed between the bank's capital and its 
deposits, for while it may be very profitable to divide among a few 
stockholders the profits secured upon large deposits it invites col- 
lapse. A banker would not loan to a merchant whose liabilities 
equalled 90 per cent, of his assets. Why should he ask depositors 
to trust him under the same circumstances? 



ETERNAL VIGILANCE. 

There are some people who appear indifferent to the encroach- 
ments upon liberty, if the encroachments appear at the time to be 
small. There are some who fail to see in the Porto Eican tariff 
duty, in the government of Porto Eico by executive power, and 
in the denial to the Filipinos of the right of self-government, any 
evil serious enough to warrant consideration. 

Daniel Webster, in a speech delivered in the senate May 7, 1834, 
had something to say on this subject. This is what Webster said : 
"Every encroachment, great or small, is important enough to 
awaken the attention of those who are entrusted with the preserva- 
tion of a constitutional government. We are not to wait till great 
public mischiefs come, till the government is overthrown, or liberty 
itself put into extreme jeopardy. We should not be worthy sons 
of our fathers were we so to regard great questions affecting the 
general freedom. Those fathers accomplished the revolution on 
a strict question of principle. The Parliament of Great Britain 
asserted a right to tax the colonies in all cases whatsoever; and 
it was precisely on this question that they made the revolution 



i88 The Commoner Condensed. 

turn. The amount of taxation was trifling, but the claim itself 
was inconsistent with liberty; and that was in their eyes enough. 
It was against the recital of an act of Parliament, rather than 
against any suffering under its enactments, that they took up arms. 
They went to war against a preamble. They fought seven years 
against a declaration. They poured out their treasures and their 
blood like water, in a contest against an assertion which those less 
sagacious and not so well schooled in the principles of civil liberty 
would have regarded as barren phraseology, or mere parade of 
words. They saw in the claim of the British Parliament a seminal 
principle of mischief, the germ of unjust power; they detected it, 
dragged it forth from underneath its plausible disguise, struck 
at it; nor did it elude either their steady or well directed blow 
till they had extirpated and destroyed it, to the smallest fibre. 
On this question of principle, while actual suffering was yet far 
off, they raised their flag against a power, to which for purposes 
of foreign conquest and subjugation, Kome, in the height of her 
glory, is not to be compared; a power which has dotted over the 
surface of the whole globe with her possessions and military posts ; 
whose morning drum-beat, following the sun and keeping company 
with the hours, circles the earth with one continuous unbroken 
strain of the martial airs of England." 



AGUINALDO'S OFFEK. 

In another column will be found a dispatch which recently ap- 
peared in the New York World and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 
describing an offer made by some Filipinos claiming to represent 
Aguinaldo. 

When Mr. Bryan was in New York he received a letter from a 
gentleman saying that two Filipinos were in the city and desired 
to call, but the letter was not read in time to be answered before 
the Filipinos arrived. They were refused admittance, and a friend 
was sent with a verbal answer to the letter explaining that Mr. 
"Bryan did not think it proper to confer with them, and stating 
that the democratic party was not opposing imperialism because 
of friendliness to the Filipinos but because imperialism was danger- 
ous to American institution. The Filipinos said that Aguinaldo 
was willing to issue a proclamation promising to lay down arms in 



The Commoner Condensed. 189 

case of Mr. Bryan's election, and also willing to contribute to the 
democratic campaign fund, but Mr. Bryan refused to consider either 
proposition, and did not require them to furnish any evidence of 
their right to represent Aginaldo or speak for him. As the matter 
has been discussed in other papers, the story and this explanation 
are given to readers of The Commoner. 



THE SULU TEEATY. 

At the request of a reader of The Commoner the Sulu treaty is 
given below. It is now about two years since the treaty was signed, 
but our flag is still flying over the Sultan's palace and both slavery 
and polygamy remain undisturbed. The treaty reads: 

Article I. The sovereignty of the United States over the whole 
archipelago of Sulu and its dependencies is declared and acknowl- 
edged. 

Article II. The United States flag will be used in the archi- 
pelago of Sulu and its dependencies on land and sea. 

Article III. The rights and dignities of his highness, the 
sultan, and his datos shall be fully respected, and Moros shall not 
be interfered with on account of their religion ; all their religious 
customs shall be respected and no one shall be persecuted on ac- 
count of his religion. 

Article IV. While the United States may occupy and control 
such points in the archipelago of Sulu as public interest seem to 
demand, encroachment will not be made upon the lands immedi- 
ately about the residence of his highness, the sultan, unless mili- 
tary necessity requires such occupation in case of war with a 
foreign power, and where the property of individuals is taken, due 
compensation will be made in each case. 

Any person can purchase land in the archipelago of Sulu and 
hold the same by obtaining the consent of the sultan and coming 
to a satisfactory agreement with the owner of the land, and such 
purchase shall be immediately registered in the proper office of 
the United States government. 

Article V. All trade in the domestic products of the archi- 
pelago of Sulu, when carried on by the sultan and his people with 
any part of the Philippine Islands, and when conducted under 
the American flag, shall be free, unlimited and undutiable. 

Article VI. The sultan of Sulu shall be allowed to communi- 
cate direct with the governor-general of the Philippine islands in 
making complaint against the commanding officer of Sulu or 
against any naval commander. 



190 The Commoner Condensed. 

Article VII. The introduction of firearms and war materials 
is forbidden except under specific authority of the governor-general 
of the Philippines. 

Article VIII. Piracy must be suppressed and the sultan and 
his datos agree to heartily co-operate with the United States 
authorities to that end and to make every possible effort to arrest 
and bring to justice all persons engaged in piracy. 

Article IX. Where crimes are committed by Moros against 
Moros the government of the sultan will bring to trial and punish- 
ment the criminals and offenders who will be delivered to the 
government of the sultan by the United States authorities if in 
their possession. In all other cases persons charged with crimes 
or offenses will be delivered to the United States authorities for 
trial and punishment. 

Article X. Any slave in the archipelago of Sulu shall have 
the right to purchase freedom by paying to the master the usual 
market value. 

Article XL At present Americans or foreigners wishing to go 
into the country should state their wishes to the Moro authorities 
and ask for an escort, but it is hoped this will become unnecessary 
as we know each other better. 

Article XII. The United States will give full protection to 
the sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation should at- 
tempt to impose upon them. 

Article XIII. The United States will not sell the island of 
Sulu or any other island of the Sulu archipelago to any foreign 
nation without the consent of the sultan of Sulu. 

Article XIV. The United States government will pay the fol- 
lowing monthly salaries: 

To the sultan $250 

To Dato Eajah Muda 75 

To Dato Attik 60 

To Dato Calbe 75 

To Dato Joakanian 75 

To Dato Puyo 60 

To Dato Amir Haissin 60 

To Hadji Buter -60 

To Habib Mura 40 

To Serif Saguin ■ 15 

Signed in triplicate, in English and Sulu, at Jolo, this 
20th day of August, A. D., 1899, (13th Arakuil Akil, 
1397). 

The Sultan of Sulu. 
Dato Rajah. 
Dato Attik. 
Dato Calbe. 
Dato Joakanian. 
Signed J. C. Bates, Brig.-Gen., U. S. V. 



The Commoner Condensed. 191 



THE OHIO PLATFOEM. 

The Ohio democratic convention was the political event of last 
week. The platform adopted, and reproduced on page five of this 
issue, made a strong presentation of some of the issues but failed 
to reaffirm the Kansas City platform. 

It began with municipal and state issues and the handiwork 
of Mayor Tom L. Johnson was evident in the terse and emphatic 
declaration of democratic principles so far as they apply to local 
questions. The necessity for municipal reform is an urgent one 
and there is sound democracy in the plank demanding that the 
people be given an opportunity to vote on questions involving the 
granting or extending of a franchise. 

The plank which declares that "steam and electric railroads 
and other corporations possessing public franchises shall be assessed 
in the same proportion to their salable value as are farms and 
city real estate" is both logical and just, but it is likely to offend 
the very people who were to be conciliated by an evasion of the 
silver question. 

The plank against passes is all right, but will not make votes 
among the so-called conservatives. The platform urges tariff re- 
form. 

The anti-trust plank would have been stronger if it had re-, 
iterated the Kansas City platform on the subject. The free list 
and the prevention of railroad discriminations are good so far 
as they go, but they do not go far enough. Whenever a trust 
can export its goods to other countries, it can live here without 
any tariff. Something more than free trade is necessary to such 
a case. Absolute fairness in railroad rates is desirable, but even 
this will not make private monopolies impossible. The Kansas 
City platform suggested a complete remedy — the only one yet pro- 
posed — and it is to be regretted that the Ohio convention was so 
prejudiced against the last national platform of the party that it 
ignored a remedy endorsed by more than six million voters. 

The plank condemning imperialism criticises the republican 



192 The Commoner Condensed. 

policy without pointing out a remedy. Here again the failure 
to reaffirm the Kansas City platform has weakened the Ohio de- 
mocracy. 

The convention endorsed the proposition to elect senators by 
the people. The labor plank is excellent, but those who wrote 
the platform failed, either intentionally or unintentionally, to 
mention government by injunction, the black list and arbitration. 
A reaffirmation of the Kansas City platform would have covered 
these points also, but having failed to reaffirm, the convention 
should have been careful to touch on all the important questions. 

The convention not only failed, but refused to endorse or reaffirm 
the Kansas City platform, and, from the manner in which the 
gold element has rejoiced over this feature of the convention, one 
would suppose that the main object of the convention was not 
to write a new platform, but to repudiate the one upon which 
the last national campaign was fought. 

Mr. Finley was right in insisting upon a vote on his resolution 
endorsing the Kansas City platform, but he made a mistake in 
including in his resolution a complimentary reference to Mr. 
Bryan. Mr. Bryan is not a candidate for any office, and a men- 
tion of him might have been construed by some as an endorsement 
of him for office. The vote should have been upon the naked 
proposition to endorse the platform of last year, and then no one 
could have excused his abandonment of democratic principles by 
pleading his dislike for Mr. Bryan. The cause ought not to be 
made to bear the sins of an individual. Mr. Bryan will endure 
without complaint any punishment which the democracy of Ohio 
may see fit to administer to him, but he does not want his name 
used to the injury of a good platform. 

The gold papers assume that the convention refused to adopt 
the Kansas City platform because it contained a silver plank. If 
so, it would have been more courageous to have declared openly 
for the gold standard. If the gold standard is good, it ought 
to have been endorsed — if bad, it ought to have been denounced. 
To ignore the subject entirely was inexcusable. 

The money question is not yet out of politics. Every session 
of Congress will have to deal with it. Eepublicans declare that it 
is dead but they keep working at it. At the last session of Con- 
gress they tried to make the silver dollar redeemable in gold and 
when that is accomplished they will try to limit trie legal tender 



The Commoner Condensed. 193 

qualities of the dollar. The gold standard will not be complete 
until gold is the only legal tender money and bank notes the 
only paper money. Then our supply of primary money will be 
controlled by foreign financiers, and our supply of credit money 
by domestic financiers. 

This plan has been developed gradually and every step has been 
taken secretly and stealthily. The republican leaders have been 
in this movement for years ; as soon as the democratic party found 
that some of its leaders had joined the conspiracy those leaders 
were deposed. It looks now as if the reactionary influences were 
once more trying to secure control. If they succeed in Ohio or 
elsewhere it simply means another gigantic struggle such as was 
witnessed in 1896'. The democratic party cannot be made a pluto- 
cratic party even if there was room in this country for two such 
parties. There was a time, under the Cleveland regime, when 
the party leaders used general and ambiguous phrases to deceive 
the voters, but that scheme cannot be worked again. We cannot 
expect the voters to have confidence in the party unless the party 
has confidence in the voters and if the party has confidence in the 
voters it will state its position on all the important questions be- 
fore the country and invite judgment. 

The present campaign involves a senator, as well as a state 
ticket, and as the convention dealt with other national questions, 
it should have dealt candidly and honestly with the money question. 
Mr. McLean is supposed to be a candidate for the United States 
Senate, and is also supposed to have dictated that portion of the 
platform which has to do with national issues. The senator elected 
by the next Ohio legislature will have to vote on the money ques- 
tion. The democratic party of the nation is opposed to making 
the silver dollar a promise to pay gold, and is also opposed to sub- 
stituting national bank notes for government paper, but the demo- 
cratic party in Ohio was silent upon these important subjects. 
Why? Did the leaders ignore the money question in order to 
please those who bolted ? Or does Mr. McLean want to be left free 
to affiliate with the republicans on financial questions in case of 
his election? 

Mr. Kilbourne, the nominee for governor, is an excellent man, 
a life-long democrat and an active supporter of the national ticket 
in both 1896 and 1900. He is better than his platform. He de- 
serves and should receive the vote of every democrat in Ohio. 



194 The Commoner Condensed. 

If any of the Ohio democrats feel aggrieved because the re- 
organizing clement of the party triumphed at the convention let 
them not visit their disappointment upon the state ticket but rather 
see to the nomination of senators and representatives who will 
select a trustworthy senator. Let them see to it also that the state 
platform is made at the primaries next time rather than at the 
convention. If the voters at the primaries had instructed their 
delegates to insist upon the reaffirmation of the Kansas City plat- 
form the result would have been different. 



THE SOUTH NOT EXCLUDED. 

In the discussion of possible presidential candidates some are 
prone to regard the sectional question as of overshadowing impor- 
tance. Those who live in what are known as the doubtful states 
are especially liable to this error, because they are naturally willing 
to furnish the candidates. It is not only customary to look to a 
few doubtful states to furnish the candidates, but it is not uncom- 
mon to have some portions of the country excluded from consider- 
ation entirely. For years it has been assumed that a southern man 
was unavailable, and a western man almost as much so. New 
York, Ohio, Illinois and Indiana have furnished to the two lead- 
ing parties nearly all the candidates nominated since the civil war. 
New York furnished the democratic presidential candidate in 1868, 
1872, 1876, 1880, 1884, 1888, and 1892, and in those campaigns the 
candidate for vice-president came from Indiana three times, from 
Ohio once, and from Illinois once. From 1868 to 1900 the republi- 
can party took its presidential candidate from Ohio four times, 
from Illinois twice, from Indiana twice, and from Maine once. 
During that time New York has furnished the republican candi- 
date for vice-president in five campaigns, Indiana once, and New 
Jersey once. Thus it will be seen that a comparatively small sec- 
tion of the country has enjoyed a practical monopoly on candidates. 
This is an unfortunate condition, and one that cannot be defended 
by reason. Candidates should be chosen because they represent prin- 
ciples and because they are deemed fit to serve the people in the 
executive office. Each party should be at liberty to select its best 
man,jio matter in what state or section he lives. The race should 
be free for all, and then public men everywhere would be stimulated 



The Commoner Condensed. 195 

to offer themselves. Neither the Atlantic coast nor the Pacific 
coast should be barred out; neither the extreme north nor the 
extreme south should be forbidden to offer its favorite son. The 
local influence of a nomination is generally overestimated. State 
pride is a nice thing to talk about, but it does not count for much 
in votes. If a man has qualities which make him popular at home, 
those same qualities will make him popular elsewhere, but very 
few men will vote for a political opponent merely because he lives 
in their state, and what little support he wins in that way is offset 
by the partisan fear that his success may strengthen his party 
locally. A candidate's strength comes from the principles and 
policies for which he stands — the only personal element being the 
confidence that the people have that he is honest and will faithfully 
carry out his platform. 

For a quarter of a century the southern states have been ig- 
nored in the selection of candidates. The republicans have had 
but few white republicans in the South to choose from, and the 
democrats of the South have voluntarily renounced their claims 
out of fear that they might embarrass the ticket. Certainly we 
are far enough away from the civil war — certainly the passions 
aroused by that conflict are sufficiently cooled, to permit a southern 
man to aspire to either the presidency or the vice-presidency. 
Even before the Spanish war called into the volunteer army both 
federal and confederate, the South had earned its right to be con- 
sidered a part of the Union, but surely the commingling of the 
sons of those who wore the blue, and the sons of those who wore 
the gray, and their service side by side at Santiago and at Manila, 
ought to silence those who have thought it unwise to place a 
southern man on the ticket. Slavery has gone never to be restored, 
and the democracy now dominant both North and South comes 
nearer to the ideals of Jefferson and Lincoln than does the com- 
mercialism of Hanna or the imperialism of Roosevelt. 

It is not time yet to select candidates for 1904, but when the 
time arrives, the democratic voters should see to it that the plat- 
form represents their wishes and that the candidates fit the plat- 
form. 

If some one living south of the Mason-Dixon line is chosen for 
either the first or second position on the ticket, his place of resi- 
dence will not weaken him — not though he be an ex-confederate 
soldier. We are engaged in a mighty struggle against plutocracy, 



196 The Commoner Condensed. 

and we need the whole nation to pick from when we select our 
standard bearers. Merit, not section, should determine the nomi- 
nation ; fidelity to principle, not locality, should control. 



A FALSE CHAKGE. 



The editor of The Commoner has received a clipping contain- 
ing the following charge against Senator James K. Jones, of 
Arkansas : 

Washington, D. C, June 24. 
Editor Globe: — I see by last Wednesday's New York papers 
that the great Cotton trust held a meeting in New' York city, and 
among the directors elected was Jas. K. Jones, of Arkansas, who 
is the chairman of the national democratic committee. Now, then, 
as our great standard-bearer, William Jennings Bryan, fought out 
his campaign against trusts and tyranny, which Was one of our 
principal issues, I move that Jones step down and out, as we 
want no schemers or trust officials in our ranks. Very truly, 

James Petit. 

This charge was made during the late campaign, and the editor 
of The Commoner investigated it. On another page will be found 
a letter written by Senator Jones to Mr. Lesueur, then editor of 
the Kansas City Times, setting forth the facts. 

Senator Jones owns some of the common stock of the American 
Cotton Company. His letter explains that he became interested 
in the Graves patent for making a round cotton bale. A question 
of infringement arose, and the parties interested, instead of settling 
it by a lawsuit, compromised, each claimant taking an interest in 
the patent. As the development of the patent required a large 
amount of money, a corporation was formed. Senator Jones as 
a part owner of the patent received stock in the company and 
was made one of the directors. This company has been called a 
trust, but it has none of the characteristics of a trust. In the 
first place, it operates under a patent, and the opponents of trusts 
make no war on patents. A patent is granted for a limited period 
as a reward to one who gives to the world a new idea. A patent 
is an act of justice to the inventor and an incentive to further 
invention. The democratic party has never condemned the patent 
system, nor has it condemned those who by means of patents en- 



The Commoner Condensed. 197 

joy a temporary monopoly of their inventions. But the demo- 
cratic party does condemn those who, without giving to the public 
any new or useful idea, endeavor to secure a permanent monopoly 
of the production of some necessary of life. The difference be- 
tween a patent and an industrial monopoly is so great and so 
plain that no one need confuse them. 

It has been alleged that the company with which Senator Jones 
is connected has a monopoly of the business of compressing cotton. 
If this were true and the monopoly rested upon a patent, it 
would not be a trust within the ordinary meaning of the word, 
but as a matter of fact, Mr. Jones' company does not handle ten 
per cent, of the cotton compressed in the United States — it is 
nearer five per cent. The republicans say nothing about a salt 
trust that controls ninety-five per cent, of the output of salt, but 
make a great ado about a patent which is used in compressing but 
a small portion of the cotton crop. 

The company has been criticised for renting its machines in- 
stead of selling them outright, but as the patent law does not 
prohibit the leasing of a patented article and as this method of 
realizing on a patent is quite common, it does not furnish valid 
ground for complaint. Senator Jones explains in his letter that 
while the company, when desired, buys cotton from those who 
use the round bale process, it does not require them to sell to 
the company. 

In this connection the editor calls attention to a suggestion 
which he has made on a former occasion, namely, that there should 
be a value limit as well as a time limit to a patent. In other 
words, that the patent should expire whenever a reasonable sum 
(the amount to be fixed by law) has been realized from it. But 
even if such a law were now in force, it would not affect the cot- 
ton compan}r, for the owners of the patent have not yet realized 
any considerable profit on the money invested in the patent. 

This matter has been considered at some length because the 
republicans, unable to defend the attitude of their party on the 
trust question, have sought to dodge the issue by bringing accusa- 
tion against Senator Jones, the chairman of the democratic na- 
tional committee. 

During the campaign the only reply made by republicans, when 
charged with friendliness to trusts, was that Tammany leaders were 
interested in an ice trust and that Senator Jones was interested 



198 The Commoner Condensed. 

in a cotton trust. As soon as the campaign was over it was found 
that Governor Eoosevelt had, for political reasons, suppressed 
Mayor Van Wyck's answer, and it also developed that the republi- 
can senate refused to consider the house anti-trust bill when Senator 
Jones tried to call it up. 



THE STEEL STEIKE. 

A strike is on between organized labor and the Steel Company, 
and it seems to involve the right of labor to organize for its own 
protection. President Shaffer who represents the men is confident 
of success, while the officers of the Steel Trust as yet show no 
sign of weakening. Mr. Shaffer says that the men will not resort 
to force and that there will be no destruction of property. As long 
as this promise is kept public sympathy will be with the laboring 
men. 

The right of labor to organize ought not to be questioned, and 
yet the growth of trusts is directly opposed to the interests of the 
Laboring men, and, as every trust is a menace to the labor organiza- 
tions, it is strange that any laboring man votes with the trusts. 
When the head of a great corporation controls all the factories 
which employ skilled labor in any particular line he is very likely 
to dictate terms. Capital does not need food or clothing. If it 
remains idle for a month or a year its owner simply loses his in- 
come for the period of its idleness, but with the laboring man 
it is different. His hunger cannot be suspended, his need for 
clothing and shelter knows no cessation; the children must be 
cared for, and with all of the nation's boasted prosperity the aver- 
age wage-earner is not able to live long without work. Hereto- 
fore the laborer has found his protection in the fact that the 
employer could not close down his factory for a great length of time 
without loss of trade and loss of employes. In case of a strike 
his business was in danger of being absorbed by other firms, and 
his employes were apt to be scattered. When, however, the monop- 
oly of an industry is complete the employe cannot seek work of a 
rival firm because there is no rival firm and he cannot engage in 
other business without losing the advantage of his skill and ex- 
perience. It is to be hoped that the laboring men w.ill win in the 
present conflict, but if they were as unanimous on election day 



The Commoner Condensed. 199 

as the}' are when a strike is ordered they could remedy their griev- 
ances without a strike or loss of employment. 

The steel trust may prove a blessing in disguise if it convinces 
the wage-earners of the country that "a private monopoly is in- 
defensible and intolerable/' 



NOT A NEW CONVERT. 

The New York Journal is in error in assuming that Bryan is 
a new convert to municipal ownership. In a recent issue the 
Journal said : 

The Philadelphia franchise steal has brought out a welcome 
declaration from William J. Bryan. Mr. Bryan took advantage of 
a visit to Philadelphia on Saturday to say : 

"If franchises are to be turned over to private individuals or 
corporations, the transfer should be arranged upon the best terms 
possible for the city. But I believe that municipal ownership of 
water plants, lighting plants and street car lines is the best solution 
of the problem." 

The time was when the democratic leader in the last two 
national campaigns did not appreciate the idea of public owner- 
ship. He distrusted it as a little too much like paternalism for an 
old-fashioned Jeffersonian democrat. 

But men like Quay and Ashbridge are rapidly extinguishing 
that type of democracy. They are making it evident that the issue 
is no longer between one economic theory and another, but between 
honesty and theft. And on such an issue nobody could doubt Mr. 
Bryan's position. 

Mr. Bryan has always favored the municipal ownership of water 
and lighting plants and for several years has believed in the mu- 
nicipal ownership of street car lines. The Commoner in its 
issue of March 1st said: 

Some of our contemporaries are discussing the relative merits 
of an inheritance tax and a tax on franchises. Why not have both ? 
One does not interfere with the other and both are meritorious. 
In the course of time the cities will own and operate their water 
systems, their lighting plants and their street car lines, but until 
that time comes municipal and other franchises ought to be made 
to contribute to the expenses of government. 

This is sufficient proof that Mr. Quay's Philadelphia grab is not 
responsible for Mr. Bryan's views on this subject. 



2oo The Commoner Condensed. 

Mr. Bryan has been dealing with national questions and, while 
he was his party's candidate, did not feel justified in adding to the 
reforms enumerated in the platform, but as a citizen he is interested 
in all questions affecting the government and as an editor he will 
discuss all questions upon which the people are called to act. 



ADMIRAL SCHLEY. 



When the first news reached the American people concerning 
the Santiago naval battle the impression was that Admiral Samp- 
son was the real hero of the occasion. This was due to the fact 
that Admiral Sampson sent to the president a message in which 
he said that "the fleet under my command" offered the American 
nation the Santiago victory as a Fourth of July present. But as 
soon as the newspaper reports and the statements of eye witnesses 
came in, it developed that Admiral Sampson, while theoretically 
in command of the American fleet, was at least twelve miles from 
the scene of battle, and that it was Admiral Schley who commanded 
and led the splendid fight. Immediately a systematic attack was 
opened upon Schley, although that great sailor did not indulge in 
boasting of any character. In reply to a question he said "there 
is glory enough in this victory for all of us." Since then the ad- 
herents of Sampson and the administration politicians have kept 
the newspapers filled with things intended to discredit Schley, but 
that officer has maintained a dignified silence. 

Finally, because of formal and serious attacks made upon him, 
Admiral Schley has been forced, in defense of his manhood, to 
demand a court of inquiry. His statements to the newspapers after, 
having demanded this court of inquiry are characteristic of the 
man. He said, "It is a very great pity that there should be a con- 
troversy over matters wherein everybody did his best." How dif- 
ferent this is from the attitude assumed by the enemies of Admiral 
Schley. 

It is indeed a very great pity that there should be any contro- 
versy over a matter wherein the world has given credit where 
credit belongs. It is indeed a pity that there should be any con- 
troversy that seeks to discredit a brave, honorable and modest sea- 
fighter, who successfully led the American forces in one of the 
greatest, if not the greatest, naval battles in the history of the 



The Commoner Condensed. 201 

world. It is indeed a very great pity that the politicians and the 
bureaucrats having the favor of this administration should insist 
upon discrediting and abusing a man who has served his country 
so faithfully as Winfield Scott Schley has served the United States 
of America. 

Admiral Sampson's friends should be satisfied with the fact that 
their favorite obtained the prize money won in a battle in which 
he did not participate, and that his face is to grace a medal that 
is to commemorate a fight in which he did not take part. It should 
be sufficient for them that Admiral Schley has never made any 
claim as to his part in the great battle in Santiago Bay; that he 
has been content for the newspaper correspondents and other wit- 
nesses to give the facts to the American people. The difficulty is 
that these statements have convinced the American people that 
Schley was the real hero of the day and entitled to all the honors 
at the hands of a grateful people, even though he is denied the 
emoluments in the way of prize money and medals. 



NO MIDDLE GROUND. 

If any one thinks that plutocracy can be placated by an aban- 
donment of silver, let him read the New York Sun. That paper 
has earned the right to be considered the chief exponent of the 
money worshipping element in American politics. Instead of 
thanking the Ohio democrats for ignoring the money question, 
it warns them that anti-trust legislation would be more dangerous 
to the country and free silver. It says: 

"We demand the suppression of all trusts." There is a mon- 
strous proposition. Were there any way of carrying it into effect 
industrial disaster more widespread and ruinous than has ever 
fallen upon the country would be the result. There would be a 
commercial cataclysm. The amount of capital and of labor de- 
pendent upon these combinations is so vast that to crush them 
would be to bring on unparalleled economic calamity compared 
with which the free coinage of silver would have been a fly bite." 

So, we are to have a panic and all sorts of calamity if we de- 
stroy the trusts? Well, this is discouraging. But it only shows 
that there is running through all the republican policies, the same 
vicious principle and every policy is defended by the same brutal 



202 The Commoner Condensed. 

argument: "Accept our policies; submit to our demands, or 
we will bring on a panic !" Some think that they can make 
peace with the money trust and then fight the other trusts, but it 
is a vain hope. There is no middle ground. The democratic 
party must be with the people entirely or against them entirely. 
The moment it begins to compromise it loses more than it. can 
possibly gain. 



EQUALITY IN TAXATION. 

The Ohio democratic platform demands that railroad and street 
car lines shall bear their fair share of taxation. The plank reads 
as follows: 

Steam and electric railroads and other corporations possessing 
public franchises shall be assessed in the same proportion to their 
salable value are are farms and city real estate. 

Who will deny the proposition therein stated ? Who will assume 
to suggest a different basis of assessment? The railroad enjoys the 
right of eminent domain; it can take any property it wants for 
railroad purposes. The state surrenders to it enough of sovereignty 
to enable it to demand any man's land, even his homestead, upon 
the tender of its salable value. The street car line enjoys a valu- 
able franchise, usually secured from the people's representatives 
without the knowledge of the people themselves. Why should the 
ordinary individual, who receives from his government no fran- 
chises, bonuses, subsidies, or special privileges, pay taxes upon the 
full value of his land, while the railroads and the street car lines 
pay taxes on but a small per cent, of the value of their property ? 
Why should the farmer be compelled to pay taxes on the full value 
upon his horses, cattle, hogs, and other walking stock, while rail- 
roads and street car lines pay on but a small per cent, of the value 
of their rolling stock? Mayor Johnson is responsible for the in- 
sertion of this plank, and it is eminently just. The candidates 
upon the state ticket can afford to challenge their opponents to 
discuss this proposition before the people of their state. Equality 
before the law is a maxim that is being more and more ignored. 
The democrats of Ohio are to be congratulated upon their attempts 
to revive this principle in state affairs. They would have been 
wiser if they had applied it to national affairs as well. 



The Commoner Condensed. 203 



DEMOCRATIC BEMEDY FOE TRUSTS. 

Mr. Louis F. Post, one of the best of men, editor of the Public, 
one of the most valuable of our weekly papers, takes the editor of 
The Commoner to task for suggesting again the trust remedy pro- 
posed by him more than a year ago, and endorsed by the Kansas 
City convention. Mr. Post is so conscientious in his criticism that 
he deserves more attention than those who find fault merely for 
the pleasure it gives them to do so. 

The remedy proposed by Mr. Bryan is, briefly, that, in addi- 
tion to state legislation, there should be a federal law, shutting 
the corporation up in the state of its origin, or prohibiting it 
from engaging in interstate commerce, until it shows that there 
is no water in its stock, and that it is not trying to monopolize 
any branch of business or the production of any article of mer- 
chandise. After enumerating the remedies above suggested, Mr. 
Post says: 

These propositions, coming from a democrat to the democ- 
racy — though Mr. Bryan has proposed them before, and thereby 
smoothed the way for them — must be at least disturbing to men 
who shrink from the republican tendency, already alarmingly 
strong, to centralize all power in the national government ; while 
those who dread the advances of socialism, must be aghast at 
this democratic proposition to strengthen enormously the founda- 
tions already laid for making of the American government a 
great socialistic state. All these proposals for federal action are 
centralizing, federalistic, and in an objectionable sense socialistic, 
save only one — that with reference to the abolition of protection 
for trust-made goods. Judged only by his remedy, Mr. Bryan 
might fairly be supposed to have decided the issue of competition 
versus socialism against competition. Yet that is not what he 
intends to do. He believes that this complex machinery in re- 
straint of free trade would extinguish private monopoly. 

Laws must deal with conditions, and under present conditions 
it is impossible to deal with the trust question completely by means 
of state laws. A state can prevent the organization of a monopoly 
within its borders, and it can prohibit, or should be able to, a 
monopoly organized outside from doing business within the state, 
but this power is not sufficient. If a trust has absolute control 
of the production of the necessaries of life, a law preventing the 
monopoly from doing business within a given state might bring 



204 The Commoner Condensed. 

great hardship upon the people by depriving them of the article 
controlled by the trust. Under the Constitution, Congress has 
power to regulate interstate commerce, and it does not tend towards 
centralization for Congress to exercise that power in behalf of the 
people. The law proposed would not take from the state any 
right that it now has; it would not encroach upon the domain 
of the state, it would simply provide that the state, while at liberty 
to create corporations for domestic purposes, could not create cor- 
porations to prey upon the people of other states. No state ought 
to permit a corporation to water its stock, but if it does what 
harm can come from requiring such corporations to confine their 
business to the state of their origin? If the people of a state 
are willing to create a corporation and give it control of an in- 
dustry in the state, that is a matter for the people of that state, 
but when that corporation attempts to secure a monopoly of the 
industries of other states, then the people of other states become 
interested parties and, as they cannot effectively act singly, they 
must act together through the power conferred upon Congress by 
the Constitution. Congress cannot refuse to regulate interstate 
railroad rates on the ground that the federal government would 
be exercising too mulch power, neither can Congress refuse to pro- 
tect the people against trusts on the ground that the federal gov- 
ernment will be strengthened. The federal government was organ- 
ized to give to the people of the nation that protection which must 
be secured by the joint action of the people of the several states, 
and such joint action is imperatively demanded at this time. 

Mr. Post assumes that the only anti-trust legislation necessary is 
to withdraw all special privileges granted by law. 

Every trust or monopoly rests upon a corporation, and the 
entire abolition of corporations would destroy trusts, but Mr. 
Bryan has not believed it necessary to apply so radical a remedy. 
He has sought to eliminate the evils of corporations without de- 
stroying their advantages. He has sought to draw the line at 
the point where they become injurious. 

Mr. Post asserts that a monopoly would be impossible without 
the possession of "some legal advantage — transportation, tariff, 
location, patents or sources of natural supply." It has been pointed 
out in a previous editorial that a corporation which can export its 
products can have a monopoly, even under free trade. It is also 
true that a monopoly can exist without any reliance upon dis- 



The Commoner Condensed. 205 

criminating freight rates. Tariffs have benefitted monopolies, 
and railroad discriminations have aided them, but a monopoly 
could exist without either. Patents have been the foundation of 
monopoly, but such a monopoly is only temporary, and the benefits 
of such a monopoly have been given to the owner of the patent 
as a reward for his genius. It would be possible for a monopoly 
to exist without owning any of the "sources of natural supply." 
We have, for instance, woollen mills enough in the country now 
to manufacture all the woollen goods needed by our people. Let 
us suppose that they join together under one corporation. Being 
the only purchaser of wool, that corporation could fix the price 
of wool; it could fix the price of the manufactured article, and 
unless organized labor could protect itself against such a corpora- 
' tion, it could fix the price of labor. It would be very difficult if 
not impossible, for a corporation having a less capital to compete 
with it, for it would be possible for the monopoly to reduce prices 
in the neighborhood of the competing factory and, by keeping up 
prices elsewhere, bankrupt its small rival without serious loss to 
itself. This has been the experience of many small factories. 
Why permit the creation or the continuance of a monopoly ? Why 
allow a corporation to engage in interstate commerce for such a 
purpose? The private monopoly is to the industries of a nation 
what the highwayman is to an honest citizen; the industrial life 
of the nation needs protection from the monopoly as much as 
human life needs protection from the highwayman. 

Mr. Post suggests no remedy for the trusts, that is, no specific 
remedy, he says : "Take away their underlying privileges of trans- 
portation, patents and land, and competition, actual or possible, 
would make quick work of their oppressive power. That is the key 
to the trust question." 

Is it possible that Mr. Post believes that private ownership in 
land is the foundation of trusts ? If so, must we calmly submit to 
monopolies until the people are willing to accept Mr. Post's views 
on the land question ? Is it not the part of wisdom to apply such 
remedies as are within our reach? There are many very earnest 
and very intelligent men who believe that the private ownership 
of lands is the greatest of all evils; they believe that the ultimate 
solution of the social problem is to be found in public ownership of 
land, but will they refuse to assist in securing other methods of 
relief until they can try their own method? Certainly not. The 



2o6 The Commoner Condensed. 

single taxers, as the followers of Henry George call themselves, 
have helped the democratic party in recent campaigns (and no 
one was more active than Mr. Post), not because the democratic 
party endorsed the single tax idea, but because the single taxers 
were willing to put the government in the hands of those who 
believe in Jeffersonian principles, and permit a trial of the reme- 
dies which the democratic party proposed. 

Speaking of competition, it is only fair to say that competition, 
like any other useful thing, may be carried to excess or, to speak 
more correctly, there can be fair competition only where there is 
measurably fair equality between competitors. Competition be- 
tween the standard oil company or the steel trust and an ordinary 
individual is as one-sided as a combat between two individuals, 
one armed with bow and arrow and the other with a repeating 
rifle. Society may protect the principle of competition and yet 
place limits upon it, just as society permits the collection of interest 
and yet limits the rate. Fire is necessary to human life, and yet 
fire uncontrolled becomes a destructive force; water is required 
for man's existence and yet the devastating flood may do immeasur- 
able damage; the air which we breathe is indispensable, and yet 
when that air is put into violent motion it becomes the cyclone or 
the tornado. Competition is necessary; it is the law of trade; 
it is a controlling force in human affairs, and yet it may become 
destructive. If competition leads parents to put their children into 
factories at an early age, we pass laws fixing the age at which chil- 
dren may be employed; if competition unreasonably prolongs the 
day's work we fix maximum limits, and so competition with the 
man-made giant called a corporation becomes destructive of the 
rights and interests of the God-made man we can place restrictions 
upon the corporation, prescribe conditions upon which it can en- 
gage in interstate commerce, and if necessasry arbitrarily fix the 
amount of capital that may be associated together in one corpora- 
tion, say what proportion of the total product one corporation may 
control, or prohibit entirely the co-operation of distinct and sepa- 
rate corporations. All the corporations ask is to be let alone but 
the people need relief now, and we should secure such relief as is 
possible now. If, in the years to come, some better remedy is found 
it will be welcomed when it arrives, but those who object to the 
remedy suggested in the Kansas City platform do not propose any 
remedy which is complete or which has a prospect of speedy trial. 



The Commoner Condensed. 207 



A CKITICISM ANSWEKED. 

My attention has been called to a communication published in 
the Washington Post of July 15, from which the following is an 
extract : 

It is a well-known fact, and sujsceptible of ample proof, that 
Mr. Bryan, while conducting his campaign for election to the office 
of chief magistrate of this great republic, required his admiring 
friends at each point where he addressed them throughout the 
western states to hand up to him or his financial representatives an 
envelope containing money in proportion to the size of the town. 

In one small town in Indiana, not very far from Brazil, the 
democrats of the region had expended the full amount of the col- 
lection upon the grandstand from which Mr. Bryan was expected to 
speak. It was decorated and presented a very bright appearance. 
Upon the arrival of Mr. Bryan's train and the meeting by him 
of the committee of beaming admirers, Mr. Bryan asked if any 
person had handed up the envelope, and upon being informed that 
there had been none "handed up," he declined to leave the train, 
and remarked that he would say from the car platform that which 
he intended to utter, and declined to go to the near-by platform. 
This decision was made because the quantum sufficit was not forth- 
coming. This was commercialism with a vengeance. If men — 
democrats — did not pay him for appealing to them for their votes 
for him, he cared not to leave his sumptuous railway train. 

Similar charges have appeared from time to time during the 
last five years and I have answered them. Every person has had 
an opportunity to know of the falsity of these charges, but as the 
Washington Post is usually careful in its statements I make this 
denial for its benefit. I never received any compensation of any 
kind from the National Committee, from any State Committee, 
County Committee, or other committee, or from any individual for 
any speech which I made during the campaigns of 1896 and 1900. 
Neither did I ever have any negotiations with any person or com- 
mittee in regard to compensation for any speech. I have been in- 
formed that in some instances the expense of the special train which 
carried the members of the Committee, the newspaper men and 
myself was borne by the towns visited, but I never knew of the de- 
tails of such arrangements and never received any of the proceeds 
therefrom ; neither was it ever suggested to me that I should refuse 
to speak on any platform or at a place because the money had not 



208 The Commoner Condensed. 

been raised. It often happened that because of the shortness of 
the time, the lateness of the train, or the density of the crowd 
I spoke from the rear of the train rather than from the platform 
erected, but the change in the program was never due, at the town 
mentioned or anywhere else, to the failure of a local committee 
to pay money to the committee in charge of the train or to me. 

^Republicans who are both able and willing to accept transporta- 
tion from the railroads, have frequently criticised the democratic 
committees for raising money by subscription to pay for the hiring 
of trains, but I believe it much better for our committees to raise 
the money necessary for excursion trains, and thus be free from 
obligation to the railroad companies. I may add that when I 
travelled alone I paid my own travelling expenses. 

The same correspondent is responsible for another criticism, 
which reads as follows: 

We are treated to another sample of Bryan commercialism just 
at this moment, in which Mr. Bryan refuses to give utterance to 
his opinions on the Ohio democratic convention platform except 
through The Commoner ; hence "buy a Commoner if you want to 
know what I think of McLean and his crowd of Ohio democrats/' 
It is only 5 cents, but it counts in the annual income of the re- 
doubtable commercialist. 

The Commoner is not copyrighted. Any newspaper is at liberty 
to reproduce anything which appears in The Commoner. The 
paper is sent out so as to reach subscribers on Friday, but on Thurs- 
day afternoon advance copies of the paper are furnished to the 
Associated Press and to all newspaper men desiring copies. In 
this way any paper in the United States can give its readers any- 
thing published in The Commoner, and can do so on the same day 
that The Commoner reaches its subscribers. When I comment 
upon some event of special importance the proof is given to the 
newspapers at an earlier date. For instance, the comments on the 
Supreme Court decision were given on Monday afternoon, four 
days before the paper reached its subscribers. The editorial on the 
Ohio platform was given to the newspapers on Monday afternoon 
and published all over the country Tuesdav morning, three days 
before The Commoner reached its subscribers. Newspaper men 
have criticised me for giving other papers a "scoop," as they call 
it, on my own paper, but I have no objection to doing this when the 



The Commoner Condensed. 209 

matter discussed is of importance. It is only mentioned here in 
answer to the criticism that the readers of the Post and The Com- 
moner may know how partisan and malicious some republican 
politicians are. 



A WOKD TO THE DISAPPOINTED. 

In accordance with a call issued immediately after the Ohio 
convention, a number of democrats met at Columbus last week and 
registered a protest against the action of the Ohio democrats in 
refusing to endorse the Kansas City platform. A platform was 
adopted and a ticket headed by Dr. Eeemelin of Cincinnati, was 
placed in the field. As the gentlemen who attended this meeting 
are political friends and supporters, the editor of The Commoner 
feels that he should submit some observations with regard to the 
action taken. 

They have ample reason to feel disappointed at the course pur- 
sued by the regular convention. If it had been necessary to fight 
the campaign entirely on state issues, no reference would have 
been made to national questions. The fact that the platform de- 
voted more space to national than to local subjects was proof that 
the excuse given for a refusal to endorse the Kansas City plat- 
form was shallow and insincere. The fact that the convention 
avoided other subjects of present and great importance showed that 
the silver plank was not the only plank in the Kansas City plat- 
form which was objectionable to the men who dominated the 
resolutions committee. The friends of the Reemelin ticket can be 
excused for entertaining a suspicion that the men who objected so 
strenuously to the Kansas City platform would object as stren- 
uously to any definite and positive political remedy. But the 
question which confronts the loyal democrats of Ohio is how best 
to correct the mistakes made by the convention and thus rescue 
the democratic party from the control of those who would re- 
publicanize it. The fact that the platform contains much that 
is good, together with the further fact that the candidates nomi- 
nated, from Mr. Kilbourne down through the entire list, have 
been supporters of the party ticket in recent campaigns, would 
make it impossible to organize a bolt with any promise of success. 
The first effect of a bolting ticket would be, therefore, to augment 
the chances of republican success this fall. The second effect 



210 The Commoner Condensed. 

would be to lessen the influence of the bolting democrats in future 
party contests. It is not fair to assume that the convention spoke 
for the rank and file in repudiating the Kansas City platform 
and those who leave the party at this time weaken the reform 
element of the party and give to the gold and corporation element 
greater proportionate influence in the party management. 

Whether the Ohio democracy is to take its position on the Grover 
Cleveland side of public issues is a question yet to be determined 
— a question to be determined at the primaries after the people 
understand the issues presented. To leave the party at this time 
is to assume the battle lost and, by assuming it lost, help the 
enemy. When the fight was made between 1895 and 1896, we 
had an administration to fight as well as all the banks and rail- 
roads; now, many who were against us then act openly with the 
enemy and those who have returned after a temporary sojourn in 
the camp of the enemy are handicapped by the record they have 
made. 

There is no evidence that the democratic voters in Ohio favor 
a non-committal, evasive and ambiguous platform, such as the 
democratic party promulgated when the Wall Street influences 
were in control, and no one should assume the existence of such 
sentiment without positive proof. 

Let the democrats of Ohio commend the good parts of the Ohio 
platform and condemn the weak parts, but let them support the 
ticket. Then they should begin on the day after the election to 
so organize the democratic party of that state as to make it im- 
possible for another convention to give as much encouragement 
to the republicans as the last convention did. 



FAKE INTERVIEWS. 

Just now the republican papers and those so-called democratic 
papers which spend their time in defending republican policies, 
are publishing fake interviews with democrats, populists and silver- 
republicans, calculated to stir up dissensions among those who are 
opposing the administration. 

The meanest and most malicious of the false reports recently 
put into circulation was the statement attributed to ex-Senator 
Towne just after the Ohio convention. In this purported interview 



The Commoner Condensed. 211 

Mr. Towne was made to predict the success of the re-organizers, 
the nomination of Mr. Hill and the breaking up of the democratic 
party. All of the gold standard, trust and imperialistic papers 
seized upon this as a sweet morsel, and presented it as conclusive 
proof of the death of the Kansas City platform. 

As soon as this falsehood had time to get over the whole country 
another enterprising prevaricator came forward with a statement 
attributed to Mr. J. G. Johnson, the Kansas member of the demo- 
cratic national committee, in which he was reported as saying un- 
kind things of Mr. Towne and Mr. Webster Davis. The editor 
of The Commoner has become so accustomed to misrepresenta- 
tion that he puts no faith in these alleged interviews, but he re- 
fers to them for the benefit of readers who having had less ex- 
perience in the political methods of republican and gold papers 
ha've been disturbed by them. The Commoner is authorized to 
state that both of these pretended interviews were absolutely false. 
Mr. Towne says that he has not been interviewed on politics within 
three months, and that the report sent out from New York was "a 
pure fake." 

Mr. Johnson is equally explicit in his denial of the interview at- 
tributed to him. 

The democrats, populists and silver republicans are unfortunate 
in that they have so few democratic dailies of large circulation. 
There seems to be a concerted effort on the part of the republican 
and gold standard papers to mislead the people as to public senti- 
ment, and those who believe in democratic principles and desire 
genuine reform must rely almost wholly upon the weekly papers 
or upon the smaller dailies. For this reason it is the more impor- 
tant that the faithful and loyal papers should receive the earnest 
and cordial support of the democrats. 



A MINISTER'S LAMENT. 

The editor of The Commoner receives many letters, so many, 
in fact, that he finds it impossible to give a personal reply 
to all of them, but he receives much information from these 
letters. Some of them furnish texts for editorials, and these 
texts are utilized whenever possible. He has recently received a 
letter which reflects the fear that many entertain that the nation 



/ 



212 The Commoner Condensed. 

has already gone so far on the road to commercialism that its course 
cannot now be changed. The letter was written by a minister, and 
a few quotations from it will be interesting. "As for myself — an 
old soldier and color bearer in the civil war — I feel like one whose 
house is on fire, and who has fought the flame with every means 
at command, until it seems evident that the house and all its sacred 
store is doomed to destruction. 

"For a long time I have foreseen the impending danger and have 
on every occasion done what I could to avert it. The preliminary 
utterance of the highest court is now public, and the actual dis- 
solution of the republic is begun, and as I estimate the case, there 
is no human power that can resist its progress. * * * 

"The capitalistic powers of this country and of the world are in 
the plot and they have found a party that faithfully does their 
bidding. They essentially control the directing forces of thought — 
the press, the pulpit, the forum and the market. They calculate 
that they can buy majorities at the ballot-box — in the halls of legis- 
lation, in the judiciary, everywhere — and it is only too evident that 
they can. They can bribe or send an ultimatum with the army 
and navy, as the case may require, to achieve their ends ; and really 
there is no possible way to arouse and unify the people for a suc- 
cessful resistance. 

"You still loyally prefer to believe in the people. I would like 
to do so, but if the things which have transpired during the last 
four years will not awaken the people, I have no hope that they 
will be aroused though the last remnant of our republican institu- 
tions were removed. Absolutism is already here, and unless the 
Lord of Hosts stretches forth His hand rebuking and bringing 
to naught the devices of scheming men, this government of the 
people, by the people, and for the people has already completed its 
career and the world's hope of liberty and justice is blighted." 

He then proceeds to say that while he is discouraged as to the 
ultimate outcome, he will continue to do what he can, but is em- 
barrassed by the restraints that are placed upon one in his position. 

His letter suggests two questions : first, is the situation hopeless "? 
and, second, is it proper for a minister to take part in the work 
that must be done ? 

The case is not hopeless. No one who has observed the tendency 
of republican policies can deny that that party is completely under 
the domination of organized wealth. It sprang into existence to 



The Commoner Condensed 213 

combat the extension of slavery; in its earlier days it invoked the 
name and principles of Jefferson; it quoted the declaration of 
independence in its early platforms, and proclaimed its devotion 
to human rights. Lincoln was the typical representative of the 
party. Others were more scholarly and more rhetorical, but Lin- 
coln in homely, yet eloquent way, gave expression to the moral 
sentiments which ran through the party creed. He condensed the 
tenets of republican faith into a sentence when he said that the 
republican party believed in the man and the dollar, but that; in 
case of conflict it believed in the man before the dollar. 

To-day the republican party openly, notoriously, and shamelessly 
places the dollar far above the man. It is establishing in society, 
in politics and in the church a standard whereby money is made to 
answer all things. As in the declining days of the Eoman Empire, 
men are measured, not by what they are, but by what they have, 
and success — pecuniary success — is the one thing sought for. When 
the republican party legislates on the subject of taxation it lays 
the burden upon the poor and allows the rich to escape a large 
portion of the burden which they ought in justice to bear. When 
it legislates on the money question it tries to make the dollar dearer 
in the interest of the money changers and the holders of fixed in- 
vestments, and it tries to give to bankers complete control over the 
issue of paper money. When it legislates on the trust question — 
well it does not legislate at all, it simply allows private monopolies 
to do whatever they please and then draws its campaign funds from 
great trusts which could not exist if the party did its duty to the 
people. 

When it legislates on the subject of imperialism it tramples upon 
the most sacred traditions of the nation, and violates self-evident 
truths in the hope of securing rich commercial reward by the sub- 
jugation of distant people. It does not hesitate to buy every one 
who can be bought, to deceive every one who can be deceived, and to 
intimidate every one who can be intimidated. Now, this is the 
condition which has been developing during the last few years, 
but, bad as it is it can be remedied. The democratic party has tried 
to remedy it. Prior to 1896 Wall Street influences had secured con- 
trol of our party organization and had made it impotent to accom- 
plish any reforms. As soon as the democratic party raised the 
standard of real democracy in 1896, it inspired hope and the party 
ticket polled a million more votes than had ever been cast for a 



214 The Commoner Condensed. 

democratic candidate before. Less than a million democrats went 
over to the enemy ; less than twenty per cent, of the voting strength 
of the party deserted and gave victory to the republicans, but these 
deserters became responsible for what has happened since. Between 
1896 and 1900 the republican party was aided by the natural re- 
action from the panic of 1893, by the increased production of gold, 
by the expenditure of money in the prosecution of wars on three 
continents and by the enthusiasm which a successful war usually 
arouses. And yet, in spite of these facts the republican candidate 
increased his vote less than three per cent, and the democratic can- 
didate lost less than three per cent, of his vote. What would 
have been the result if the billion dollar steel trust had been 
formed before the election instead of after? Senator Depew said 
recently that it might have changed the result of the election. 
What would have been the result if the recent supreme court de- 
cision had been rendered during the campaign, with a third of the 
republican judges dissenting ? During the campaign the republican 
party denied that it had any imperialistic intentions or that it de- 
sired to establish militarism in the United States. What would 
have been the result if it had openly avowed before the election the 
purposes which it has disclosed since ? 

The patriotism of the people has been sufficient in times past, 
and we should not despair even now. We must appeal to the 
conscience of the people, not only because it is a duty to do so, 
but because we have reason to expect a response. Eepublicans 
are not satisfied with the record which their party is making; 
they have voted their ticket under protest, and it is only a ques- 
tion of time when this protest will manifest itself in revolt. The 
acts of the republican party have belied its words, and its betrayal 
of all that is high and holy in governmental principles must sooner 
or later bring defeat to its leaders and redemption to the country. 

But what of the duty of ministers? 

Ordinarily, the minister does not feel justified in taking an 
active part in politics. His congregation is usually divided and 
he would create friction in his church by entering into politics, 
and yet who will deny that it is the duty of the minister to apply 
his moral principles in every word and act? Whenever a moral 
question — a question involving right and wrong — arises, the in- 
fluence of the minister must be cast upon the right side, or upon 
the side which, after careful and conscientious investigation, he 



The Commoner Condensed. 215 

thinks right. The more important the question, the more im- 
perative is it that the influence of the minister, be it great or 
small, be cast on the right side. When the colonists were fight- 
ing against taxation without representation, the ministers were 
quick to add their voice and influence to the side of the revolution- 
ary patriots. The speech of one has been preserved in poetry : 

When God is with our righteous cause, 

His holiest temples then are ours; 

His churches are our forts and towers, 
That frown upon a tyrant foe. 

The same principle is involved now. It is difficult to understand 
how a layman, or even a non-christian, can fail to see the wrong- 
fulness of taxation without representation, even though we do the 
taxing and the Porto Eicans or the Filipinos are the victims. 
How, then, can a minister with a quickened conscience fail to 
see the error of our position? It is surprising that any one can 
regard stealing from others as less reprehensible, viewed from a 
moral standpoint, than being stolen from. And yet there are 
ministers who defend a government based upon force, merely be- 
cause we administer the government and use the force against 
others. 

But imperialism attacks the foundations of our religion as 
well as the foundations of our government ; it substitutes arbitrary 
authority for persuasion and love. It makes our nation an ex- 
ponent of the doctrine of war, conquest, and subjugation, rather 
than a high and noble example. The Christian religion rests upon 
the doctrine of human brotherhood, just as our government rests 
upon the kindred doctrine that all men are created equal, and the-. 
twftw doctrines will disappear together when we attempt to build 
a republic upon the bloody foundation upon which empires rest. 

It requires moral courage and often' sacrifice to do one's duty, 
and yet duty cannot be. shirked with impunity. The minister be- 
lieves that ^noral^ principles apply to nations as well as to individ- 
uals, and 'that nations cannot violate those principles with im- 
punity. Ministers believe that the punishment meted out to 
nations is more terrible than the punishment meted out to in- 
dividuals, because the sin is greater. Let them beware, then, of 
giving their endorsement, or even silent acquiescence, to national 



216 The Commoner Condensed. 

wrong-doing. No one can assume that others will be more in- 
terested than himself in the triumph of right, nor ought he to 
assume that the sacrifices of others will be sufficient to save him 
from the natural results of his own indifference. Every one, the 
minister included, is in duty bound to give to his country the bene- 
fit of his judgment and his conscience. 



OPENING A RESERVATION. 

The opening of the Kiowa, Comanche and Apache reservations 
in the Indian Territory is an accomplished fact and the rush for 
homesteads is over. The disappointed land seekers now have time 
to reflect upon the situation and to form an intelligent judgment 
as to the rules governing the distribution of land. In the first 
place, the administration is to be commended for substituting the 
plan of drawing by lot for the old plan which made all applicants 
toe the line and then, at a given signal, enter into a mad struggle 
to see who could reach a desirable quarter section first. It is much 
fairer to ascertain how many want to locate on the reservations 
and then allow those equally entitled to land to draw lots for posi- 
tions, than to make the selections depend upon fleetness of foot or 
physical endurance. 

But why compel applicants to go all the way to the Indian Terri- 
tory to file a claim? Why were they not allowed to send their 
claims to Washington ? This would have given every one an equal 
chance. As it was, only one applicant in thirteen could secure an 
allotment and yet all the rest (except those who for special reasons 
were allowed to file their claims by proxy) were compelled to incur 
the expense and hardships of the trip. As no one knew in advance 
how many claimants there would be, each person had to risk a con- 
siderable sum without knowing what chance he had to secure a 
home. Those living nearest to the place of filing had the best 
opportunity, because their travelling expenses were light, and in 
case of failure to secure land their loss was least. 

It was next to impossible for any one to go from a remote state. 
But the discrimination was even greater against the poor man — the 
very man most in need of land. It would have been difficult enough 
for a person of small means to have made the trip even if sure of 
getting land, but it was out of the question for him to borrow the 



The Commoner Condensed. 217 

money when he had only a chance (it turned out to be one chance 
in thirteen) of securing land after he got there. 

The railroads have profited largely by the plan which the ad- 
ministration adopted, because they collected fares both ways from 
disappointed ones and still have another chance at the successful 
ones when they return to make permanent settlements, but those 
desiring to locate upon the reservation have been put to much 
needless expense and trouble. 



FUSION, OPEN AND SECRET. 

In the last campaign the republican papers denounced demo- 
crats and populists for co-operating against the common enemy. 
Both parties were accused of sacrificing principle to "get office." 
The subject is mentioned at this time because D. Clem Deaver, 
a Nebraska politician who had charge of the middle-of-the-road 
populist campaign in the west, has recently received at the hands 
of President McKinley a substantial reward for opposing fusion. 
A republican by the name of Dickson severely criticised Mr. Deav- 
er's appointment on the ground that Mr. Deaver was not a re- 
publican. In reply Mr. Deaver gave this explanation of his ap- 
pointment : 

"I have no desire personally to answer the strictures of Dr. 
Dickson, but as a matter of record I wish to say that my appli- 
cation for appointment to this office was indorsed by Governor 
Dietrich and every other republican state officer, also by R. B. 
Schneider, republican national committeeman, and the leaders of 
every faction of the republican party in this state. 

"Further, upon the promotion of Governor Dietrich to the 
senate, he took up my case and enlisted the support of Senator 
Millard, who had never met me prior to the time of his election, 
March 28. 

"In view of the fact/' continued Mr. Deaver, "that the party 
leaders were a unit in supporting my application, Senator Mil- 
lard's assent was cheerfully given. I have about perfected my 
bond and expect to assume the duties of the office August 1." 

During the last presidential campaign Mr. Deaver went up 
and down the country urging the populists not to have anything 
to do with the democrats, and the republican newspapers spoke of 
Mr. Deaver as a populist who "stood by his principles." But now 



218 The Commoner Condensed. 

all the republican leaders ask for and secure a valuable appoint- 
ment for him. This proves, if indeed proof was necessary, that 
there was secret fusion between the republicans and the middle- 
of-the-road populists. In 1896 the republicans and gold demo- 
crats denounced fusion between democrats and populists, and yet 
when the election was over prominent democrats like Bynum and 
Irish applied for and received appointments from the adminis- 
tration, showing that there was a secret understanding between the 
republicans and those who were in charge of the Palmer and Buck- 
ner movement. 

The cry "Down with fusion" does not come with good grace 
from populists and gold democrats who have been affiliating with 
republicans. With even poorer grace does the cry come from re- 
publicans who have made use of the two extremes, gold democrats 
on the one hand and middle-of-the-road populists on the other. 

Honest co-operation between the reform forces is natural and 
necessary, and such co-operation will be advocated by those who are 
earnest in their effort to overthrow republican policies. Secret 
and dishonest co-operation will still be indulged in by those who 
denounce fair and open methods. 



THE SILVEK REPUBLICANS. 

The Silver Republican State Committee of Nebraska has held 
its last meeting. The following resolution explains the action 
taken : 

While we steadfastly adhere to the principles for the main- 
tenance, of which the "silver republican party was organized, and 
are proud of the record made by the candidates of our party, 
yet believing that those principles can, in the future, be best 
maintained by co-operation with the other organized reform 
forces, and deeming it unwise and inexpedient to longer continue 
our party organization in the state of Nebraska as such, therefore 
be it 

Resolved, That the organization of the "silver republican party" 
in Nebraska be, and the same is hereby dissolved. 

The Silver Republicans have made a manly and honorable 
fight for their principles. They left the republican party when 
the money question was the paramount issue; they selected 
a name which distinguished them from the regular republicans 



The Commoner Condensed. 219 

and they openly co-operated with the democratic party. The 
Silver Republican organization did not resort to deception as the 
gold democratic organization did, nor did the members of the Silver 
Republican organization attempt to control the party they had left. 
The time has come when these men feel that they can accom- 
plish more through other organizations and they will as indi- 
viduals act either with the democrats or with the populists, 
according as personal preference or local conditions may deter- 
mine. They are honest and patriotic men and believe in the 
principles which have held the reform forces together. They 
left the republican party because of their convictions and they 
will carry their convictions with them when they enter another 
party. They are intelligent men and will be valuable members 
of the organization to which they attach themselves. Such of 
them as choose to ally themselves with the democratic party 
ought to receive a hearty welcome, for by leaving the republi- 
can party to support the democratic ticket they have shown 
themselves better democrats than those who left the democratic 
party to support the republican ticket. 



WHY NOT TO KRUGER? 

On August 6 President McKinley sent to Emperor William 
of Germany a cablegram expressing regret because of the death 
of the Emperor's mother. Referring to this good woman, Mr. 
McKinley said : "Her noble qualities have endeared her memory 
to the American people in whose name and in mine, I tender 
to your Majesty heartfelt condolence"." 

It "was proper that Mr. McKinley should express sympathy 
with the German Emperor because of his mother's death. But 
we are reminded that, although Mrs. Kruger, the wife of the 
President of the South African Republic, died more than thirty 
days ago, the President of the United States has not seen fit to 
tender his sympathy, or the sympathy of the American people, 
to the grief-stricken President of a republic that is fighting for 
existence. 

Let us ask ourselves seriously why this very apparent duty 
has been neglected. 

It cannot be that Mr McKinley feared to express his sympathy 



220 The Commoner Condensed. 

with the Kepublic's President on the ground that it might be 
construed as an expression of preference between two friendly 
powers that are now at war. It happened that the Queen of 
England died while this war was in progress and no words of 
eulogy were too strong for our President to convey across the 
water by way of assuring the English people that we sympa- 
thized with them in their great loss. 

How then does it happen that although the President of a 
small republic is staggering under the greatest load that can 
fall upon a man no word of sympathy has reached him from the 
President of the greatest republic on earth? 

How does it happen that although the President of this great 
republican government loses no time in expressing sympathy with 
kings and emperors, that he utterly ignores the opportunity to 
express sympathy with the president of a republic? 

It is true that the mother of the German Emperor possessed 
"noble qualities." These did "endear" her memory to the Ameri- 
can people, exactly as the memory of any good woman is en- 
deared to any good people. But the wife of Paul Kruger pos- 
sessed "noble qualities." She made sacrifices which the good 
mother of the German Emperor was never called upon to make. 
She showed heroic devotion to her husband and to her country 
which the good mother of the German Emperor never had an 
opportunity to display. She died a prisoner of war, held a 
prisoner of war by the representatives of an empire, and her 
life was sacrificed because of her devotion to the principles which 
in the past we have been fond of calling "American principles." 

And yet the President of this Eepublic has no word of com- 
fort to give to the President of the South African republic; 
he has no word of consolation to offer to the stricken people of 
the South African republic; he has no tribute to pay to the 
"noble qualities" of one of the most heroic figures in the history 
of the world — for the wife of Paul Kruger was an heroic figure. 

But it cannot be doubted that the American people, regardless 
of political prejudice, do entertain for President Kruger the most 
sincere sympathy in the hour of his bereavement; and they do 
entertain for the memory of his beloved wife that high and 
endearing respect which is due from a people who have lived 
and profited by a great principle to any man or woman who has 
suffered and died because of devotion to that same principle. 



The Commoner Condensed. 221 

Mr. McKinley missed an opportunity when he permitted the 
time to pass away without giving expression to American sym- 
pathy for the bereaved President of the South African Republic. 

It is entirely proper that we should have tears and love for 
the stricken people of a monarchy; but should we not also have 
love and tears for the stricken people of a republic? 



WHY OSTRACIZE THE BEST? 

The loyal democrats who have borne the burden of recent 
campaigns and who have made pecuniary sacrifice to support 
democratic principles ought to learn something of the meaning 
of re-organization by running over the list of suggested presi- 
dential candidates. Among the men who supported the demo* 
cratic ticket in 1896 and in 1900 (not because of party regularity 
but because of conviction) were some of the best, bravest and 
truest democrats ever known and yet none of them are men- 
tioned in connection with the presidency. The re-organizers 
want "harmony" and their method of securing it is to place 
under the ban all who believe in the creed of the party as promul- 
gated by recent national conventions. The re-organizers con- 
sider three things essential to "success/' viz., first, the abandon- 
ment of the Kansas City platform; second, the nomination of 
candidates who do not believe in that platform and, third, the 
selection of a national committee composed of men who either 
opposed the ticket in 1896 or gave it passive support. Why 
ostracise the best men in the party? Why place a premium on 
disloyalty ? 



222 The Commoner Condensed. 



XL 

INEXCUSABLE MISREPRESENTATION. 

The New York World seems to love darkness rather than 
light. The following paragraph states what the World has ample 
reason to know is a misrepresentation. It says : 

It is rather a pity that Mr. Bryan has discouraged the threat- 
ened bolt of the 16 to 1 lunatics in Ohio. It would have been 
interesting to see the simon-pure Chicago and Kansas City plat- 
form democrats of that state stand up to be counted this year 
on a bolt, with the full approval of their "matchless leader." But 
Mr. Bryan is too shrewd a- politician to give the sanction of his 
name to such a test. He is now a great stickler for regularity, 
though he supported the Weaver electoral ticket in 1892, and in 
the elections of the three following years, including the im- 
portant congressional election of 1894, he repudiated the sound- 
money plank of the national democratic platform of 1892. 

It is a well-known fact that the Democratic National Com- 
mittee, acting in the interests of Mr. Cleveland, advised the 
democrats of several western states to vote for the populist 
electors in order to take the states out of the republican column, 
it being impossible to elect the democratic ticket. In this way 
Kansas, Colorado, Nevada and Idaho were taken from the re- 
publicans and the republican majority in Nebraska reduced to 
about four thousand (it gave a republican majority of nearly 
thirty thousand in 1888). A man ought not to be called irregu- 
lar when he follows the instruction of the national committee. 
It might be added that although Mr. Bryan tried to help Mr. 
Cleveland in 1892, Mr. Cleveland helped the republican party 
in 1896, while Mr. Weaver supported Mr. Bryan. 

The World is also in error as to the platform of 1892. It 
contained the following plank : "We hold to the use of both gold 
and silver as the standard money of the country and to the 
coinage of both gold and silver without discrimination against 
either metal or charge for mintage." Some qualifying words 
were added for use in the eastern states but the above declara- 
tion in favor of the double standard was used to hold the'demo- 



The Commoner Condensed. 223 

crats of the South and West in line. The principle of bimetal- 
lism was repudiated by Mr. Cleveland and his cabinet was made 
up of gold standard advocates. When it became evident that the 
party had been betrayed by its leaders, an organization was 
formed within the party — -not to repudiate the platform of 1892, 
but to give to it an honest interpretation. The platform of 
1896 (the silver plank) was not different in principle from the 
platform of 1892, but was free from ambiguity. It was in har- 
mony with the party's record in Congress until Mr. Cleveland 
used the patronage of his high office to force through a republi- 
can measure — the unconditional repeal bill, and even then he 
could not secure a majority of his party to approve of his veto 
of the Seigniorage bill. 

The financiers wrote the platform of 1892 to deceive the people 
and trusted Mr. Cleveland to betray his constituents. In 1896 
the party clung to democratic principles and repudiated the con- 
struction which Mr. Cleveland had placed on the preceding plat- 
form. These facts are known to the readers of the World and 
ought to be to the editor. 



SENATOR VEST'S INTERVIEW. 

The Kansas City Times recently published an interview given 
out by Senator Vest, of Missouri. It is not necessary at this 
time to answer his criticism of Mr. Bryan's part in the ratification 
of the treaty. The readers of The Commoner are familiar with 
the reasons which led Mr. Bryan to prefer to have the war termi- 
nated and the independence of the Philippines secured through the 
action of this country rather than continue the war and risk in- 
ternational complication in an effort to compel Spain to do what 
we could more easily do ourselves. Neither is it necessary to dis- 
cuss what he says in condemnation of "Mr. Bryan's leadership." 
Mr. Bryan makes no claim to leadership. He only claims the 
right to have convictions and to express them; if other people 
have like convictions, he will have company, if not, he will be alone. 

Some one has defined a leader as "one who is going in the same 
direction as the people and a little bit ahead." Mr. Bryan be- 
lieves in the principles set forth in the Kansas City platform, 
and is not willing to surrender them in order to win the approval 



224 The Commoner Condensed. 

of those who oppose those principles. When the democratic party 
repudiates those principles, it will find itself going in another 
direction — with Cleveland, Carlisle, Whitney, Francis, et al, "a 
little bit ahead/' 

Senator Vest outlines a platform which is good as far as it 
goes. He says: 

"If I could write that platform without the intervention of any 
new issue I would declare: 

"First — For a graduated income tax, which is the fairest and 
most equal system of taxation ever invented. Our present system 
of national taxation in the shape of internal revenue and tariff 
duties makes the poor man pay the expenses of the government 
while the multi-millionaire, who consumes neither beer nor whisky, 
and imports nothing from Europe except clothing, pays nothing. 
But in the event of war the poor man fights for the millions of 
dollars belonging to the plutocrat which is now exempt from taxa- 
tion. 

"Second — I would make the principal issue of the campaign 
of 1904 stern and unyielding opposition to the trusts and syndi- 
cates which are now crushing out individual enterprise of the 
country. Ten years ago a young man with $15,000 or $20,000 
capital could start in some legitimate business with fair chance of 
success, but now he has no more chance against the trusts and 
department stores than an infant against the champion prize 
fighter of the world. I was told recently by a prominent broker 
of New York City — a very earnest republican — that nine men in 
New York, four of whom, J. Pierpont Morgan, George Could, 
John D. Kockefeller, and James J. Hill, control the finances of 
the United States, and, as he expressed it, no one could go into 
a new enterprise or remain in an old one without the consent of 
these nine men. 

"Third — I would declare against imperialism and the colonial 
system, for while this issue was before the country in 1900, every- 
thing else was subordinated to the fact that the country was doing 
very well and ought to be left alone. If the people of the United 
States see proper to indorse the foreign policy of President Mc- 
Kinley, that of course is the end of it, but no democrat should 
give his approval to the colonial system of Europe. 

"What about the silver question?" was asked. 

"As to the free coinage of silver, I have always been an earnest 
bimetallist and have not changed my opinions in the slightest. 
I do not believe that there is enough gold and silver in the world 
for the just and fair transaction of business, and I look upon the 
single standard of either gold or silver as doubling the power of 
oppression by the rich at the expense of the middle and poorer 
classes. I do not think the question of the free coinage of silver 



The Commoner Condensed 225 

is dead, but the abnormal and unexpected production of gold, and 
especially improvements in the processes of extracting gold from 
the earth, have given us more money in this country than any 
one could have anticipated. We have a larger per capita cir- 
culation than any other country in the world except France, and 
there is no immediate prospect of any decrease." 

"Do you think that bimetallism will ever be the paramount 
issue again ?" the Senator was asked. 

"I believe that the time will again come when bimetallism will 
become the paramount issue, but it is not now a question upon 
which the democratic party can go into the contest in 1904,"' was 
the reply. "There are thousands of good democrats who refused 
to support Mr. Bryan in 1896 and 1900, because they did not be- 
lieve this country could maintain free coinage of silver at the 
ratio of 16 to 1 against the opposition of the great nations of 
the world. It seems to me suicidal for us to thrust this issue again 
upon them, when they are anxious to come back to the party on 
all other questions. I have no fear that the gold advocates will 
take possession of the democratic party, but I do fear that if we 
continue to quarrel over silver when there is no necessity for it, 
we will again go 'through a slaughter house into an open grave.' 

"The democratic party must come together on some honorable 
adjustment of the money question, for it will require the vote 
of every man who has ever been a democrat to defeat the republi- 
cans in the next contest." 



The income tax is all right, but it would be easier to secure 
a uniform rate than a graded one. 

Mr. Vest will find, however, that the income tax is not a harmo- 
nizing issue. 

Mr. Hill fought the income tax, Mr. Cleveland was opposed to 
it, and nearly all the gold men are as hostile to it as they are 
to free silver. 

Mr. Vest emphasizes the trust issue, but that is not a harmoniz- 
ing issue either, for the financial influences stand behind the 
trusts as solidly as they do behind the banks. The New York Sun 
is already declaring that free silver would do but little damage 
compared with the widespread demoralization which would be pro- 
duced by effective anti-trust legislation. 

The question of imperialism is rightly included among the 
issues — in fact, its importance cannot be overstated. Mr. Vest 
is right in saving that the election of 1900 cannot be considered 
a settlement of the question of imperialism, but why does Senator 
Vest try to drive away the allies who are willing to help us to 



226 The Commoner Condensed. 

secure all needed reforms? Why does he prefer gold democrats 
who supported the republican ticket to populists who supported 
the democratic ticket? 
He says: 

"We must stop hunting around in corners and up canons for 
populist, socialist and single tax votes and go back to the doctrine 
of Mr. Jefferson, upon which alone we can achieve victory." 

The Senator should be a little more definite. To what planks 
does he refer? The only plank he speaks of discarding is the 
silver plank, and yet that is not nearly so populistic as the in- 
come tax plank. The Senator was voting for free and unlimited 
coinage at the ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or 
consent of any other nation before the populist party came into 
existence. The income tax was advocated by the populist party 
several years before it found a place in the democratic platform. 
In fact, a graded income tax, such as Senator Vest and many 
populists advocate, never has been endorsed by a democratic na- 
tional platform. This is no argument against the proposition, but 
it shows how inconsistent the Senator is when he condemns free 
silver as populistic and then advocates a graded income tax. 

Senator Vest insists that he is still a bimetallist, and declares 
that the money question will again become important, but he is 
willing to abandon it temporarily in order to "harmonize" with 
men who voted the republican ticket even at the risk of destroying 
industrial independence and converting a republic into an em- 
pire. 

Senator Vest's platform contains no reference to the question 
of paper money. The republicans and gold democrats favor na- 
tional bank notes, while the democrats favor greenbacks. This 
question is entirely separate and distinct from the silver question. 
Why is it abandoned? The national bankers are in favor of a 
paper money trust which will issue and control the paper money 
of the country — the most dangerous of all trusts; is the Senator 
willing to wink at this conspiracy in order to "harmonize" with 
the re-organizers? If we are to go back to Jeffersonian doctrines 
what is more Jeffersonian than the greenback? Jefferson was 
the deadly enemy of banks of issue, and yet the Senator's plat- 
form is silent on this question. 

If the silver question is going to be important again, why turn 



The Commoner Condensed. 227 

the party over to the re-organizers and allow them to aid the 
republicans in making the silver dollar redeemable in gold? 

The Senator is anxious to secure "harmony" but he will find 
that there can be no harmony without the surrender of every es- 
sential principle of democracy. The men who voted the republi- 
can ticket on account of the silver plank are as a rule opposed to 
the income tax, and are also opposed to any effective anti-trust 
legislation. They are in favor of national banks of issue, and 
are also in favor of government by injunction (a subject which 
Senator Vest did not mention in his proposed platform). Even 
on imperialism many of the gold democrats have no fixed or defi- 
nite convictions. In fact, the only way to harmonize with the 
re-organizers is to allow them to control the organization and 
write a republican platform. How much is Senator Vest willing 
to give up in order to bring the gold corporation element back? 
His platform is entirely too populistic to entice the deserters into 
the fold. Perhaps they might allow him to write the platform 
if they are permitted to select a candidate who will disregard the 
platform as Mr. Cleveland did. 



CHILDEEN NOT BUKDENSOME. 

Alderman Wentz and Mrs. Wentz of Brooklyn, have given their 
names to fame and have set an admirable example to those people 
who are inclined to regard children as burdens. 

Alderman and Mrs. Wentz are the parents of seventeen children. 
It was like the leaving of an emigrant train when the Wentz 
family went on a trip to the Buffalo fair, and the newspaper re- 
porters were attracted to the spectacle. The reporters appeared 
to be surprised that this father and mother were really enjoying 
life while at the same time having the responsibility for seventeen 
children. But some of the things that the alderman said are worthy 
of preservation. Among other things Mr. Wentz said : 

"It's a great thing to go home at night and find nineteen or 
twenty pairs of shoes waiting in the hallway to be cleaned. 
You can't come home feeling lively with the danger of waking 
up twenty-three people. 

"I think if people knew the satisfaction of having babies 
about the house they would not want small families. I don't 



228 The Commoner Condensed. 

feel old as the little ones multiply. I feel younger and younger, 
and think I'll become a child again myself some day/' 

And when Mrs. Wentz was approached for an opinion as to 
her manifold responsibilities, that good woman had this to say: 

"It's a great time getting the children off to school. I line 
them up like an inspector of rifle practice. 

"I don't think our family could get along on one of those 
dollar dinners provided for in the evening papers. 

"We let the babies have lots of fresh air, and when they come 
in at evening they are anxious to go to bed. Every one helps 
here or it would be a task beyond my powers. 

"I'm very happy with the little ones about. The work doesn't 
seem to tire me. I love every one of them and they love me, 
and there is something in that. 

"We don't spoil our children by pampering. We expect them 
to be little men and women, and they are. They are placed upon 
their honor to behave, and they do so without much rod." 

The large family is not common in this country to-day. It 
has come to be the exception, although it is true that nowhere 
do general content and happiness appear to rest more securely 
than in the centers of these large families. A few years ago 
the large family was not the exception. Fifty, years ago, the 
sight of a family of seventeen children would not have provoked 
extraordinary comment, while that of twelve or thirteen children 
would hardly have attracted attention. 

It is worthy of comment that one may find more nervousness, 
more care, more anxiety and more weariness in the home graced 
by a single child, than in the household to which a large num- 
ber of children have come. Where poverty does not prevail in 
such a home, happiness, contentment and health are generally 
noticeable. 

In the city of South Omaha, Nebraska, lives one of the best 
physicians in the west. There are in his home thirteen children. 
The mother would readily pass for a woman of twenty-eight or 
thirty, while the father would not be suspected of being far 
above the age of thirty-five. This home is famous, not only for 
its hospitality to the stranger, but for the peace, love, content- 
ment and happiness that abound in its every-day life. The father 
and mother are among the most jovial and companionable people 
of the city and although the professional cares of the father and 



The Commoner Condensed. 229 

the household duties of the mother are large, they both find some 
time to devote to the social pastimes of their neighborhood. 

If it was desired to establish the claim that children are bur- 
densome, neither this South Omaha family, nor the Wentz family 
of Brooklyn, nor any other family that may properly claim a 
place in the list of large ones, could be used as witnesses in the 
affirmative. 



EMASCULATING DEMOCRACY. 

In real Democracy there is throbbing, ever-present life. There 
is nothing more vigorous and virile than Democracy when it 
stands for the rule of the people — the right of the people to 
control their own government and the capacity of the people for 
self-government. Democracy in an open fight need not fear either 
aristocracy — the rule of the best (as the few style themselves) 
or plutocracy, the rule of the rich. In an honest fight Democracy 
can rely with confidence upon the righteousness of its cause and 
trust the conscience and intelligence of the people. Victory may 
be delayed, but it cannot be prevented if the democratic party 
remains steadfast in its support of Democratic principles. The 
greatest danger which confronts Democracy to-day is that it will 
be emasculated and robbed of its force and vitality by those who 
cling to the Democratic name but constantly give aid and comfort 
to the republican party. For the purpose of illustration three 
daily papers may be mentioned. They loudly proclaim their 
loyalty to Democratic principles and roundly condemn those who 
were responsible for the Chicago platform. They deserted the 
party in 1896 and supported the Palmer and Buckner ticket — a 
ticket that polled about one hundred and thirty thousand votes, 
all told, and carried one precinct in the United States. They gave 
a protesting support to the national ticket in 1900 and ever since 
the election have been industriously at work "re-organizing" the 
democratic party. The papers referred to are the New York 
World, the Louisville Courier- Journal and the Chicago Chronicle. 
Each paper is the best representative of its class in the section in 
which it circulates. 

On the money question all three support the republican posi- 
tion; they are mouth pieces of the great financiers; they breathe 
the poisoned air that has passed through the lungs of Wall Street. 



220 The Commoner Condensed. 



No financial policy is too cruel, no dollar too dear, no money 
system too despotic for them to endorse; provided, always, it 
has the endorsement of the money changers. They not only want 
to make gold the only standard money, but they want to retire 
trie greenbacks and substitute national bank notes. They often 
prate of their love of Jefferson, and yet they know that Jefferson was 
always and at all times the enemy of banks of issue. They con- 
jure with the name of Jackson, and yet Jackson made his greatest 
reputation fighting a bank of issue. If these papers had their 
way the democratic party would disregard entirely the interests 
which the masses have in a stable dollar, and would make the 
party the exponent of those whom Carlisle once described as the 
"idle holders of idle capital." 

On the question of imperialism these papers do not entirely 
agree. The World still condemns an imperial policy, while the 
Courier- Journal and the Chronicle advocate a surrender to the 
republicans on this issue. 

The Courier- Journal admits that the democratic position is 
the correct one so far as principles are concerned, but contends 
that commercialism is bound to win and that the democratic 
party should "get into the band wagon." It preaches the gospel 
of expediency — a doctrine which demoralizes the party by mak- 
ing everything subordinate to the desire to win a temporary suc- 
cess. 

The Chronicle goes a little farther and declares that the demo- 
cratic party would not carry out the promise made last fall, even 
if it could. The following is from a recent editorial in that 
paper : 

There will be no revolution in American politics which will 
result in conferring independence on the people cf the Philippines. 
If the democrats should carry the next presidential election, and 
should elect a majority in both houses of congress, the Philip- 
pines would not be abandoned. They are with us for good or for 
evil, as time shall determine, and it is mostly for them to say 
whether it shall be for their good. 

It will be remembered that the democratic national convention 
of 1900, without a dissenting vote, and amid unparalleled en- 
thusiasm, declared it to be the duty of this nation to immediately 
announce its purpose: First, to establish a stable government in 
the Philippines; second, to turn that government over to the 



The Commoner Condensed. 231 

Filipinos and give them independence, and third, to protect the 
Filipinos from outside interference, as we have protected the re- 
publics of Central and South America. There was difference of 
opinion as to the wording of the money plank, but none as to the 
party's position on imperialism. And, yet, the Courier- Journal 
and the Chronicle are willing to give up the defense of the Declara- 
tion of Independence and accept the republican theory of gov- 
ernment — a theory identical with that announced by George the 
Third. 

On the trust question, no two of the three papers agree. The 
World is very much afraid of the trusts, but does not know what 
to do about them; the Courier- Journal does not know whether it 
is afraid or not, and the Chronicle isn't worried at all, but all 
three of the papers lose no opportunity to misrepresent and malign 
those who are in earnest in their efforts to destroy private monopo- 
lies. 

The papers above mentioned illustrate the confusion, conflict and 
uncertainty that prevail among those who oppose the Kansas City 
platform. If a convention were called of the daily papers which 
want to repudiate the Kansas City platform, and their editors 
were required to submit a new platform satisfactory to all of them 
they would adjourn sine die before they agreed upon a single 
important plank. They represent all shades of opinion on every 
question, and are harmonious about nothing except their contempt 
for the patriotism and intelligence of the more than six million 
voters who in spite of corruption and coercion supported the party 
in two national campaigns. The Kansas City platform is a posi- 
tive, clear and emphatic application of Democratic principles to 
present conditions. When a person stands upon that platform 
and gives it his unqualified endorsement the people know what 
to expect of him. 

The opponents of that platform, however, quarrel and contend 
over every proposition submitted. Some want the party to de- 
clare boldly for the gold standard ; others favor a cowardly evasion 
of the whole question. Some want the party to declare openly in 
favor of banks of issue; others want the party to keep still on 
the question in its platform, but to lend the party's influence 
after election to the retirement of the greenbacks. 

Some want the party to continue the fight against imperialism ; 
gome want the party to quit opposing imperialism and acquiesce 



232 The Commoner Condensed. 

in it without endorsing it, while others think that the party 
should have the courage to commend the administration's course. 
Some think that all trusts are had; some think that a part of 
the trusts are good and a part of them bad, and still others believe 
that the trust is an economic development that is entirely benefi- 
cent in its operations. 

The difference of opinion which manifests itself in the dis- 
cussion of the larger questions is no less conspicuous in the dis- 
cussion of minor questions. Because they can agree upon no plat- 
form the re-organizers content themselves with criticising Demo- 
cratic principles and republican individuals. 

Is it strange that the democratic party has made slow progress 
when it is remembered that for five years the leading dailies, which 
claim to be Democratic, have given more assistance to the op- 
position than to their own party? Between campaigns they have 
been condemning the platform of the party and discrediting those 
who endorsed the platform; it is impossible for such papers to 
repair during the campaign the damage which they do between 
campaigns. But for the weekly papers which have for the most 
part remained loyal, the Democratic voters would have had little 
opportunity to read Democratic literature. The republicans, on 
the contrary, have all their daily papers, all their weekly papers 
and a considerable portion of the so-called Democratic dailies 
continuously explaining and in whole or in part defending the 
course of the administration. The only wonder is that the rank 
and file of the party should have shown itself as steadfast as it 
has. If those who call themselves democrats will defend the 
Democratic platform for the next three years, we can win in 1904; 
but it is difficult to win when a numerically small but financially 
influential portion of the party is constantly compromising with 
the republicans. 



MONEY PEOBLEM IN PHILIPPINES. 

In his annual report recently made public, General Mac Arthur 
recommends for the Philippine Islands a monetary system de- 
scribed as follows: 

First — The American gold standard to be established by 
authorizing the coinage of a peso containing twelve and nine- 



The Commoner Condensed. 233 

tenths grains, nine-tenths fine, to be represented in the circulation 
by coins containing such multiple of the standard peso as may 
be regarded as most convenient of mintage. 

Second — A table of equivalents, to be declared by law, be- 
tween Philippine gold money and United States money in all 
its various forms, including national bank notes, on the basis 
of 2 to 1 ; that is to say, one United States gold is equivalent to 
two Philippine gold pesos, as herein prescribed. 

Third — A subsidiary Philippine coinage, embracing such sub- 
divisions of the peso as are most convenient, conforming as much 
as possible to the subsidiary coin of the United States, and with an 
established rate of equivalents as in the case of gold; that is to 
say, one United States coin is equivalent to two Philippine coins 
of the same denomination. 

Fourth — The establishment of Filipino national banks, pre- 
cisely the same in all respects as now authorized in the United 
States, including United States bonds as a basis of circulation. 

Fifth — All currency issued under the foregoing systems to 
have full legal tender function in the Philippine Islands for all 
public duties and private debts; and the equivalent United States 
currency and subsidiary coinage, as authorized in the foregoing 
section 2 and 3, to have legal tender qualities in the Philippines 
to the same extent and precisely the same as in the United States." 



ME. KNOX AND HIS SECEETS. 

The American Anti-Trust League has sent to Attorney General 
Knox the following letter : 

Sir: We have the honor to request that you afford us all the 
information that you are possessed of or can obtain concerning 
an agreement or agreements made between the constituent com- 
panies and individuals who organized the United States Steel 
corporation, commonly known as the steel trust. 

The trust or syndicate agreement which we especially desire 
is the one which President C. M. Schwab of the United States 
Steel corporation refused to furnish to the United States industrial 
commission when on the witness stand before that body. 

Our request is founded upon information and belief that at 
the time that this contract, or those contracts, was, or were, made 
you were in some way officially connected with the Carnegie Steei 
company, which institution is one of the principal companies in 
the United States Steel corporation. As this information is doubt- 
less in your possession or conveniently at hand, you will greatly 
oblige this committee by giving us the substance thereof in your 
own language, or, if possible, a copy thereof. 



234 The Commoner Condensed. 

This request is to cover any other contracts of a similar kind 
with which you are acquainted or which you can obtain for us. 
Our object is to prevent the failure of justice in certain legal 
proceedings which we contemplate in the near future. 

It is not at all probable that the Attorney General will comply 
with, this request. He will have good professional grounds for 
refusing to comply with it because he may say that whatever in- 
formation he possesses concerning the trust was obtained in the 
capacity of attorney for the trust, and therefore it would be 
impossible for him to reveal his secret. 

This emphasizes the iniquity of selecting a trust attorney for 
an office upon which rests the responsibility for enforcing laws 
against trusts. The Attorney General should be entirely free to 
act in the prosecution of violators of the anti-trust law. But 
would it be possible for even the warmest friend of Mr. Knox to 
say that he is in a position to discharge his duty as the attorney 
for the United States, when that duty conflicts with the interests 
of the trust? Here we have the attorney for one client who has 
in his possession the secrets of his client's opponent. Those secrets 
are sufficient to enable that client's lawyer to crush that client's 
opponent. Yet the lawyer is unable to take advantage of those 
secrets because of the fact that he obtained them in the capacity 
of an attorney. It would be very difficult for Mr. Knox to draw 
the line between the secrets he obtained in a confidential capacity 
while acting as attorney for the trusts and the secrets of the trust 
which he obtains through vigorous investigations while acting 
as attorney for the United States. 

Aside from the fact that Mr. Knox's sympathies are naturally 
with the trust system, he is greatly handicapped in the discharge 
of his duty toward the United States by reason of the fact that 
everything which the United States Attorney General should know 
in his fight against the trust Mr. Knox knows and obtained in a 
confidential way. Is there an individual in the United States 
who would care to employ as his attorney a man who had acted 
as attorney for an opponent and aided that opponent in devising 
methods whereby this individual could be wronged? 

It is impossible that Mr. Knox, having served as attorney for 
the trust in paving the way for the violation of the very laws 
which he is now called upon to enforce, should enforce those laws 
as the interests of the United States require. 



The Commoner Condensed. 235 

Mr. Knox is a great lawyer, otherwise the trusts would not 
have employed him. But there are many other great lawyers in 
the United States to-day. The republican party is full of great 
lawyers, and among them are many men who could be depended 
upon to exercise the ability and fidelity essential to the enforce- 
ment of the anti-trust law. Why did not the McKinley adminis- 
tration select as its Attorney General one of this number? Why 
did it choose as Attorney General the most conspicuous trust 
lawyer in the United States? 



TEICKEEY OF WOEDS. 

The Chicago Chronicle warns "democrats in and out of con- 
ventions" that "sonorous declarations against 'imperialism' and 
'colonialism' will not do." The Chronicle adds that "something 
more than mere declamation is needed. If democrats are opposed 
to imperialism, what do they propose to give the people in its 
place?" 

Then the Chronicle complains that the Ohio platform, because 
of its indefiniteness on this subject is lamentably weak. It insists 
that this question must be met "intelligently, courageously and 
entirely free from demagogy and mere trickery of words." This 
is good advice ; but if the advice be sound on the question of im- 
perialism why is not similar advice sound on the money question ? 

The opponents of bimetallism would have the democratic con- 
ventions indulge in "sonorous declarations." But the advocates 
of bimetallism have said that "something more than mere declama- 
tion is needed." They have held that if democrats have any 
opinion on the money question, they should state that opinion 
"intelligently, courageously, and entirely free from demagogy 
and mere trickery of words." 

But to-day the men for whom the Chicago Chronicle stands 
sponsor, while objecting to bimetallism and protesting against 
the definiteness with which democratic conventions have declared 
their position on the money question, insist upon a money plank 
composed of "sonorous declarations." 

Why do not these gentlemen give the people "something more 
than declamation"? If the single gold standard is right, why do 



236 The Commoner Condensed. 

they not abandon the "trickery of words" and boldly announce to 
the people their preference for the single gold standard? 

Why does the Chicago Chronicle insist upon clearness and di- 
rectness of statement so far as concerns the question of im- 
perialism while it has no protest to make against a "trickery of 
words" in the democratic platforms on the money question? 

What the Chronicle says on the form of the plank relating to 
imperialism, the bimetallists in the democratic party have said 
on the form of the plank relating to the money question : "Some- 
thing more than mere declamation is needed. If democrats are 
opposed to bimetallism, what do they propose to give the people 
in its place?" 

If the men who seek to re-organize the democratic party are 
opposed to bimetallism, what do they propose to give the people 
in its place ? Do they propose to give them the single gold stand- 
ard? If so, why not say so "intelligently, courageously and en- 
tirely free from demagogy and mere trickery of words." 



ME. LITTLEFIELD'S ADDRESS. 

On another page The Commoner reproduces the address de- 
livered by Congressman Charles E. Littlefield, of Maine, before 
the American Bar Association at Denver. Mr. Littlefield criti- 
cised the Supreme Court's insular decisions, and declared those de- 
cisions to be "without a parallel in our judiciary history." While 
disclaiming any disposition to reflect upon the court, Mr. Little- 
field said: "I feel bound to say it seems to me that they were 
profoundly impressed with the supposed consequences of an ad- 
verse decision." One lawyer protested against Mr. Littlefield's 
discourse in the presence of the American Bar Association. That 
gentleman, Mr. Adolph Moses, said: 

I wish to record my note of dissent to the general applause' 
which followed the presentation of the insular cases by Mr. Little- 
field. I regret to have listened to what I consider an unwarranted 
attack upon the supreme court of the United States, and, as a 
member of this association, I wish to raise my voice in protest 
against the use of this platform for a purpose of this kind. 

The notion that men who occupy the bench are exempt from 
criticism will not do under a republican form of government. 



The Commoner Condensed. 237 

To say that any opinion delivered by a man on the bench must 
seem to command respect and approval, although in fact it does 
not command either, is to say that men in official position can do 
no wrong; and the people of the United States know that men 
in official position are always liable to err. 

Mr. Littlefield' s opinion of the insular decisions is the opinion 
of a large majority of the lawyers of the United States. In truth 
one need not be a lawyer to realize the error of those decisions, 
because they involve the fundamental ideas of this government 
and are repugnant to the elementary principles of government 
as taught to every school-boy in the land. 

Mr. Littlefield's criticism was courageous because he is a republi- 
can having, perhaps, some ambition for future honors at his 
party's hands. But Mr. Littlefield appears to be a lawyer and a 
patriot before he is a republican, and his condemnation of the 
insular decisions will meet the hearty approval of a very large 
majority of the people, although some may not be brave enough 
to give expression to their disapproval. 

Mr. Moses' idea that even when one believes a judicial opinion 
to be wholly wrong and destructive of the very foundation of the 
government, no criticism should be uttered on that opinion, is 
not a good sentiment to create among a people whose hanpiness 
depends upon liberty. Mr. Littlefield has eminent republican 
authority for criticising the action of men on the bench. It was 
Mr. Lincoln who said that "The people of these United States are 
the rightful masters of both congresses and courts — not to over- 
throw the constitution, but to overthrow men who pervert the 
constitution." 

Mr. Littlefield's statement that it seemed to him that the 
justices were "too profoundly impressed with the supposed conse- 
quences of an adverse decision," finds corroboration even in the 
opinion delivered by Justice Brown himself. In the concluding 
paragraph of that opinion Justice Brown said: 

A. false step at this time might be fatal to the development of 
what Chief Justice Marshall called the American empire. The 
choice in some cases, the natural gravitation of small bodies 
toward large ones in others, the result of a successful war in 
still others may bring about conditions which would render the 
annexation of distant possessions desirable. If those possessions 
are inhabited by alien races, differing from us in religion, customs, 
laws, methods of taxation and modes of thought, the administra- 



238 The Commoner Condensed. 

tion of government and justice, according to Anglo-Saxon prin- 
ciples, may for a time be impossible and the question at once 
arises whether large concessions ought not to be made for a time, 
that ultimately our own theories may be carried out and the bless- 
ings of a free government under the constitution extended to 
them. We decline to hold that there is anything in the constitu- 
tion to forbid such action. 

Does this not indicate, exactly as Mr. Littlefleld said, that the 
justices were "profoundly impressed with the consequences of an 
adverse decision"? 



JUDICIAL TYRANNY. 

Judge John H. Baker, of the United States Circuit Court at 
Indianapolis, issued an order against strikers, which is referred 
to as the most sweeping order of its kind ever issued by a court. 
Among other things, this order restrains the strikers "from com- 
pelling or inducing, or attempting to compel or induce, by threats, 
intimidations, persuasion, force or violence" any of their fellow 
employes "to refuse or fail to do their work or discharge their du- 
ties as such employes." 

The strikers are also restrained from inducing any of their fel- 
low employes to quit work. They are also restrained from induc- 
ing any persons to enter the employ of the concern against which 
the strikers are contending. It is also provided in this order that the 
strikers must refrain "from going, either singly or collectively, to 
the homes of employes" for the purpose of inducing these em- 
ployes to quit work. 

The attorney for the strikers has advised them, — "I do not 
believe the judge meant that you could not argue, soberly and 
pleasantly, to induce any man to join you. He could not forbid 
that." If the judge did not mean this, then no meaning can be 
conveyed through the English language. And yet it is difficult 
to believe that in this free country a judge could be found who 
would issue an order, which, if it means anything at all, strikes a 
blow at free speech. 

The attorney for the concern against which the strikers are con- 
tending says that the word persuasion means just what it says. "It 
means just this," said this attorney, "that if any one of those strik- 
ers should go to the house of any employe, or stop him on the 



The Commoner Condensed. 239 

street, or any other place, and endeavor to talk him or her into 
joining the strike, that person, or persons, is in contempt of court." 
This is a very frank statement of the court's order ; and yet can 
any one imagine a more un-American judicial decree than that 
which would prevent men from doing what this lawyer declares the 
court's order seeks to prevent? 



MR. BRYAN'S PLANS. 

Below will be found two press dispatches : 

Evanston, Wyo., Aug. 21. — William J. Bryan came to Wyoming 
recently to fish for trout, and as a side issue he has become inter- 
ested in oil. Following the example of his colleagues in their 
fight against the oil octopus, former Governor Hogg of Texas, 
former Senator Pettigrew of South Dakota, and former Senator 
Charles A. Towne of Minnesota, the erstwhile democratic candidate 
has purchased oil lands in the petroleum soaked region of Spring 
Valley, near here. 

Chicago, III., August 23. — William Jennings Bryan, rumor 
says, will probably move his paper, The Commoner, to Chicago 
and make this city his home. 

Efforts have been made without success to trace the rumor 
to its source, but some of the leading democrats in Chicago have 
known it for some time past and are ready to sanction the 
project and bid The Commoner godspeed. The rumor credits 
Mr. Bryan with an intention to take political root here, with 
the hope of succeeding Mayor Harrison in the mayoralty. But 
the Harrison men shake their heads dubiously when that part of the 
plan is mentioned and intimate that Mr. Bryan stands more hope 
of the presidency than of that. 

Mr. Bryan is now in Wyoming. His brother, business man- 
ager of The Commoner, was interviewed in Lincoln to-night 
and said he had no knowledge of the alleged plan of removal to 
Chicago. 

These are reproduced to show the readers what passes for "news." 
Both items are entirely without foundation. Mr. Bryan not only 
has no investments in oil lands, but has never contemplated in- 
vesting in oil lands. His only business enterprise is The Com- 
moner, and he has no intention of taking stock or interest in any- 
thing else. 



240 The Commoner Condensed. 

As to leaving Nebraska, he has no thought of such a thing. 
He is now preparing to build a cottage upon his farm, three miles 
southeast of Lincoln, and expects to spend the remainder of his 
days there. The readers of The Commoner will be kept fully 
informed as to Mr. Bryan's plans and purposes and they need 
not pay any attention to "rumors" and "reports" emanating from 
any other source. The Commoner will continue to be published 
at Lincoln. It is near the center of the union and from this 
point the paper can be distributed without inconvenience or delay 
to all the states and territories. 



THE NATION MOURNS. 

The nation bows in sorrow and in humiliation — in sorrow 
because its chief executive, its official head, is passing through 
the valley of the shadow of death — in humiliation because the 
president of our republic has fallen a victim to the cruel and 
cowardly methods employed in monarchies where helpless and 
hopeless subjects sometimes meet arbitrary power with violence. 

In morals and in the contemplation of law all lives are of equal 
value — all are priceless — but when seventy-five millions of people 
select one of their number and invest him with the authority 
which attaches to the presidency, he becomes their representative 
and a blow aimed at him is resented as an attack upon all. 

Beneath the partisanship of the individual lies the patriotism 
of the citizen, sometimes dormant, it is true, but always active 
in hours of peril or misfortune. While the president's life hangs 
in the balance there are no party lines. The grief of personal 
friends and close political associates may be more poignant, but 
their sympathy is not more sincere than that extended by political 
opponents. Although none but his family and his physicians 
are admitted to his room, all his countrymen are at his bedside 
in thought and sentiment and their prayers ascend for his re- 
covery. It was characteristic of his thoughtfulness that, even 
amid the excitement following the assault, he cautioned his com- 
panions not to exaggerate his condition to his invalid wife. 

The latest dispatches give gratifying news of his improvement, 
but there is still deep solicitude lest unfavorable symptoms maj 
yet appear. 



The Commoner Condensed. 241 

x4md the humiliation ! Are our public servants — those who are 
chosen by the people and who exercise for a limited time the 
authority bestowed by the people — are these to live in constant 
fear of assassination? Is there to be no difference between our 
constitutional government and those despotic governments which 
rest, not upon the consent of the governed, but upon brutal force ? 

There is no place for anarchy in the United States; there is 
no room here for those who commit, counsel or condone murder, 
no matter what political excuse may be urged in its defense. The 
line between peaceful agitation and violence is clear and distinct. 
We have freedom of speech and freedom of the press in this 
country, and they are essential to the maintenance of our liber- 
ties. If any one desires to criticise the methods of government 
or the conduct of an official, he has a perfect right to do so, but 
his appeal must be to the intelligence and patriotism of his fellow- 
citizens, not to force. Let no one imagine that he can improve 
social or political conditions by the shedding of blood. 

Free governments may be overthrown, but they cannot be re- 
formed by those who violate the commandment, "Thou shalt not 
kill." 

Under a government like ours every wrong can be remedied 
by law and the laws are in the hands of the people themselves. 
Anarchy can be neither excused nor tolerated here. The man 
who proposes to right a public wrong by taking the life of a 
human being makes himself an outlaw and cannot consistently 
appeal to the protection of the government which he repudiates. 
He invites a return to a state of barbarism in which each one 
must, at his own risk, defend his own rights and avenge his own 
wrongs. 

The punishment administered to the would-be assassin and to 
his co-conspirators, if he has any, should be such as to warn all 
inclined to anarchy that while this is an asylum for those who 
love liberty it is an inhospitable place for those who raise their 
hands against all forms of government. 



242 The Commoner Condensed. 



XII. 
LABOR DAY. 

Labor Day was quite generally observed this year. This is, in 
itself, a gratifying sign. A review of the speeches made in the 
various cities shows that the two subjects considered were, first, 
the dignity of labor and, second, labor's share of the rewards 
of toil. 

It ought to be unnecessary to emphasize the fact that all honest 
labor is honorable, but there is such haste to be rich and such 
fawning before inherited and suddenly acquired wealth that it 
requires all the influence that Labor Day can exert to relieve 
manual labor of the odium into which it seems to be falling. 
There is a Bible text which is especially appropriate for considera- 
tion on Labor Day. It is a part of the old Mosaic law, but it is 
twice quoted with approval in the New Testament. It reads: 
"Muzzle not the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn." 
If the dumb beasts whose physical strength we utilize must not 
be neglected, with how much greater force does the injunction 
apply to our brethren of flesh and blood whose brawn and muscle 
furnish society with food and fuel, with clothing, shelter and 
all the comforts of life? And yet every decade sees a less per 
cent, of the wealth produced remaining in the hands of the wealth 
producers. This condition is neither just nor satisfactory. The 
toilers on the farm and in the factory have cause to believe that 
they are being cheated out of a part of their earnings. 

One of the things that labor has reason to fear is the effect of 
private monopoly. The trusts have been growing rapidly during 
the last few years and all wage-earners are menaced by them. 
Some have suggested that the employes should join with the 
employers in controlling the industries and then divide the ad- 
vantages of higher prices. Such a proposition is immoral as well 
as impolitic. The employes could no more justify aiding the 
trusts to extort from the consumers, even if they could share in 
the results, than an honest citizen could justify giving aid to a 
highwayman on promise of part of the plunder. 



The Commoner Condensed. 243 

But such an agreement would be as unwise as wrong. If trust- 
made articles are sold at high prices, compared with other 
products, the demand will be reduced and labor thrown out of 
employment. 

In a test of endurance the farmer can stand it longer than the 
man in the factory, but why should the laboring man in the city 
array himself against his best friend — the farmer? 

The trust hurts the consumer first, and then the producer of 
raw material, and last — and possibly most — the laborer. All three 
should combine to destroy the private monopolies now in existence 
and to prevent the creation of any new monopolies. 

Next to the trust in its evil effect upon labor is what is known 
as government by injunction. According to our theory of govern- 
ment, the executive, legislative and judicial branches should be 
kept separate and distinct, but it is coming to be the custom for 
the judge to issue an order declaring an act to be unlawful which 
before was lawful and then to assume the prerogatives of the 
executive and enforce the law, while as judge he sits without jury 
to condemn the person whom he is prosecuting. The main pur- 
pose of this judicial process is to deprive the accused of trial by 
jury, and while every citizen should resist this attack on the jury 
system the employes of great corporations are just now its special 
victims. 

The wage-earners as a part, and as an important part, too, of 
society, are interested in all questions which affect our civilization, 
but they are at present experiencing the necessity of reform along 
the lines above suggested. 

It was noticeable everywhere that those who addressed, the 
people at labor-day meetings pointed out the fact that wrongs 
could only be remedied at the ballot-box. Mayor Eeed of Kansas 
City stated the case aptly when he said that the laboring men 
were not law-breakers but should be law-makers. 

Jackson, in his celebrated message vetoing the extension of the 
bank charter, said that the humbler members of society were the 
victims of injustice whenever the government, by granting legis- 
lative favors and privileges, made the rich richer and the potent 
more powerful. If the men who eat their bread in the sweat of 
the face would act in concert at the polls, a speedy and inex- 
pensive remedy would be found for every evil complained of. 



244 The Commoner Condensed. 



THE STAR'S INCONSISTENCY. 

In its issue of September 3, the Kansas City Star took Mr. 
Bryan to task because of his labor day address. The Star in- 
sisted that Mr. Bryan was "looking on the dark side." Among 
other things that newspaper said: 

"Look at the wealth of this country — is the division just?" 
was one of Mr. Bryan's interrogations. No, it is not just, nor 
can the distribution of wealth be absolutely just under any form 
of government and with any race of people. Even the socialistic 
doctrine, which aims at ideal co-operation, distribution and com- 
pensation, cannot possibly insure absolute equity, for some de- 
serve more than others — earn more than others. Such a question 
answers itself, but the effect of asking it of the poorer class is 
to engender a feeling among that class against the richer — and 
that is not in accordance with the democratic spirit of this country, 
which gives every man a right to acquire and possess. 

To say that absolute perfection cannot be attained in the dis- 
tribution of wealth is no defense of a bad law or a bad system. It 
should be the aim of every good citizen to aid in making the govern- 
ment as nearly perfect as possible. Each person should receive from 
society in proportion as he contributes to society — this is the ideal 
condition and should be approached as nearly as human ingenuity 
can devise. But the purpose of this editorial is not to defend Mr. 
Bryan but to call attention to the Stars inconsistency. 

In its issue of Wednesday, September 4, the Star made ad- 
mirable answer to itself. Under the headline "Wounds of a 
Friend," the Star had this to say : 

"Faithful are the wounds of a friend," said Solomon, the wise 
man of old. Under this head may be classed the utterances of 
Theodore Roosevelt in his address at Minneapolis on Labor Day. 
Standing out strong and clear among all of the declarations which 
have been made on the subject of trusts are the following senti- 
ments by the vice-president: "We shall find it necessary in the 
future to shackle cunning, as in the past we have shackled force." 
* * * "The vast individual and corporate fortunes, the vast 
combinations of capital which have marked the development of 
our industrial system create new conditions and necessitate a change 
from the old attitude of the state and the nation toward property." 

These are direct and pointed sentiments inspired by conditions to 
which no thoughtful and sober-minded man can be blind. They 



The Commoner Condensed. 245 

are not uttered in any spirit of intemperate agitation or with any 
purpose to excite false alarm for political purposes. They come 
from an influential member of the party which capital in modern 
years has regarded as its chosen champion. They do not proceed 
from a person who has excited the suspicion of the conservative 
element by the radical character of his opinions. 

In admonishing the large capitalists of their duty Mr. Eoosevelt 
is speaking to persons with whom he has been intimately associated. 
He is prominently identified with the social and political life 
of the richest community in America. He is a New Yorker by 
heredity. He is known and esteemed by the so-called money kings. 
He could have no possible motive in wishing to overthrow a 
fabric which would bring destruction to those who are of the 
same political household of faith with himself. 

Mr. Roosevelt speaks as a friend to the rich men who are rapidly 
gaining control of the industries and the commerce of the nation. 
Will it not be infinitely wiser for them to hear him and heed him 
and follow his counsel than to persist in their scheme of self- 
aggrandizement at the certain risk of inviting a violent and im- 
placable conflict with avowed enemies, who have none of the 
regard for the rights of capital which Mr. Roosevelt has always 
shown ? 

Why does the Star publish editorials like this, which have the 
effect "to engender a feeling among that class (the workingmen) 
against the richer" ? 

If it is wrong for a man who has "excited the suspicion of the 
conservative element by the radical character of his opinions" 
to utter the sentiments which Mr. Bryan did at Kansas City, 
is it not all the more wrong for a "thoughtful and sober-minded 
man" like Mr. Roosevelt to give expression to similar sentiments? 

Mr. Roosevelt said that "we shall find it necessary in the future 
to shackle cunning as in the past we have shackled force." He 
even went so far as to intimate that it would be necessary to make 
"a change from the old attitude of the state and the nation toward 
property ;" the very thing which above all others the republican 
party has insisted is sacred. 

When Mr. Bryan said things of this character the Kansas City 
Star said it was "not in accordance with the democratic spirit of 
this country which gives every man a right to acquire and possess." 
But when Mr. Roosevelt said these things this same newspaper 
cordially commended the speaker and warned "the rich men who are 
rapidly gaining control of the industries and commerce of the 



246 The Commoner Condensed. 

nation*' that they will do well to hear and heed and follow the 
counsel of Theodore Roosevelt. 

This same newspaper warns the trust magnates that they will 
make a mistake if they persist in their "scheme of self-aggrandize- 
ment/' and that persistence in that direction will be "at the risk 
of inviting a violent and implacable conflict." 

It will be observed that the Star points out that the opinions 
expressed by Mr. Roosevelt "do not proceed from a person who has 
caused the suspicion of the conservative element by the radical 
character of his opinions/' and then in the same issue in which the 
Star commends Mr. Roosevelt's protest against the trusts it in 
another editorial says : 

William Jennings Bryan, with all his professed hostility for 
combinations against trade, has never said anything in relation 
to trusts so emphatic and unequivocal as the utterances of Vice- 
President Roosevelt at Minneapolis. To the notable political epi- 
grams of the day must be added the declaration of Mr. Roosevelt 
that "we shall find it necessary in the future to shackle force." The 
whole range of modern democratic literature might be searched in 
vain for a pronunciamento more courageous than that on the 
tyrannical centralization of capital. 

So, according to the Stars own statement, there is more of 
the "radical character" about Mr. Roosevelt's opinion than at- 
taches to the opinion of Mr. Bryan. 

But the question is — of what moment is it who gave utterance 
to protests against these "schemes of self-aggrandizement"? Of 
what importance is it whether the protests were uttered by a man 
like Mr. Bryan, who the Star says has "excited the suspicion 
of the conservative element by the radical character of his opin- 
ions," or from Theodore Roosevelt, whom this republican organ 
is pleased to consider "a thoughtful and sober-minded man"? Is 
not the question — "Is it the truth?" — the all important one in 
the contemplation of such a protest ? 

If conditions warrant such a protest, if the protest is based 
on justice and truth, is the fact in any wise altered whether the 
protest is made by Mr. Bryan or by Mr. Roosevelt ? 

Why is it that, when a democrat enters protest against "self- 
aggrandizement," this Kansas City paper finds it necessary to 
argue that such a protest is "not in accordance with the demo- 
cratic spirit of this country which gives every man a right to 



The Commoner Condensed. 247 

acquire and possess"; while when a similar protest is made by 
a republican this same Kansas City paper on the very follow- 
ing day refers to the latter protest as "direct and pointed senti- 
ments, inspired by conditions to which no thoughtful and sober- 
minded man can be blind"? 

If every man has a right to "acquire and possess' 7 regardless 
of the rights of others, as the Star intimated in its criticism of 
Mr. Bryan, then with what reason may we object to the schemes 
of "self-aggrandizement" by which certain rich men are "rapidly 
gaining control of the industries and the commerce of the nation" ? 

Is there not danger that by the publication of such editorials 
as these the Kansas City Star will do things "not in accordance 
with the democratic spirit of this country which gives every 
man a right to acquire and possess"? 

In all seriousness, can a great newspaper like the Kansas City 
Star hope that its readers will give serious attention to its opin- 
ions when on one day it condemns Mr. Bryan for giving utter- 
ance to certain sentiments, and on the next day commends Mr. 
Koosevelt for giving expression to similar sentiments ? 



MAKING AND KECEIVING APOLOGIES. 

The Emperor of Germany has done the world a distinct service 
by modifying his requirements of the Chinese representative, 
charged with making an apology to Germany, to the extent that 
it was not necessary for the Chinese representative to "kowtow." 
This ceremony would have consisted of the Chinese representative 
approaching the Emperor of Germany on his knees and knocking 
his head on the floor nine times. 

In the presence of an apology between individuals, if both 
parties be intelligent, there must necessarily be some embarrass- 
ment, and the embarrassment is by no means one sided. It is 
just as difficult to accept an apology gracefully as it is to grace- 
fully extend an apology. And the burden of acting gracefully 
rests as heavily upon the recipient of an apology as it does upon 
the one required to make the apology. 

The man who, being tendered a full and complete apology, 
made in a manly way with the form of the apologist erect, with 
the eye of the apologist looking frankly into the eye of the one 



248 The Commoner Condensed. 

to whom the apology is due, must on his part be equally manly. 
He must accept it in the spirit in which it is tendered, and the 
real man, appreciating the difficulties of his unfortunate fellow, 
will make the situation as easy as possible for the apologist. 

So the ruler of a nation to whom an apology must be made 
by the representative of another nation has nothing to gain and 
everything to lose when he makes conditions that in no way benefit 
his country, but bear heavily upon the individual representative 
of the apologising country. 

The people of Germany are too intelligent to require at the 
hands of China's representative the humiliation that the "kow- 
towing" ceremony would impose upon him. Had that ceremony 
been required, the people of Germany would themselves have 
been humiliated before the civilized world, and the representatives 
of civilization would have lost another opportunity of setting a 
good example to the world's barbarians. 



WILL THEY EEMEMBEE? 

Mr. Davis, vice-president of the Amalgamated Association, in 
a recent speech, charged J. Pierpont Morgan with a fixed deter- 
mination to destroy all labor organizations. He said : 

The steel men are picked as the first organization to be wiped 
out. That is why the opposition to us is so bitter, so uncompro- 
mising, so regardless of the possibility of arbitration. Next will 
come the poor old miners, if we are beaten. Then the carpenters 
and machinists, and after them one trade after another. If we 
are defeated we shall all become slaves, and life will no longer 
be worth living. 

That the trusts, if permitted to exist, will ultimately destroy 
the labor unions, is too plain a proposition to admit of dispute, but 
will the laboring men remember at the polls the lesson they are 
learning at the door of the factory? The wage-earners have it 
in their power to destroy every trust and, by so doing, to restore 
the era of industrial independence, but will they exert that power 
on election day ? No one who understands history or human nature 
can doubt that private monopolies are a menace to employes, as 
well as to producers of raw material and to consumers. The time 



The Commoner Condensed. 249 

will come when the evils of the trust system will be recognized 
by all, but in the meantime many bitter lessons are being learned. 
"Experience is a dear teacher," but apparently the only one whose 
instruction is heeded. 



"GOD'S WILL, NOT OURS, BE DONE." 

These were the last words of President McKinley as he bade 
farewell to the loving companion of his life, to whom his kind- 
ness and devotion have been so constant and conspicuous. It was 
with this beautiful spirit of resignation that he turned from the 
realities of earth to explore the mysteries of the world beyond. 

The struggle was over — the struggle of a week during which hope 
and fear alternately gained the mastery. The book of life is 
closed, and his achievements are a part of history. After he be- 
came conscious that the end was drawing near, but before the 
shadows quite obscured the light, he was heard to murmur 
some of the words of "Nearer, my God, to Thee." This sacred 
hymn, w-hiehr will be found in full upon another page, contains 
several lines inspired by Jacob's night at Bethel: 

Though, like a wanderer, 

The sun gone down, 
Darkness be over me, 

My rest a stone 

Thus do the lines immortalize the pillow which to Jacob must 
have seemed hard indeed — the pillow which, when morning came, 
the patriarch would not have exchanged for the softest one on 
which a weary head was ever laid. 

It is still true that one's sorest afflictions and most bitter ex- 
periences are sometimes stepping stones to higher rewards. 

The terrible deed at Buffalo, rudely breaking the ties of family 
and friendship and horrifying every patriotic citizen, crowns a 
most extraordinary life with a halo that cannot but exalt its vic- 
tim's place in history, while his bravery during the trying ordeal, 
his forgiving spirit and his fortitude in the final hours give glimpses 
of his inner life which nothing less tragic could have revealed. 

But, inexpressibly sad as is the death of McKinley, the illus- 
trious citizen, it is the damnable murder of McKinley, the presi- 
dent, that melts seventy-five million hearts into one and brings 
a hush to the farm, the factory and the forum. 



250 The Commoner Condensed. 

Death is the inevitable incident of every human career. It 
despises the sword and shield of the warrior, and laughs at the 
precautions suggested by science; wealth cannot build walls high 
enough ur thick enough to shut it out, and no house is humble 
enough to escape its visitation. Even love, the most potent force 
known to man — love, the characteristic which links the human 
to the divine — even love is powerless in its presence. Its contingency 
is recognized in the marriage vow — "until death us do part" — and 
is written upon friendship's signet ring. But the death, even 
when produced by natural causes, of a public servant charged with 
the tremendous responsibilities which press upon a president, 
shocks the entire country and is infinitely multipled when the cir- 
cumstances attending it constitute an attack upon the govern- 
ment itself. No one can estimate the far-reaching effect of such 
an act as that which now casts a gloom over our land. It shames 
America in the eyes of the world; it impairs her moral prestige 
and gives the enemies of free government a chance to mock at her. 
And it excites an indignation which, while righteous in itself, 
may lead to acts which will partake of the spirit of lawlessness. 

As the president's death overwhelms all in a common sorrow, 
so it imposes a common responsibility, namely, to so avenge the 
wrong done to the president, his family and the country, as to 
make the executive's life secure without bringing insecurity to free- 
dom of speech or freedom of the press. 



HUSBAND AND WIFE. 

One of the many striking and touching incidents occurring at 
Buffalo was the meeting between the President and Mrs. Mc- 
Kinley for the first time after the assault. The dispatches re- 
port that Mrs. McKinley took a seat at the bedside and held the 
President's hand. The distinguished sufferer looked into the face 
of his good wife and said in a low tone, "We must bear up; it 
will be better for us both." With tears streaming down her cheeks, 
Mrs. McKinley nodded assent. 

There is a depth of pathos in this little incident that must 
appeal forcefully to those who appreciate the strength of the 
ties that bind a good husband to a good wife. 

There may be some people who have no idea of the thoughts 



The Commoner Condensed. 251 

that were passing through the minds of this couple at that mo- 
ment. There are, however, many others who can imagine what 
these thoughts were. There, on the hed of pain, lay the strong, 
powerful man. By his side sat the frail woman, whose physical 
weakness has been, for so many years, the subject of this hus- 
band's tender solicitude.'^ In an humble way they began life to- 
gether. Two little graves had for them a common interest. In 
prosperity and in adversity they had stood together, participating 
equally in the joys and sharing equally in the sorrows of life. 
The wife had shared in the great honors that had come to her 
husband, and now, when the very summit of political ambition 
had been reached and political honors had become so common that 
the conveniences of a quiet, domestic life were longed for by the 
woman, in order, as she often expressed it, that she might have 
her husband to herself, the bullet of an assassin had done the work 
that threatened to blast the highest ambition of this woman's life.' 

"We must bear up," said the President; "it will be better for 
us both." It matters not to what extent other men and women 
may have grieved; it matters not how many tears other men and 
women may have shed and how much other hearts may have ached. 
All of this grief and woe could not have been so acute as was the 
grief and woe which this man and woman suppressed in com- 
pliance with the suggestion, "it will be better for us both." 

There is nothing in all this world more beautiful than a happy 
marriage. There is in all this world nothing more inspiring, 
nothing more encouraging than the devotion and love that abounds 
between thousands of men and women; devotion and love which 
were exemplified in the relations that existed between the late 
President and his wife. 



THE CUEE FOR ANARCHY. 

It is natural that the wanton and brutal assassination of the 
President at Buffalo should lead to a discussion of ways and means 
for driving anarchy out of the United States, and it is important 
that the subject should be dealt with in a broad and comprehensive 
way. Czolgosz had no personal animosity; he was not seeking re- 
venge for any wrong that the administration had done him; he 
was aiming a blow at the government of which Mr. McKinley was 



252 The Commoner Condensed. 

the official head. No considerable number of the American people 
can have any sympathy with the murderer or with those who 
entertain his views in regard to government. That there should 
be laws giving all possible protection to our officials every one 
will concede; the only question open for discussion is how to apply 
an effective remedy. The suppression of anarchy is only a tempo- 
rary relief; we should seek not merely the suppression, but the 
permanent eradication of anarchy. Stealing can and should be 
suppressed by law; but stealing cannot be eradicated until people 
are convinced that it is wrong to steal. So, anarchy can and 
should be suppressed by law, but it cannot be entirely eradicated 
until all are convinced that anarchy is wrong. Free government, 
springing as directly as possible from the people and made as re- 
sponsive as possible to their will, is the only permanent and com- 
plete cure for anarchy. The arbitrary governments of the old 
world have tried suppression, but have not succeeded. They have 
lessened anarchy just in proportion as they have extended civil 
liberty and participation in the government. 

Stern measure must be invoked for the suppression and pun- 
ishment of every manifestation of the anarchistic spirit, but beyond 
this remedy there must be education. All must be taught that 
government is an absolute necessity and that our form of govern- 
ment is the best ever devised. Then our government must be made 
as good as intelligence and patriotism can make it. 

There is in every human heart the love of justice and to this 
love of justice every government should appeal. Victor Hugo 
described the mob as the human race in misery. No government 
can afford to make its people miserable — not even a small part 
of its people. Let a man believe that he is being justly treated 
by his government and he will endure almost anything, but let 
him feel that he is being unjustly dealt with and even a slight 
wrong will rankle in his bosom. 

In a government deriving its powers from the consent of the 
governed men will endure much because they hope for a remedy 
at the next election. Jefferson understood this and among the 
things urged in his first inaugural address was "a jealous care 
of the right of election by the people — a mild and safe corrective 
of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where 
peaceable remedies are unprovided." 

A man is never dangerous so long as he has hope of relief from 



The Commoner Condensed. 253 

an evil, whether fancied or real, but when despair takes the place 
of hope he becomes a menace to society because he feels he has noth- 
ing to lose. 

While we are legislating to prevent any manifestation of the 
anarchistic spirit on American soil, we should avoid those things 
which breed anarchy. Partiality in government kindles discontent ; 
the exaltation of money above human rights, the fattening of a few 
at the expense of the irslHj, the making of artificial distinctions be- 
tween citizens and the lessening of the sacredness of human life — 
all these in their full development encourage the anarchistic spirit. 
We cannot give full protection to our officials merely by passing 
laws for the punishment of those who assault them ; neither can we 
give them adequate protection by closing our gates to those known 
to advocate anarchy. These remedies, good as far as they go, are 
incomplete. We can only bring absolute security to our public 
servants by making the government so just and so beneficent that 
every citizen will be willing to give his life if need be to preserve 
it to posterity. When Pericles sought to explain the patriotism of 
his countrymen who fell in battle, he described Greece and then 
added: "It was for such a country then that these men, nobly re- 
solving not to have it taken from them, fell fighting, and we their 
survivors may be well willing to suffer in its behalf." 

We shall fail to do our full duty as citizens unless we bend every 
energy toward the reform of every governmental abuse and the 
enactment of such laws as are necessary to protect each citizen in 
the enjoyment of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness and to 
restrain every arm uplifted for a neighbors injury. 



CONTEMPTIBLE POLITICS. 

Chairman Dougherty of the Ohio Democratic State Committee, 
with commendable courtesy, sent a communication to Chairman 
Dick of the Republican State Committee proposing that, in view of 
the president's assassination and as a mark of personal respect for 
him, political speaking in Ohio be suspended during the present 
campaign. Mr. Dick promptly refused, and if he had stopped there 
no serious criticism could have been made against his action, but 
in the course of his reply he resorted to as contemptible a piece of 
politics as has been practiced for a long time. He said: 



254 The Commoner Condensed. 

If it seems best to your committee to withdraw from antagoniz- 
ing those principles, and to cease from further advocacy of political 
doctrines which the President has always believed to be perilous 
to the prosperity of the entire country, we shall be very glad indeed 
to be advised to that effect, and to have your co-operation hereafter 
in the maintenance of more wholesome public politics. 

It is a small man who would attempt to turn a great national 
sorrow into a little partisian advantage. The assault upon the presi- 
dent, dastardly as it was, does not change the character of public 
questions. Imperialism is just as un-American as it was before and 
the trusts just as menacing to every legitimate industry. The vol- 
ume of money has not been increased by the calamity which has 
befallen the country, nor has the production of gold or the balance 
of trade been augmented by it. State issues have been as little 
affected as national ones. The necessity for reform in taxation and 
for the better control of corporations is just as imperative as it 
would have been had no anarchist attacked the president. The peo- 
ple must vote on these questions. 

The republican party must be in a desperate condition in Ohio 
if it is compelled to shield itself behind the universal sympathy 
felt for the late president and his widow. Mr. Dougherty acted 
wisely in making the offer which he did, but Mr. Dick has not 
raised himself in public esteem by his reply. 



DOOLEY DISCUSSES CANDIDATES. 

Mr. Dunn, the humorist, has fairly outdone himself in his dis- 
cussion of the men who have been suggested for the democratic 
presidential nomination. His business is to find the weak points 
in the armor of each, and every public man has some weak points. 
He condenses the whole question into a sentence when he says that 
the difficulty is that every candidate mentioned is "either a traitor 
or a man whom the traitors won't vote for." He intimates that 
the party might advertise for a candidate, and outlines an adver- 
tisement which ought to be satisfactory to those democrats who 
want a candidate who will believe in enough things to please 
everybody and yet not believe in anything earnestly enough to 
offend anybody. The proposed advertisement reads : 



The Commoner Condensed. 255 

Wanted — A good, active, inergetic diramycrat, sthrong iv lung 
an' limb; must be in favor iv sound money, but not too sound, 
an' anti-impeeryalist, but f r holdin' onto what we've got, an' 
inimy iv thrusts, but a frind iv organized capital, a sympathizer 
with th' crushed an' downthrodden people, but not be anny means 
hostile to vested inth'rests; must advocate sthrikes, gover'mint be 
injunction, free silver, sound money, greenbacks, a single tax, a 
tariff f'r rivinoo, th' constitootion to follow th' flag as far as it 
can go, an' no farther, civil service rayform iv th' la'ads in office 
an' all th' gr-eat an' gloryous principles iv our gr-eat an' gloryous 
party or anny gr-reat an' gloryous parts thereof. 

One beauty about Dooley's writings is that he appears to have 
no malice. His wit is so clean and innocent that even his victims 
enjoy his thrusts. 



PRESIDENT EOOSEVELT. 

Theodore Roosevelt assumes the duties of the presidency under 
conditions calculated to call out the best that is in him ; conditions 
which will make more ardent his natural desire to fulfill the ex- 
pectations of his countrymen. While he was in perfect accord 
with Mr. McKinley in regard to public questions, his strong in- 
dividuality will doubtless cause some uncertainty until his ad- 
ministrative policies are developed. He enters office more free 
from political obligations than he could have done had he re- 
ceived a party nomination after a long contest. Mr. Roosevelt 
has a high conception of civic virtue and his opponents will prob- 
ably find more to criticise in his doctrine than in his methods. 
There will be do disposition to prejudice him, but an earnest wish 
that the governmental policies for which he and his party stand 
may be tested upon their merits. 



HIGH TARIFF DOOMED. 

In his speech at Buffalo, the last speech that he made, Presi- 
dent McKinley sounded the death-knell of a high tariff. He said : 

We have a vast and intricate business, built up through years 
of toil and struggle, in which every part of the country has its stake, 
which will not permit of either neglect or of undue selfishness. No 
narrow, sordid policy will subseTve it. The greatest skill and 



256 The Commoner Condensed. 

wisdom on the part of the manufacturers and producers will be 
required to hold and increase it. Our industrial enterprises, which 
have grown to such great proportions, affect the homes and occu- 
pations of the people and the welfare of the country. Our capacity 
to produce has developed so enormously and our products have so 
multiplied that the problem of more markets requires our urgent 
and immediate attention. Only a broad and enlightened policy 
will keep what we have. No other policy will get more. In these 
times of marvelous business energy and gain we ought to be looking 
to the future, strengthening the weak places in our industrial and 
commercial systems, that we may be ready for any storm or strain. 

By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our 
home production we shall extend our outlets for our increasing 
surplus. A system which provides a mutual exchange of com- 
modities is manifestly essential to the continued, healthful growth 
of our export trade. We must not repose in fancied security 
that we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If 
such a thing were possible it would not be best for us or for those 
with whom we deal. We should take from our customers such of 
their products as we can use without harm to our industries and 
labor. Eeciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful 
industrial development undeT the domestic policy now firmly estab- 
lished. What we produce beyond our domestic consumption must 
have a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign 
outlet, and we should sell everywhere we can and buy wherever the 
buying will enlarge our sales and productions, and thereby make 
a greater demand for home labor. 

The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our 
trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars 
are unprofitable. A policy of good will and friendly trade relations 
will prevent reprisals. Eeciprocity treaties are in harmony with 
the spirit of the times ; measures of retaliation are not. 

"The period of exclusiveness is past." That means that our 
country must enter the markets of the world, and when it does so 
it will be absurd to talk about needing protection from foreigners. 
When we sell abroad, the freight must be added to the price — we 
must sell at the foreign price, less the freight. In other words, 
we have the advantage of double freight when we sell at home. 
When it is admitted that we can pay the freight and compete 
with foreigners, no one will have the audacity to ask for a high 
tariff to protect domestic manufacturers against foreign competi- 
tion. 

Mr. McKinley's statement that we cannot sell everything and 
buy nothing is an axiom, but it will shock the high tariff advocates 
who have gone on the theory that we ought to sell to everybody and 



The Commoner Condensed. 257 

buy of nobody. But the President's speech suggests one melancholy 
thought. Tariff reform is about the only thing the re-organizers 
favor that is democratic and it would be really cruel if the republi- 
cans should abandon protection and leave the re-organizers no 
issue at all. 



FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 

Some of the republican papers are suggesting limitations upon 
the freedom of speech as a cure for anarchy. The editor of The 
Co^imoxer has as much reason as any living man to know of 
the abuse sometimes heaped upon candidates for office. He has 
been the victim of as much malice and vituperation as have ever 
been employed against an American, and yet he is opposed to 
placing any additional restriction upon the freedom of speech or 
the freedom of the press. 

First, because the evils of restriction are greater than the evils 
of freedom, and, second, because abuse does not hurt the man or 
the party made the subject of attack. The death of President Mc- 
Kinley cannot be traced to anything ever spoken or written against 
him. The assassin spoke affectionately of his victim and said 
that he killed him not because of his dislike for the man, but 
because of his opposition to government of any kind. Some who 
are engaged in schemes which will not bear the light will shield 
themselves behind the murderous deed of the assassin and denounce 
freedom of speech because they do not want the public to be in- 
formed of their doings. Others, stirred by a righteous indigna- 
tion, strike at free speech because some have abused the latitude 
allowed. It is time for liberty-loving citizens to protest against 
the attempt to suppress free speech. The warfare must be against 
anarchy, not against freedom of speech. Anarchy is an European 
product and thrives most where there is least freedom of speech 
and least freedom of the press. Let us not make the mistake of 
undermining our institutions under the delusion that we are thus 
protecting those institutions. 

Free speech and free press are essential to free government. 
No man in public life can object to the publication of the truth 
and no man in public life is permanently injured by the publica- 
tion of a lie. That much is published that should not be is only 
too evident, but let public opinion correct the evil; that will be 



258 The Commoner Condensed. 

more effective than law and will bring no danger with it. If a 
paper abuses a political opponent stop your subscription and teach 
the editor to conduct his paper on respectable lines. There is a 
sense of justice in the human heart and he who violates it violates 
it at his own peril. This sense of justice ultimately turns abuse 
to the benefit of the man abused. The present laws against slan- 
der and libel are sufficient; leave the rest to a healthy public 
sentiment — and then help to create the sentiment. 



THE TURNING POINT. 

Theodore Roosevelt has reached the turning point in his 
political career. For several years he has cherished the ambition 
to be President ; when he was offered the nomination for Vice- 
President last year he hesitated to accept it for fear that it might 
interfere with his desire to reach the first place. Ever since his 
inauguration he has looked forward to 19'04 as the time for the 
realization of his hopes. He expected to secure the nomination 
of his party, but he knew that it would be secured, if secured at 
all, at the end of a spirited contest. All at once, as the result 
of an assassin's shot, he was ushered into the Presidency. His 
fondest aspirations have been realized ; the highest honor within the 
gift of the people in any land is now his. With what spirit will 
he enter upon the discharge of his duties? The answer to this 
question is of tremendous importance to him and to his country. 
He has three years and one-half in which to show the American 
people his conception of official duty. Will he be content to devote 
himself unselfishly to the public good as he sees it, or will he begin 
to plan for the capture of the next republican convention? Will 
he decide all controversies with an eye single to the nation's welfare, 
or will the advancement of his own political fortune be uppermost 
in his mind? When Mr. Cleveland accepted the democratic 
nomination in 1884, he said : 

When an election to office shall be the selection by the voters 
of one of their number to assume for a time a public trust instead 
of his dedication to the profession of politics; when the holders 
of the ballot, quickened by a sense of duty, shall avenge truth 
betrayed and pledges broken, and when the suffrage shall be 
altogether free and uncorrupted, the full realization of a govern- 



The Commoner Condensed. 259 

ment by the people will be at hand. And of the means to this end, 
not one would, in my judgment, be more effective than an amend- 
ment to the Constitution disqualifying the president from re- 
election. 

When we consider the patronage of this great office, the 
allurements of power, the temptation to retain public office once 
gained, and, more than all, the availability a party finds in an 
incumbent whom a horde of office-holders, with zeal born of benefits 
received and fostered by the hope of favors yet to come, stand ready 
to aid' with money and trained political service, we recognize in 
the eligibility of a president for re-election a most serious danger to 
that calm, deliberate and intelligent political action which must 
characterize a government by the people. 

Mr. Cleveland would have stood better in history and his 
party would have been benefitted if he had followed his own advice 
and declined a second term, but his acceptance of a renomination 
only proved the strength of the influences against which he warned 
his countrymen. 

If Mr. Eoosevelt desires republican authority on this subject, 
he can find it in the letter of acceptance of Mr. Hayes in 1876. 
He said: 

The declaration of principles by the Cincinnati convention 
makes no announcement in favor of a single presidential term. 
I do not assume to add to that declaration, but believing that the 
restoration of the civil service to the system established by Wash- 
ington and followed by the early presidents can be best accomplished 
by an executive officer who is under no temptation to use the 
patronage of his office to promote his own re-election, I desire to 
perform what I regard as a duty in stating now my inflexible 
purpose, if elected, not to be a candidate for election to a second 
term. 

President Hayes adhered to his determination and his party 
was •stronger in 1880 than it was in 1876. 

Mr. Eoosevelt will find that there are many things that "can 
be best accomplished by an executive officer who is under no tempta- 
tion to use the patronage of his office to promote his own re- 
election." If he will announce his determination not to be a 
candidate for renomination, he will be relieved of a great deal of 
embarrassment and anxiety, and he will find sufficient "strenuous 
life" in an effort to make his administration conspicuous for its 
honesty and efficiency. If he intends to appear before the next 
republican convention as a candidate he must prepare to fight the 



260 The Commoner Condensed. 

bosses of his party or to surrender to them. He is aware of the 
fact that the republican organization did not look with favor 
upon his candidacy; he was thought too independent. If he is 
independent and does his own thinking he will alienate those 
gentlemen (it is not necessary to name them) who insist upon 
controlling political affairs in their various sections. There is 
one question which President Eoosevelt will have to meet upon 
which his course is likely to be determined by his ambition. If he 
is going to seek another term, he will find it difficult to antagonize 
the great corporations which are rapidly securing a monopoly of 
the nation's industries, for the trust magnates are influential 
in republican conventions and their contributions are helpful during 
campaigns. The financiers will insist upon controlling the finan- 
cial policy of his administration and their threats will be potent 
if he must pass through a republican convention before he can 
get to the people for an endorsement, but their fury will be of 
no avail if he is content with the record made during the present 
term. 

Scarcely a day will pass but that he will have to decide between 
himself and the people. What will his decision be? Three years 
and a half of work as a conscientious, earnest and brave defender 
of the interests of the people would win for him more real glory 
than seven years and a half devoted to the advancement of his own 
interests — the first half spent in contracting obligation with in- 
fluential men and corporations and the second half spent in dis- 
charging the obligations at the expense of the people. 

President Roosevelt has reached the parting of the ways; which 
road will he take ? 



ANOTHER PROBLEM. 

By way of London, the information comes to the United 
States that the Danish Ministry "has decided to accept the United 
States' offer of 16,000,000 kroner for the Danish West Indies." 
This sum represents, in our money, about $3,500,000. If this offer 
has been made, it has been made by the executive, because it is 
not recalled that congress has given authority for any such propo- 
sition to be made. Is this another case where Providence will 
have dropped the Danish West Indies into our possession? It 
will be interesting to observe the position to which the adminis- 



The Commoner Condensed. 261 

tration politicians will relegate these new possessions after we have 
paid our $3,500,000 and have obtained the transfer of the title. 
Will they become by a mere purchase a part of the great American 
Empire ? Will they be domestic or foreign territory ? Will they 
become an integral part of the Union with their inhabitants 
entitled to all the rights, privileges and immunities that old- 
fashioned people thought our Constitution guaranteed to all men 
under our flag, or will they be mere colonists, subject to the whims 
and caprices of American politicians ? It is presumed that if the 
President concludes to make this purchase, he assumes to act under 
the clause providing that the President by and with the consent of 
the senate may make treaties. We may soon be confronted with 
the problem as to what position the Danish West Indies will occupy 
with relation to the United States. 



DOLLIVER OF ANARCHY. 

Senator Dolliver, of Iowa, made a speech at the Memorial 
Services, held in Chicago, on Sunday, September 22. In the 
course of his remarks he took occasion to discuss two phases of 
the question of anarchy, or rather, two remedies. Some seem to 
think that anarchy cannot be suppressed without limiting the 
freedom of speech and the freedom of the press. It is refresh- 
ing to find one so eminent in the republican party as Mr. Dolliver 
challenging this dangerous doctrine. He says: 

A government like ours is always slow to move, and often 
awkward in its motions, but it can be trusted to find effective 
remedies for conditions like these, at least after they become in- 
tolerable. But these remedies, in order to become effective, must 
not evade the sense of justice which is universal, nor the traditions 
of civil liberty, which we have inherited from our fathers. The 
bill of rights written in the English language, stands for too 
many centuries of sacrifice, too many battlefields sanctified by 
blood, too many hopes of mankind reaching toward the ages to 
come, to be mutilated in the least in order to meet the case of a 
handful of miscreants whose names nobody can pronounce. 

Anarchy can be overcome without impairing the liberties of 
the people or trenching upon those rights which are essential to 
the republic. His suggestions go further than temporary suppres- 



262 The Commoner Condensed. 

sion of anarchy. He deals with some of the causes which lead 
up to and develop the spirit of anarchy. He says : 

It ought not to be forgotten that conspirators, working out 
their nefarious plans in secret in the dens and caves of the earth, 
enjoy an unconscious co-operation and side partnership with every 
lawless influence abroad in the world. Legislatures who betray 
the commonwealth, judges who poison the fountains of justice, 
city governments which come to terms with crime — all these are 
regular contributors to the campaign fund of anarchy. 

There is food for thought in what Senator Dolliver says. Law- 
lessness in high places breeds lawlessness among less conspicuous 
individuals, and it will be difficult to teach the humbler mem- 
bers of society respect for law and government if there are men 
or corporations so great that they can with impunity defy the 
law and the authority of the government. 

The senator also refers to the burnings which have taken place 
in several sections of the union, and declares that they do not 
contribute to the safety of society. Lynch law is either a reflec- 
tion upon, the government or it is an indication of unrestrained 
passion upon the part of the mob. If the government is efficiently 
administered, there is no occasion to resort to lynch law, and if 
it is not efficiently administered, it is better to reform the govern- 
ment than to set aside its authority. 

But when the mob, not satisfied with taking the life of the vic- 
tim, adds torture, it betrays a brutality that shames our civiliza- 
tion. The assaults upon women which have been the cause of 
most of the burnings, are indescribably wicked, but it is enough 
that the guilty party should atone for the deed with his life. The 
taking of a human life, even in the enforcement of laws of society, 
is a grave and serious thing. To torture a human being to death 
amid shouts of revenge is debasing and cannot but result in- 
juriously to society. 

The assassination of the President will bring about a discussion 
of lawlessness and lead to an investigation of the influences which 
lead to lawlessness. 

Senator Dolliver has gone deeper into the subject than many 
of the republican editors who have sought to hide their own re- 
sponsibility behind columns of partisan abuse. He is to be con- 
gratulated upon the courage which he has manifested and the 
breadth of view he has shown. 



The Commoner Condensed. 263 



XIII. 
NEBRASKA DEMOCRATS FIRM. 

The Democratic State Convention, held at Lincoln, September 
17, adopted a strong platform endorsing the principles of the 
Kansas City platform, and nominated one candidate for Supreme 
Judge and two candidates for regents of State University. The 
convention was one of the largest ever held in the state. The 
populists met at the same time and the ticket named was agreed 
upon by both conventions. The candidate for the bench, Judge 
Conrad Hollenbeck, is a Democrat and J. H. Bayston and L. G-. 
Hawksby, candidates for regents, are Populists. The fusion com- 
mittees expect to get out a full vote and elect the entire ticket. 
Mr. Bryan had not met the representatives of the two parties 
since the last presidential election. In addressing the conven- 
tions he avoided partisan politics owing to the death of the Presi- 
dent. In the course of his remarks he said that the loss of the 
state brought more humiliation to him than the national defeat 
(not that he regretted it more, as some papers reported). He 
said that he would remain a citizen of Nebraska and help win 
back the state. 



ROOSEVELT ON TRUSTS. 

In his speech at Minneapolis on Labor Day, President Roose- 
velt said: 

More and more it is evident that the state, and if necessary 
the nation, has got to possess the right of supervision and control 
as regards the great corporations which are its creatures, particu- 
larly as regards the great business combinations which derive a 
portion of their importance from the existence of some monopo- 
listic tendency. 

Mr. Roosevelt was then Vice-President and as such had little 
influence in shaping the policy of his party. He is now President 
and in a position to give force and effect to his views on the trust 



264 The Commoner Condensed. 

question. As the Chief Executive it is his duty to enforce the 
law as he finds it. If the present Attorney-General is not willing 
to carry out his instructions he can demand his resignation and 
appoint a new Attorney-General. He can give no excuse for a 
failure to enforce the law. When he was exercising authority in 
New York City he took the position that a law ought either to 
he enforced or repealed. It is to be hoped that he will take the 
same position now. 

Not only is he in control of the Executive Branch of the gov- 
ernment, but he has a Senate, House and Supreme Court in 
political harmony with him. If existing laws are not sufficient, 
he has the power of recommendation and can propose measures 
sufficiently severe to give to the people the protection which he 
admits to be needed. It will be interesting to watch the new 
President and see whether the hostility to trusts manifested by him 
when he was laying his plans to capture the next republican con- 
vention is increased or lessened by the responsibilities of the office 
to which he aspired. 



AN EXAMPLE OF PAKTISANSHIP. 

Many of the republican papers have been denouncing those 
who criticised the administration, and some have gone so far as 
to charge that the murder was inspired by the abuse directed 
against the President. As a matter of fact, very little has been 
said against the personal character of Mr. McKinley, and it is 
evident from the statement made by the assassin that he was not 
actuated by any hatred of the man or even by lack of respect for 
him. The blow was aimed at the government and could not have 
resulted from anything that was ever said or written about the 
President. However, while the republicans are finding fault with 
the language employed by democrats or populists who have criti- 
cised officials and candidates, it may be worth while to recall the 
fact that the republicans have gone far beyond the democrats in 
personal abuse. For the present, one illustration will suffice. 
The New York Tribune, once edited by Horace Greeley and now 
owned by a man who came near being Vice-President of the United 
States, contained the following critical editorial just after the 
election of 1896 : 



The Commoner Condensed. 265 

The thing was conceived in iniquity and was brought forth 
in sin. It had its origin in a malicious conspiracy against the 
honor and integrity of the nation. It gained such monstrous 
growth as it enjoyed from an assiduous culture of the basest 
passions of the least worthy members of the community. It has 
been defeated and destroyed because right is right and God is 
God. Its nominal head was worthy of the cause. Nominal, 
because the wretched, rattle-pated boy, posing in vapid vanity and 
mouthing resounding rottenness, was not the real leader of the 
league of hell. He was only a puppet in the blood-imbued hands 
of — the anarchist and — the revolutionist and other desperadoes 
of that stripe. But he was a willing puppet, Bryan was, willing 
and eager. Not one of his masters was more apt than he at lies, 
forgeries and blasphemies and all the nameless iniquities of that 
campaign against the Ten Commandments. He goes down with 
the cause, and must abide with it in the history of infamy. 

This is one of the utterances of the republican press that 
objects to the criticism of republican officials or republican can- 
didates. 



NO TIME FOR DESPAIR. 

The editor of The Commoner has recently received a letter 
from a democrat who, feeling that his efforts have been fruitless, 
is inclined to hibernate for a while and take no interest in public 
affairs. 

While this is the only letter of the kind received, it probably 
reflects the feelings of a considerable number of persons who have 
labored long and earnestly in behalf of reforms without being able 
to note the progress which they hoped for and had reason to ex- 
pect. It is not unnatural that a period of enthusiasm and earnest- 
ness should be followed by a period of depression and despondency. 
Even the best of men have sometimes halted and hesitated in 
the prosecution of a noble cause. Elijah, one of the most coura- 
geous of the prophets of the olden time, once became discouraged, 
but the Lord revived his drooping spirits by showing him that there 
were thousands who had not "bowed the knee to Baal." 

So reformers can take courage to-day, for although the enemy 
is even more strongly entrenched than we thought, there are mil- 
lions who are still loyal to Jeffersonian principles, and still in- 
terested in reforming the abuses which have grown up under re- 
publican rule. 



266 The Commoner Condensed. 

The fight must be continued. Whether the battle be long or 
short, it is the duty of every citizen to think for himself, form 
his own convictions, and then stand by his opinion,, confident 
that the right will finally triumph and that truth will ultimately 
prevail. There is comfort and inspiration in Bryant's "Battle 
Held." 



FACTS AEE STUBBOKN THINGS. 

Under the above caption the New York World attempts to 
disprove a statement made in a recent issue of The Commoner. 
It says: 

Mr. Bryan would be a greater success as a controversial writer 
if he were to cultivate a larger respect for facts — especially facts 
of record. In his Commoner he says that "Mr. Cleveland used 
the patronage of his high office to force through a republican 
measure — the unconditional repeal bill." 

It was the Sherman silver purchase law which was a "repub- 
lican measure/' It was passed exclusively by republican votes, 
not a single democrat voting for it. The repeal act was a demo- 
cratic measure though passed by the help of republican votes. 
The national democratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1892 thus 
characterized it : 

"We denounce the republican legislation known as the Sherman 
act of 1890 as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities 
of danger in the future, which should make all its supporters, as 
well as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal." . 

The "possibilities of danger" were realized in the summer of 
1893, when the enforced inflation of the currency with steadily 
depreciating dollars contributed to, if it did not wholly cause, the 
disastrous panic of that year. President Cleveland simply fulfilled 
the promise of the national platform in calling congress together 
to repeal this disaster-breeding law, and its unconditional repeal 
was largely due to the inflexible determination and the parlia- 
mentary skill of the senior democratic senator from this state — 
David B. Hill. Mr. Cleveland's only mistake was in not calling 
congress together at once — in March — to secure the "speedy repeal" 
as promised, instead of waiting until August, when the panic was 
beyond control. 

Even Mr. Bryan's fountain pen cannot rewrite history. 

The Commoner reiterates its statement that the Uncondi- 
tional Bepeal Bill which Mr. Cleveland forced through by the 
use of patronage was a republican measure, and for proof it points 



The Commoner Condensed. 



267 



to the bill itself. Below will be found in parallel columns a bill 
introduced by Senator Sherman and the bill introduced by Mr. 
Wilson at the request of Mr. Cleveland: 



Fifty-second Congress, first ses- 
sion. S. 3423, introduced in 
the senate July 14, 1892, by 
Mr. Sherman. 
A bill for the repeal of certain 
parts of the act directing the 
purchase of silver bullion and 
the issue of treasury notes 
thereon, and for other pur- 
poses, approved July 14, 
1890. 

Be it enacted by the senate 
and house of representatives of 
trie United States of America 
in congress assembled, That so 
much of the act entitled "An 
■act directing the purchase of 
silver bullion and the issue of 
treasury notes thereon, and for 
other purposes/- approved July 
14, 1890, as directs the secre- 
tary of the treasury to purchase, 
from time to time, silver bullion 
to the aggregate amount of 
4,500,000 ounces, or so much 
thereof as may be offered in 
each month, at the market price 
thereof, and to issue in payment 
for such purchases of silver 
bullion treasury notes of the 
United States; is hereby re- 
pealed, to take effect on the 1st 
day of January, 1893 ; Provided, 
That this act shall not in any 
way affect or impair or change 
the legal qualities, redemption 
or use of the treasury notes 
issued under said act. 



Fifty-third Congress, first ses- 
sion. JET. R. 1, introduced in 
the. house August 11, 1893, 
by Mr. Wilson. 
A bill to repeal a part of an 
act, approved July 14, 1890, 
entitled "An act directing the 
purchase of silver bullion and 
the issue of treasury notes 
thereon, and for other pur- 
poses/' 

Be it enacted by the senate 
and house of representatives of 
the United States of America in 
congress assembled, That so 
much of the act approved July 
14, 1890, entitled "An act di- 
recting the purchase of silver 
bullion and issue of treasury 
notes thereon, and for other pur- 
poses,^ as directs the secretary 
of the treasury to purchase, 
from time to time, silver bullion 
to the aggregate amount of 
4,500,000 ounces or so much 
thereof as may be offered in 
each month, at the market price 
thereof, not exceeding $1 for 
371.25 grains of pure silver, and 
to issue in payment for such 
purchases treasury notes of the 
United States, be, and the same 
is hereby repealed; but this re- 
peal shall not impair or in any 
manner affect the legal tender 
quality of the standard silver 
dollars heretofore coined; and 
the faith and credit of the 
United States are hereby 
pledged to maintain the parity 
of the standard gold and silver 
coins of the United States at 
the present legal ratio, or such 
other ratio as may be established 
by law. 



268 The Commoner Condensed. 

A comparison of these bills will convince any one that Mr. 
Cleveland adopted Mr. Sherman's bill, and Mr. Sherman was not 
in the habit of introducing democratic measures. 

The case might be submitted upon this evidence, but ad- 
ditional evidence is furnished by the vote in the House and Senate. 

A larger percentage of the republicans than of the democrats 
voted for the measure urged by Mr. Cleveland. The republicans 
are not in the habit of supporting democratic measures, and yet 
in spite of the natural disposition of the republicans to antagonize 
a democratic administration, and in spite of the natural disposition 
of democrats to support a democratic administration, Mr. Cleve- 
land in his fight for unconditional repeal received more support 
from the republicans than from his own party. This fact alone 
would be sufficient to support The Commoner's charge ; certainly, 
the proof brought from the two sources above mentioned establishes 
the proposition. 

But this is not all. When the next democratic national 
convention met the democrats repudiated the position taken by 
Mr. Cleveland because it was a republican position and incon- 
sistent with democratic principles and democratic record, and the 
convention did this in spite of all the great corporations and in 
spite of nearly all the great daily papers. 

In making its denial the World relies upon a garbled extract 
from the democratic platform of 1892. That platform denounced 
the Sherman law as a cowardly makeshift and declared that the 
democrats "hold to the use of both gold and silver as the standard 
money of the country and to the coinage of both gold and silver 
without discrimination against either metal or charge for mintage." 
A makeshift is an inferior thing that Is used until something better 
can be secured. To denounce the Sherman law as a cowardly 
makeshift would have been absurd if the convention had not 
pointed out the better thing, namely, bimetallism. The demo- 
cratic party never demanded unconditional repeal; it never ap- 
proved of the President's plan of putting the country on a gold 
basis. No sensible or sane man could have construed the platform 
of 1892 so as to support Mr. Cleveland's course. Mr. Cleveland 
made no attempt to carry out the platform; he made no effort 
to conform to the wishes of the men who voted for him. He 
was apparently under some secret obligation to the financiers and 
proceeded to carry out their plans in utter disregard of the pledges 



The Commoner Condensed. 269 

made by his platform. While a majority of the men who voted 
for him believed in "the coinage of both golTd and silver without 
discrimination against either metal or charge for mintage," he 
selected a cabinet, every member of which was opposed to that 
doctrine. He consulted with the republican financiers more than 
he did with democratic representatives, and he rewarded with 
lucrative positions several congressmen and senators who were 
persuaded by him to betray their constituents. He even promised 
some that he would favor silver legislation as soon as he could get 
the Sherman law repealed, and yet, at the request of New York 
bankers, he vetoed the Seigniorage Bill, which was supported by 
a majority of the democrats in both the House and Senate 
Many of the democrats who had been persuaded to vote for the 
repeal bill, learned to their surprise that Mr. Cleveland did not 
intend that anything should be done to rehabilitate silver. 

Facts are, indeed, stubborn things and the Woi*ld knows these 
facts because it was in the thick of the fight and was as active 
an organ as the money power had during that memorable contest. 

If the World desires to defend Mr. Cleveland it can do so, but 
it ought to do so on the ground that it thinks the republicans were 
right and the democrats wrong, not on the ground that Mr. Cleve- 
land supported a democratic measure. 

The World gives Mr. Hill credit for valiant service in aiding 
the passage of that republican measure. Yes, the country well 
remembers how the interests of Wall Street brought about a recon- 
ciliation between Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Hill, who was supposed 
to be Mr. Cleveland's most bitter political enemy. When the 
financiers said dance, the Senator from New York chose the Presi- 
dent for his partner and they waltzed together until the bill be- 
came a law. No contest through which this country has passed 
better illustrated the almost irresistible power of organized capi- 
tal. The banks coerced the borrowers and the desks of the mem- 
bers were yellow with telegrams that poured in by concerted ac- 
tion from the money centers. The democratic party was first 
betrayed and then disrupted in order to carry out the financial 
plans of men who were ready to leave any party or to join any 
party according as their pecuniary interests would be advanced. 

Facts are stubborn things. 



270 The Commoner Condensed. 

THE ASSASSIN SENTENCED. 

Leon E. Czolgosz, the President's Assassin, has been sentenced 
to death and will be electrocuted at the Auburn State Prison during 
the week beginning October 28, 1901. 

The only statement he made at the trial was made just before 
his sentence and was : 'There was no one else but me, no one else 
told me to do it. I was not told anything about the crime and 1 
never thought anything about that until a couple of days before I 
committed the crime." 

He had excellent counsel but as there was no defense to be 
offered and nothing that could be said in palliation of his act the 
trial was brief. He will now have a month's time to reflect 
upon the terrible deed, which even he now describes as a crime, and 
it will be strange, indeed, if meditation does not awaken his dor- 
mant conscience. 



KIND BUT SUKPRISINGL 

The Commoner does not, as a rule, publish the kind of things 
said about its editor for the reason that he does not desire the 
paper to appear to be a defender or eulogist of him. Occasion- 
ally, however, it becomes necessary to use the paper to defend 
him against unjust attack, and sometimes a word of commenda- 
tion is published for the purpose of commenting upon it. 

The Topeha Capital recently contained the following editorial: 

The Capital has never had any prepossessions favorable to W. 
J. Bryan. The issues he has stood for have been the contradiction 
of everything this paper believes in. His manner and method 
in campaigns have seemed to us better calculated to divide than 
unify the country and people, to set section against section, and 
destroy sympathy and sense of fellowship and of common interest 
between men in one condition of life and men in another condi- 
tion. We were just beginning as a partv in Kansas to see. the 
money question in its true light, when Bryan, by his eloquence 
'and the fiery inspiration of his personality plungpd us into a 
campaign for which as republicans we were unprepared. The more 
we saw of his kind of statesmanship the less we thought of it. 

Mr. Bryan's political opinions are no better to-day than five 
vears or one year ago ; but Mr. Bryan's personal character and 
his patriotism and manly nature as exhibited by his comments 



The Commoner Condensed. 271 

and conduct since the assassination of his successful rival have 
been such as to make every American heart warm to him. His 
tributes to the late president have been as sincere as they have 
been just. No man spoke more promptly or more feelingly when 
the news flashed across the country that the president had been 
struck down at Buffalo; and no man bowed his head in more 
honest sorrow when the tidings followed of his death. These 
manifestations of Mr. Bryan's goodness of heart and patriotism 
have won him a higher place in the respect of the nation as a 
man and a citizen than he has ever held in the past. 

The kindly spirit which pervades the above editorial is duly 
appreciated, but attention is called to it for the purpose of ask- 
ing why democrats are so misunderstood by their opponents. Cer- 
tainly republicans had a right to expect, not only from Mr. Bryan 
but from all democrats, sincere sorrow at the President's death 
and indignation at the fact that it came through the act of an 
assassin. It was to be expected that every patriotic citizen would 
condemn the deed and the doctrine which led to it, as well as 
sympathize with the members of the stricken family. Neither 
should it be a matter of surprise that democrats entertained a 
respect for Mr. McKinley's many personal virtues, or were touched 
by the scenes which attended the closing moments of his life. 

Democrats and republicans differ upon public questions, and 
Mr. Bryan has always contended that this difference is, for the most 
part, an honest difference. No one makes a greater mistake than 
he who assumes that any considerable portion of any party is 
unpatriotic or bent upon mischief. The democrats have not at- 
tempted to array one class against another. It became neces- 
sary to point out the effect of republican policies, and, as is always 
the case, those policies helped some people and injured others. 
Mr. Bryan never said anything on the silver question more cal- 
culated to array class against class than Mr. McKinley, Mr. Blaine, 
Mr. Sherman and Mr. Carlisle had said before him. 

That a rising dollar is an advantage to the money owner is a 
self-evident truth, and that it is hurtful to the producers of wealth 
and to the debtor is equally plain. That a national bank cur- 
rency is a good thing for the national banker is apparent to any 
one, and that it is dangerous as well as expensive to other people 
ought to be easily understood. The democrats believe that trusts 
and imperialism are beneficial to a portion of the people and 
injurious to the masses. It is impossible to discuss public ques- 



272 The Commoner Condensed. 

tions without pointing out the effect of the policies upon the dif- 
ferent classes, and no party has ever employed this method of 
argument more persistently than the republican party. 

Have not the protectionists appealed to the sheep raisers, as a 
class, and warned them against free wool? Have not the re- 
publicans posed as the special guardians of the wage-earners, and 
have they not declaimed about the home market? Have they 
not charged the democrats with favoring low tariff for the benefit 
of English manufacturers and against the welfare of American 
producers? Have not republican papers contended that demo- 
cratic policies would bring idleness to the wage-earners? Did not 
Mr. McKinley make capital out of a banquet given Mr. Wilson 
when he visited England? And did he not insist that his party 
would open the mills, charging inferentially that the democratic 
party had closed them? 

It is gratifying to know that many republican editors have 
recently begun to realize what they seem to have ignored, namely, 
that the Democrats, Populists and Silver Eepublicans are earnestly 
endeavoring to secure what they believe to be needed reform. The 
members of these three parties have co-operated on paramount 
issues while they differed about minor ones; they have defended 
their convictions and will continue to defend them, but none sur- 
pass them in devotion to their nation's interest or in their support 
of the constituted authorities. 

In view of all that has been said and done, is it not strange 
that any republican should be surprised at the words spoken by 
Mr. McKinley's opponents at the time of the assassination? 
The editor of The Commoner is greatly obliged to the TopeTca 
Capital for its compliment, but regrets that any doubt ever ex- 
isted as to the honesty and sincerity of himself and his supporters 
in recent campaigns. 



THE FAEM. 



As the daily papers have seen fit to make some comments 
upon the house which I am building, it may not be out of place 
to present the facts to the readers of The Commoner. In the 
spring of 1893 I purchased five acres of ground about three miles 
southeast of Lincoln. The land is situated on the top of a beauti- 
ful knoll overlooking the Antelope valley. The view from this 



The Commoner Condensed. 273 

spot is unsurpassed ; as far as the eye can reach the land is under 
cultivation and the colors change with the crops and the seasons. 

In 1897 twenty acres were purchased adjoining the original 
five, and in 1898 I began improving the place by setting out an 
orchard and shade trees. Since then, ten acres more have been 
added so that the farm now consists of thirty-five acres. Our 
only son is past twelve, and believing that life on a farm will 
be beneficial to him as well as pleasant to the rest of us, we are 
now about to realize the plans made years ago. 

The first day of October was the seventeenth anniversary of 
our marriage and the fourteenth anniversary of my removal from 
Illinois to Nebraska. To celebrate this double anniversary Mrs. 
Bryan and I went out to the farm on that day and helped to stake 
off the ground for the house and took out the first shovelful of dirt. 
The foundation will be put in this fall, so that the house can be 
completed early next spring. When it is ready for occupancy 
a picture of it will appear in The Commoner — until it is com- 
pleted the plans are subject to change. 



THE PAN-AMERICAN CONFERENCE. 

The Pan-American conference to be held in the City of Mexico 
the latter part of this month is of great importance to the countries 
participating. A number of subjects of general interest will be 
considered. Probably the most important question that will arise 
is arbitration, and it is to be hoped that the representatives of the 
United States will use their influence to secure the adoption of 
the resolutions brought before the last Pan-American conference 
by Secretary of State Blaine. 

They were as follows: 

First. That the principle of conquest shall not, during the 
continuance of the treaty of arbitration, be recognized as admissible 
under American public law. 

Second. That all cessions of territory made during the con- 
tinuance of the treaty of arbitration shall be void if made under 
threats of war or in the presence of an armed force. 

Third. Any nation from which such cessions shall be exacted 
may demand that the validity of the cessions so made shall be 
submitted to arbitration. 

Fourth. Any renunciation of the right to arbitration made 



274 The Commoner Condensed. 

tinder the conditions named in the secona" section shall be null 
and void. 

The fact that the Central and South American republics have 
been alarmed by the recent imperialistic tendencies of the admin- 
istration makes it especially opportune for this country to give 
the assurance which such resolutions would offer. 

It would also be worth while to consider the propriety of inviting 
the other American republics to adopt our ratio between gold and 
silver and provide for the issuance of coins of the same weight, 
fineness and denominations as ours. This would facilitate trade 
between the countries of the western hemisphere. The building 
and protection of the Nicaragua Canal by the United States is 
a matter of great importance to all Pan-American countries and 
the subject should of course be considered. 

The Monroe doctrine should be endorsed, for it is of vital 
concern to the republics of Central and South America, as well as 
to the United States. 

There are other questions looking to the establishment of better 
mail facilities and better trade regulation which deserve attention ; 
in fact, the scope of the meeting is so great that it would be 
difficult to limit the discussion to particular questions named in 
advance. The members of the conference ought to be free to con- 
sider all matters of interest to the republics represented. 



"UNCONSCIOUS ANARCHY." 

A recent issue of the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle (why 
the word "Democrat" should be a part of the paper's title is a 
mystery) contains a most interesting editorial under the caption 
"Unconscious Anarchy." It is devoted to the criticism of an 
editorial which appeared in The Commoner a short time ago. 
The Democrat and Chronicle says : 

As Mr. Bryan has said "our form of government is the best 
ever devised" — for a people capable of self-government. The 
reason that it is the best devised for such people (and the worst 
ever devised for people unfitted for self-government) is that it 
places the governing power unreservedly in the hands of the 
people. The people have full power, except as it is limited by 
the fundamental law, to govern or mis-govern themselves exactly 



The Commoner Condensed. 275 

as they please and they can alter a fundamental law whenever 
they choose. 

It will be noticed that the Democrat and Chronicle qualifies Mr. 
Bryan's statement by adding the words, "for a people capable of 
self-government." 

The above language shows the standpoint from which republi- 
cans are beginning to view the subject of government. Their 
attempt to misrepresent democratic doctrines is of little im- 
portance, and their conscious and constant twisting of democratic 
arguments does not deserve attention. But the increasing 
emphasis with which they denounce the principles of American 
government is worthy of serious consideration. This doctrine that 
some people are capable of self-government and that other people 
are incapable of it, has as a corollary the imperialistic doctrine 
that the "capable" people should assume, as matter of duty, 
the government of the incapable ones, and of course while the 
capable ones are governing the incapable ones, the incapable ones 
must pay the expenses and the capable ones must make as much 
profit as possible, nationally and individually, out of the self- 
imposed duty. Public attention should be called to the present 
attitude of the republican party, and its position should be com- 
pared with the position taken by those who have been regarded 
as authority. 

Jefferson in his first Inaugural Address said: "Sometimes it 
is said that man cannot be trusted with the governing of himself. 
Can he, then, be trusted with the governing of others? Or have 
we found angels in the form of kings to govern him ? Let history 
answer this question." 

If republicans are unwilling to accept the authority of Thomas 
Jefferson, they ought certainly to heed tEe words of Henry Clay. 
The whig party was the forerunner of the republican party, and 
Abraham Lincoln was one of Clay's warmest supporters. In 
1818 Clay made a speech in the House of Eepresentatives on the 
emancipation of South America (see the World's Best Orations). 
In the course of his argument he took occasion to condemn the 
very sentiment which now finds expression in the republican 
papers. Here are his words : 

It is the doctrine of thrones, that man is too ignorant to govern 
himself. Their partisans assert his incapacity, in reference to 



276 The Commoner Condensed. 

fall nations; if they cannot command universal assent to the 
proposition, it is then demanded to particular nations; and our 
pride and our presumption too often make converts of us. I 
contend, that it is to arraign the dispositions of Providence himself, 
to suppose that he has created beings incapable of governing them- 
selves, and to be trampled on by kings. Self-government is the 
natural government of man. 

If, however, the republicans want some more recent authority — 
authority more closely identified with the Eepublican party — let 
them turn to the speech made by Abraham Lincoln at Chicago 
in 1858 and they will find there a complete and conclusive answer 
to such a sentiment as that quoted from the Democrat and 
Chronicle. 

Lincoln said: 

Those arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to 
be treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying, 
that as much is to be done for them as their condition will allow — 
what are these arguments? They are the arguments that kings 
have made for enslaving the people in all ages of the world. You 
will find that all the arguments in favor of kingcraft were of this 
class; they always bestrode the necks of the people, not that they 
wanted to do it, but because the people were better off for being 
ridden. That is their argument. 

What a fall is this! The self-evident truths, proclaimed in 
the beginning of our nation's history and revered for a century 
and a quarter, have become "unconscious anarchy !" They must 
not be uttered aloud for fear they will stimulate anarchy. Was 
ever a party's transformation more complete? 

If one says, as the editor of The Commoner did, "partiality 
in government kindles discontent, the exaltation of money above 
human rights, the fattening of the few at the expense of the 
many, the making of artificial distinctions between citizens and 
the lessening of the sacredness of human life — all these in their 
full development encourage the anarchistic spirit — " is he guilty 
of "unconscious anarchy"? The Democrat and Chronicle even 
finds fault with the declaration that "our government must be made 
as good as intelligence and patriotism can make it." This, also, 
is "unconscious anarchy." 

Anarchy cannot be defended under any circumstances, and no 
democrat has any sympathy with it or toleration for it, for the 



The Commoner Condensed. 277 

word "democrat" means that the people rule; it is not chaos that ig 
desired, but "a government of the people, by the people and for 
the people." But a democrat not only believes in government, 
but in just government, and he will not be deterred from pointing 
out and correcting injustice by the fear that some one will carry 
his discontent to the point of despair. What is "the alternative? 
It is to praise evil or to be silent in its presence. It is to encourage 
misrule and corruption; it is to bring this government down to 
the condition of those governments in which oppression is so 
great and relief so remote that the people become desperate. To 
point out the governmental abuses which cause anarchy is not to 
justify or defend anarchy. K disease Gannot be treated until the 
cause is ascertained. To charge a democrat with being responsible 
for anarchy because he tries to apply a rational and permanent 
remedy is as unfair as to blame a physician for a disease which he 
points out and tries to cure. 

If those who believe in self-government and who want to make 
the government entirely beneficent are to be charged with "un- 
conscious anarchy," of what are they guilty who pervert govern- 
ment, profit by its perversion and then denounce criticism of their 
misdeeds ? 



CHRISTIAN ADVOCATE ON TRUSTS. 

It is a matter of regret that the Christian Advocate should ap- 
pear as a defender of the trusts. It does not say that they are 
good, but does say: "The simple facts are that there are no 
trusts in the country, and though some concerns or owners are 
united for the same purpose, they are not trusts, nor have they 
by any means all the legal powers that the trusts had." After 
declaring that there are no trusts it fails to condemn private 
monopolies in the form in which they now appear. It simply 
says: "Whether some way of regulating the size of such corpora- 
tions can be devised without violating essential rights, or whether, 
if possible, it should be done, are other questions." 

The readers of the Christian Advocate have reason to expect 
more frankness and candor than are shown in the editorial quoted. 
If the Advocate believes that the trusts are good, it ought to say 
so and attempt to defend them. If it believes them bad, it owes 
it to its readers to condemn them and point out a remedy. The 



278 The Commoner Condensed. 

Advocate will find it difficult to support the trusts system without 
so amending the commandment as to make it read "Thou shalt 
not steal — on a small scale." Trusts steal on a large scale, and 
cannot be justified on political or economic grounds, much less 
on religious grounds. 



MR. CUMMINS' ERROR. 

In a speech delivered at Centreville, Iowa, Mr. Cummins, the 
Republican nominee for Governor, said: "Five full years of ex- 
perience have approved every statement, verified every argument 
and vindicated every principle asserted by the Republicans." 

Let us take a glance at the statements, arguments and princi- 
ples asserted by the Republican party in 1896. 

The leaders of that party asserted that we did not need more 
money and yet to-day, after "five full years of experience" they 
boast that their party has made wonderful increase in the volume 
of money. 

They declared that the policy of protection was "the bulwark 
of American industrial independence and the fountain of American 
development and prosperity," and yet in the last speech delivered 
by Mr. McKinley, that great Republican leader pointed out very 
clearly that the Republican position on the question must be 
modified. 

That platform asserted the principle of bimetallism by inter- 
national agreement. No serious effort was made to fulfill the 
pledge relating to international bimetallism and after "five full 
years of experience" the Republican position of international bi- 
metallism in 1896 has been abandoned for the Republican posi- 
tion of the single gold standard in 1901. 

That platform declared that the Mcaraguan canal should be 
built, owned and operated by the United States, and yet a Re- 
publican secretary of state after several "full years of experience" 
sought to negotiate a treaty in which much of the practical con- 
trol of that canal would have been surrendered to Great Britain. 

That platform declared that "from the hour of achieving their 
own independence the people of the United States have regarded 
with sympathy the struggles of other American people to free 
themselves from European domination;" and yet after "five full 
years of experience" the Republican party of to-day finds itself 



The Commoner Condensed. 279 

in a position where it dare not express sympathy with the struggles 
of the Dutchmen of South Africa to free themselves from Eu- 
ropean domination. 

That platform promised to the American workingmen "protec- 
tion against the fatal competition of low priced labor" and de- 
clared that the immigration laws should be thoroughly enforced; 
and yet no serious effort has been made to fulfill this pledge. 

That platform declared in favor of a strict enforcement of the 
principle of the civil service law and after one or two "full years 
of experience" this pledge and its principle were violated by the 
removal of at least 10,000 public positions from the civil service 
list. 

That platform promised the creation of a national board of 
arbitration to adjust differences between employer and employe, 
and yet that pledge has never been fulfilled. 

That platform promised that the remaining territories would 
be admitted and that the citizens of Alaska should have represen- 
tation in congress and yet neither of these pledges has been ful- 
filled. 

There are many statements, arguments and principles asserted 
by the Eepublican party that have not been approved, verified or 
vindicated after "five full years of experience." The above are 
a few. 



AN INQUIRY ANSWEEED. 

A reader asks for a definition of the word "Democracy" as used 
by Thomas Jefferson, and also a definition of the word "Republican- 
ism" as used by Abraham Lincoln. If the reader will compare 
the utterances of Jefferson with the utterances of Lincoln he will 
find that Lincoln used the word "Eepublican" in the same sense 
that Jefferson used the word "Democrat." In fact, the followers 
of Jefferson were first called Eepublicans, and Jefferson speaks of 
Republicanism as synonymous with Democracy. For instance, 
in 1790, in a reply to an address (see Jeffersonian Cyclopedia, 
page 754), he said: 

The republican is the only form of government which is not 
eternally at open and secret war with the rights of men. 



280 The Commoner Condensed. 

In 1793,, in a letter to Madison, he said: 

The war between France and England has brought forward 
the republicans and monocrats in every state so openly that their 
relative numbers are perfectly visible. It appears that the latter 
are as nothing. 

In 1821, toward the close of his life, in a letter to General Dear- 
born, he said : 

It is, indeed, of little consequence who governs us if they sin- 
cerely and zealously cherish the principles of union and republi- 
canism." 

Jefferson embodied in the Declaration of Independence his idea 
of Democracy and of Republican government, for the word Repub- 
lican is taken from the word republic, and that means a govern- 
ment in which the people act through representatives chosen by 
themselves. 

Among those who believe in a Democratic-Republic, there is a 
wide difference between those who emphasize the democratic part 
of the name and want the government as near as possible to the 
people, and those who emphasize the representative part of the 
name and want the government as far removed from the people 
as possible. Both Jefferson and Lincoln had confidence in the people 
— both as to their right to a voice in government and as to their 
capacity for self-government. 

Lincoln was an enthusiastic admirer of Thomas Jefferson, and 
in one of his speeches said that he drew every political principle 
he had from the Declaration of Independence. 

While there is little or no difference between the meanings of 
the words "Democrat" and "Republic?' " as used by Lincoln and 
Jefferson, each word has a party sense in which it describes the 
members of a political organization. In this sense the meaning 
of the word may change as a party changes. The word "Demo- 
cratic" stands for different policies to-day from what it did when 
it described those who supported Mr. Cleveland's administration, 
and the word "Republican" now stands for principles quite an- 
tagonistic to those which Lincoln advocated. Some think more 
of the party name than they do of the principles for which a party 
stands, and such change their principles, when necessary, to main- 
tain their party affiliations. 



The Commoner Condensed. 281 



A LOVEE OF LIBERTY. 

The editor of The Commoner has recently met an American 
citizen of Russian birth whose love for liberty and whose intense 
devotion" to our principles of government ought to serve as a Te- 
buke to those who are endeavoring to obliterate the difference be- 
tween a republic and a monarchy. He was the son of a well-to-do 
Russian and received a university education. While in college he 
happened to see copies of the Declaration of American Inde- 
pendence and the Constitution of the United States. The govern- 
mental theories set forth in these instruments found a response 
in his heart, and he became so devoted a believer in government 
resting for its authority upon the consent of the governed that he 
was compelled to leave Russia and the estate he inherited from 
his father was confiscated. He is now building himself up in his 
chosen occupation with every promise of success. He knows what 
imperialism means and prizes the right to think for himself and 
to express his thoughts. 

His face glowed with patriotic pride as he declared that he 
would rather live in this country, even though poor, and be free 
to believe in our form of government, than to enjoy his family 
estate and be compelled to live under the arbitrary rule of a mon- 
arch. 

Those who are so anxious to exploit foreign lands that they look 
with favor upon a colonial policy do not realize how steadily and 
stealthily the doctrine of colonialism extinguishes that regard for 
the inalienable rights of man upon which our government is 
founded. 



"A WORLD POWER." 

A subscriber asks what is meant by the phrase "a world power" 
when used in connection with the United States? That depends 
upon the view point from which the subject is considered. When 
the imperialists talk about this nation being a world power, they 
mean that we should have a large army and a large navy, and 
join European nations in parceling out the land of what are called 
the inferior races. When the anti-imperialists speak of this natipn 
as a world power, they mean that it should, in the future as in 
the past, influence the world through its ideas and example. 



282 The Commoner Condensed. 

For a century this nation has been the most potent influence 
in the world, and has done more to affect the politics of the human 
race than all the other nations combined. It has been a world 
power and its influence has been exerted without any evil effect 
upon our own institutions. 



THE PRODUCER'S SHARE. 

The New York Nation turns its face away from its golden god 
long enough to shout a denial of Mr. Bryan's statement that every 
decade finds a less proportion of the wealth produced in the hands 
of the producers. The statement is so easily verified that it is sur- 
prising that the Nation, even with its predisposition to take the 
side of wealth, would deny it. The census of 1890 showed a gen- 
eral and alarming increase in the proportion of tenants and a 
corresponding decrease in the proportion of home owners, and 
Mr. George K. Holmes, of the Census Department, forming his 
opinion from the census figures, stated in the Political Science 
Quarterly that nine per cent, of the families of the United States 
own seventy-one per cent, of the wealth of the nation, while the 
remaining ninety-one per cent, divided among them only twenty- 
nine per cent, of the wealth. 

As an illustration of what is going on one state will be cited 
now: Mr. Eltweed Pomeroy in an article written for the Challenge 
has given some tables showing the distribution of wealth in Massa- 
chusetts as set forth by the probate of estates. From 1829 to 
1831, sixty-one per cent, of the population died without property, 
nineteen per cent, died owning property worth less than one thou- 
sand dollars in value, and thirteen per cent, owned property valued 
at from one thousand to five thousand dollars. About ninety-four 
per cent, of the people owned about twenty-five per cent, of the 
property. From 1859 to 1861, the statistics showed that sixty-six 
per cent, died without property, that twelve per cent, died with 
property worth less than one thousand dollars, and less than 
fourteen per cent, owned between one thousand and five thousand 
dollars worth of property — about ninety-two per cent, of the 
people owned less than fifteen per cent, of the property. From 
1879 to 1881, sixty-nine per cent, died without property, nine 
per cent, had less than one thousand dollars, and less than thir- 



The Commoner Condensed. 28^ 



j 



teen per cent, had property from one thousand to five thousand 
dollars value — by this time about ninety-one per cent, owned less 
than ten per cent, of the property. 

These figures show a constant increase in the percentage of per- 
sons who die without property, and a constant decrease in the 
possessions of a large majority of the people. The last ten years 
will doubtless show still greater concentration of wealth. The 
Nation may try to justify this concentration; it may argue that 
the speculators and manipulators are entitled to a larger and larger 
share of the wealth produced, but it cannot disprove the proposi- 
tion stated by Mr. Bryan. 



TARIFF CONCESSIONS TO CUBA. 

There are indications that the sugar trust is determined to 
make a vigorous fight against the proposition that tariff conces- 
sions be made to Cuba. Congressman Hepburn, of Iowa, says: 
"I have heard much talk about the tariff concessions that should 
be made to Cuba. I have but little sympathy with the idea of 
concessions. The articles that Cuba would desire to have admitted 
free of duty, or at a less rate than other nations pay, would be 
sugar and tobacco. We are probably producing in the United 
States this year 200,000 tons of beet sugar, justifying the expecta- 
tion that in ten years' time, with the present conditions continued, 
we will produce all the sugar needed in the United States." We 
are not producing sufficient sugar to supply the demand in this 
country. Will public interests suffer by tariff concessions that 
permit the entrance into this country of Cuban sugar? The 
Washington Post, commenting upon Congressman Hepburn's state- 
ment, presents a few figures of its own. The Post says : 

Suppose we produce 200,000 tons this year, how far will it go 
toward supplying the demand? That would make a huge pile 
of sugar, but our total consumption is ten times that quantity, 
being 2,000,000 tons of 2,240 pounds each. We produce 300,000 
tons of cane sugar, to which add the beet product of 200,000, 
and we are 1,500,000 short. In other words, we must import 
75 per cent, of our enormous consumption. Our present im- 
portation is about 1,800,000 tons per annum. 

With what reason shall we refuse tariff concessions to the Cuban 



284 The Commoner Condensed. 

people on the sugar question when the demand in the United 
States cannot be supplied by the sugar produced in this country? 
We have assumed considerable authority over Cuba in spite of 
our pledge to see to it that the Cuban people were free and inde- 
pendent. It seems, therefore, that on our part we should be 
willing to make some concessions; and those concessions which 
will contribute at once to the public welfare of Cuba and to the 
public welfare of the United States would seem to recommend 
themselves to practical men. 



THE ELECTIONS AT HAND. 

Next Tuesday's elections in Iowa, Maryland, Massachusetts, Ne- 
braska, New Jersey, Ohio and Pennsylvania will be watched with 
interest and variously interpreted. In all of the states the re- 
publicans have indorsed the last national platform of the part} r , 
and in case of victory will claim that republican policies have been 
approved by the people. 

The democrats, on the contrary, have been divided and therefore 
weakened by the effort of gold democrats to emasculate the party 
creed. Where they have failed to secure the repudiation of the 
Kansas City platform they have been sore and disgruntled. Where 
they have been successful in suppressing the last national utter- 
ances of the party they have alarmed and offended the real demo- 
crats by rejoicing over what they term "the party's return to 
conservatism." 

In some states national issues have been entirely ignored, 
and while the re-organizers have thus avoided the charge of dis- 
crimination against any particular issue, they have exposed them- 
selves to more bitter attack from the opposition, for the republi- 
cans stand ready to force the fight upon any issue which the 
democrats dodge. If the Kansas City platform democrats were 
to follow the example set by the gold democrats, the party would 
be overwhelmingly defeated in all of the states in which the leaders 
have shown themselves hostile to democratic principles as enunci- 
ated last year; but those who kept the faith and made sacrifices 
during the campaigns of 1896' and 1900 will not falter in their 
allegiance to the party merely because of temporary defeat. They 
will support the ticket and then begin at once to perfect an or- 



The Commoner Condensed. 285 

ganization which will make it impossible for the re-organizing 
element to steal another march on the voters. 

The re-organizers, where they are in control, are in a position 
to blame local issues for their defeat if defeat comes, and to claim 
credit for victory, if victory is won; but this will not deter the 
regular democrats from doing their duty. 

In Iowa the democrats reaffirmed the Kansas City platform, 
but declared their purpose to make the fight upon state issues. 
While our party has a normal majority of considerable size to 
overcome, the full democratic strength is likely to be polled. 

In Maryland, no reference was made to national issues, and 
the negro question seems to be the main local issue. The failure 
of the convention to take a position upon national issues leaves 
the voters in the dark as to the views of the senator, in case a 
democrat is elected. 

In Massachusetts, the Kansas City platform was reaffirmed, and 
ex-Mayor Quincy, nominated for governor. The convention was 
a very harmonious one, and the ticket will doubtless make a good 
showing. While Mr. Quincy was a gold democrat in 1896, he 
took an active part in the campaign of 1900, and in his public 
speeches accepts the democratic platform, preferring to support the 
democratic party, even though more radical than he would desire, 
rather than risk a continuation of republican policies. 

In Nebraska, there is complete fusion, the democrats furnishing 
a candidate for supreme judge ancl the populist party the two re- 
gents. The Kansas City platform was reaffirmed by the demo- 
cratic convention, and indications point to an increased fusion 
vote. The republicans have imported some of their speakers of 
national reputation and are striving hard to overcome the depress- 
ing influence exerted by the party's mismanagement of the treas- 
ury department. The present republican treasurer fails to show 
where all of the state's money is located, and one of the regents 
nominated by the convention had to withdraw because it became 
known that he had not repaid money borrowed of the defaulting 
state treasurer. 

The campaign in Xew Jersey is being fought on local issues 
and it is difficult for an outsider (or for an insider, either, for 
that matter), to make an estimate upon the result. 

The returns from Ohio will be watched with the most interest 
because it is the home of the late president as well as the home 



286 The Commoner Condensed. 

of the chairman of the republican national committee. The repub- 
licans are trying to turn the assassination of the president to 
political advantage, and are using his name to rally the lukewarm 
members of the party. Mr. Kilbourne, the democratic candidate, 
has the confidence of the masses, and will make an excellent show- 
ing, notwithstanding the manner in which he was handicapped by 
the action of the convention in ignoring the Kansas City platform. 
He would be much stronger if he were at liberty to combat the 
republican position on every question. His conduct in past cam- 
paigns shows his loyalty to the party and he should have the good 
will and cordial support even of those who felt aggrieved because 
the convention gave some evidence of the return to the cowardice 
and evasion that characterized convention utterances when the 
gold standard element was in control of the party. 

The Pennsylvania election will turn upon state questions and 
the democrats will be aided to some extent by the anti-Quay repub- 
licans — may their tribe increase ! 

Let every democrat, populist and silver republican be at the polls ! 
The republican party is becoming more and more subservient to the 
corporate interests of the country and every republican victory 
makes the leaders more arrogant. We cannot afford to give open 
support or silent encouragement to the imperialistic-trust-gold 
standard and bank monopoly policies of the republican party. 



ONE EYE OPEN. 



When Mr. Bryan spoke at Minneapolis, during the campaign of 
1896, former Senator Washburn addressed a letter to him asking 
certain questions. It was an unusual thing for a man ol Mr. 
Washburn's prominence to inject himself into a public speech, but 
Mr. Bryan read his letter at the meeting and responded to it. It 
seems that Mr. Washburn is getting acquainted with the trust 
question. In a recent interview he discusses the subject with in- 
telligence and even vehemence. It is gratifying to note some evi- 
dence of revolt among the republicans, who are responsible for an 
administrative policy that permits the trusts to thrive and fatten 
upon people at large. The Commoner is glad to give circulation 
to the following extract from Mr. Washburn's interview: 



The Commoner Condensed. 287 

Steel rails can be manufactured to-day at a fair profit and sold 
at $17.50 a ton. At that price the rail mills would make a larger 
profit on their product than the flouring mills would make by a 
profit of ten cents a barrel on flour — which the flouring mills would 
be glad to make, but do not. From the best information I have 
been able to gather, steel rails can be manufactured at about $16 
per ton. Sold as they were two and a half years ago at $17.50, 
there was a profit of $1.50 per ton, which is more than the profit 
on flour at 10 cents per barrel, and that is a larger profit than is 
averaged by the flouring mills of this country. Yet such rails 
are now being sold at $28 per ton, making it easy to understand, 
with such enormous profits, how the steel mills are enabled to pay 
dividends on shares three-fourths of which are composed of water. 
I do not know just what sum would be required to rebuild these 
properties, but from what I am able to learn I am satisfied that 
they can be reproduced at less than one-half of the amount for 
which they are capitalized. The consequence is that the people 
and consumers of the country are being taxed to this enormous 
extent in order that the trusts and consolidations may pay such 
dividends. And yet, with this condition of things, we now have a 
duty of $7.80 per ton on steel rails ! And what I have here said 
of steel rails can also be said of structural steel, which now enters 
into construction of different kinds to such an enormous extent. 
If this is not robbery I would like to find some stronger word to 
characterize it. 

"Bobbery" is a strong word, but Mr. Washburn wants some- 
thing even stronger. What will he say of an administration that 
permits the robbery to go on without making an effort to protect 
the public? Possibly Mr. Washburn has only one eye open; with 
this he sees the trusts very clearly. When he gets the other eye 
open he will be able to see the republican party standing behind 
the trusts and receiving for campaign purposes a part of the 
money extorted from the people. 



288 The Commoner Condensed. 

XIV. 
THE NEGRO QUESTION. 

The action of President Koosevelt in inviting Prof. Booker T. 
Washington to dine at the White House was unfortunate, to say 
the least. It will give depth and acrimony to a race feeling already 
strained to the uttermost. The race question, so far as it concerns 
our colored population, presents itself in four phases; first, the 
legal rights of the black man; second, his educational opportuni- 
ties ; third, his political privileges, and, fourth, his social status. 

As to the first there can be no question. The negro is a citizen, 
and as a citizen is entitled to all the guarantees of the federal 
and state constitutions. He has freedom to speak and to write; 
freedom of conscience and the right "to life, liberty and the pur- 
suit of happiness." In these respects there is no distinction be- 
tween him and the white man. The republicans, when challenged 
to defend imperialism, are in the habit of referring to the suffrage 
amendments adopted in some of the Southern states, as if the black 
man of the South and the brown man of the Orient were being 
similarly treated. The fact is, however, that in none of the South- 
ern states has an attempt been made to take from the negro the 
guarantees enumerated in our constitution and in the bill of rights ; 
whereas the Filipino in the Orient and the Porto Rican in the 
West Indies are denied the protection of the constitution. In the 
South the Negro is still a citizen and entitled to the consideration 
due a citizen. Under republican rule in Porto Rico and the Philip- 
pines, however, the inhabitants are subjects and suffer the common 
lot of those who live under arbitrary power. 

In the matter of education the negro is entitled to all the oppor- 
tunities offered to the white man. The negro must be educated; 
no community can afford to permit any portion of its population 
to remain ignorant or to become imbruted. The whites, for their" 
own welfare as well as for the good of the negroes, must see to it 
that the free school is open to every child, white and black. 

The negro has already made great progress in intellectual de- 
velopment, and this, too, largely through the aid of the white 
people of the south. The former slave-owners have at their own 



The Commomer Condensed. T 289 

expense been educating the former slaves, while the more partisan 
republicans, some of them holding office by the aid of negro votes, 
have been inciting the negro to oppose everything advocated by 
the southern whites, regardless of the merits of the proposition 
under consideration. 

The political rights of the negro have for a quarter of a century 
been the subject of public discussion. 

The republican party did not urge emancipation in the begin- 
ning; Lincoln, the head of that party, expressly declared that he 
had no intention of interfering with slavery in the states in which 
it then existed, but emancipation followed as a result of the war 
and now no one in all the land would advocate a reinstatement of 
the system of slavery. 

The franchise was conferred upon the negro soon after the war 
by the republican party, but during the past few years that party 
has shown less and less interest in the political status of the 
colored man. 

In some of the Southern states educational qualifications have 
been prescribed with a view to securing white supremacy in the 
state and local governments. 

While universal suffrage is the ideal condition toward which the 
world is moving, and while it is a matter to be regretted that even 
educational qualifications are ever found necessary, it must be 
admitted that such qualifications have been prescribed and are 
still in existence in some northern as well as in some southern 
states. 

These qualifications are defended, where they exist, not on the 
ground that the Declaration of Independence is wrong, not on the 
ground that all men are not created equal or that they are not 
endowed with inalienable rights, nor yet on the ground that govern- 
ments do not derive their just powers from the consent of the 
governed, but upon the theory that, when races of different degrees 
of civilization are thrown together and must 'necessarily live 
together under the same government — when, in other words, it 
i& simply a question as to which race shall exert a controlling 
influence — then the more advanced race Has always exercised the 
right to impose conditions upon those less advanced. 

Every race is capable of self-government — it would be an insult 
to the Creator to assume that He brought into existence a race 
of people incapable of self-government and entirely dependent upon 



290 The Commoner Condensed. 

some other race for government — but while every race is capable 
of self-government, a race may not be capable of sharing upon 
equal terms in the control of a government whose blessings are 
enjoyed by, and whose burdens are imposed upon, several races 
differing in their advancement. No argument will justify one race 
in invading the territory of another race in order to force upon 
that race an alien government and the evils of" a colonial system,, 
but when conditions force the two races to live under the same 
government in the same country the more advanced race never has 
consented, and probably never will consent, to be dominated by 
the less advanced. Whether the conditions in the south are such 
as to justify the amendments which have been adopted is a question 
of fact which must be decided upon evidence — not a question of 
theory which can be settled by those far removed from the condi- 
tions which have to be considered. 

Northern states imposed qualifications upon white men before 
any southern state imposed qualifications upon black men. 

It must be remembered that a qualification for suffrage, un- 
desirable as it is, raises a very different question from that pre- 
sented by a colonial system. In the first place, a suffrage 
qualification is temporary and those who are excluded to-day may 
qualify themselves to vote to-morrow; the condition is not hopeless. 
Under the colonial system, however, the disqualification is perma- 
nent. There are no means provided whereby "the subject may 
become a citizen. 

In the second place, the man excluded from suffrage because he 
cannot meet the requirements of the law lives under the constitu- 
tion and laws made by the voters for themselves, while the subject 
under a colonial government lives under laws made by the voters, 
but not binding upon the voters. Both of these differences are 
important. The temporary character of the obstacle to suffrage 
above referred to finds its parallel in the probationary term pre- 
scribed for, and the conditions imposed upon, those who seek to 
be naturalized. 

'As to the second difference, every thoughtful person knows 
that the danger of oppressive and unjust legislation is infinitely 
multiplied when the man who makes the law not only avoids the 
provisions of the law, but finds a profit in enforcing its provisions 
against others. This is the foundation of all the crimes committed 
by empires against their subjects. 



The Commoner Condensed. 291 

The social phase of the negro question has seldom been discussed 
for the reason that no man or party has advocated social equality 
between the white man and the black man. McClure, Phillips & 
Co. have recently published a little volume entitled "Abraham 
Lincoln, His Book, a facsimile reproduction of the original with an 
explanatory note by J. McCan Davis." This is a book prepared 
by Abraham Lincoln himself for the use of Captain Jas. 1ST. Brown, 
of Illinois, a candidate for the state legislature in 1858. Mr. 
Brown was confronted with the charge that Mr. Lincoln, whom 
Mr. Brown was supporting for the United States senate,, was in 
favor of "negro equality." In order that Mr. Brown might 
answer his critics, Mr. Lincoln made a collection of his own 
utterances on the subject, and on the first page wrote: "The 
following extracts are taken from various speeches of mine de- 
livered at various times and places and I believe that they contain 
the substance of all I have said about megro equality/ " The 
sixth extract quoted in this remarkable little volume contains the 
following : 

Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length, 
but this is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to 
the institution of slavery and the black race. This is the whole 
of it, and anything that argues me into this idea of perfect social 
and political equality with the negro, is but a specious and fantastic 
arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse chestnut 
to be a chestnut horse. (Laughter.) I will say here, while upon 
this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to inter- 
fere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. 
I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and have no inclination 
to do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social 
equality between the white and the black races. There is a physical 
difference between the two, which in my judgment will probably 
forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect 
equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must 
be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas am in favor of the race 
to which I belong, having the superior position. I have never said 
anything to the contrarv, but I hold that notwithstanding all this 
there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to 
all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, the right of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. 
(Loud cheers.) 

The above quotation selected by Mr. Lincoln himself from one 
of his own speeches for the purpose of answering the criticism of 



292 The Commoner Condensed. 

his political opponents, sets forth the great emancipator's views on 
three of the four phases of the negro question. He believed that 
the negro was equal to the white man in the natural rights enumer- 
ated in the Declaration of Independence and he believed that it 
was the duty of the government to protect him in the enjoyment 
of these rights. He opposed slavery, believing it to be wrong in 
principle, although he expressly declared that he had no intention 
of interfering with slavery in the states in which it then existed. 

Second, he recognized the distinction between political rights 
and natural rights, and exhibited that partiality toward his own 
race which is inherent to every one. 

Third, he recognized the fact that social equality is not neces- 
sary to the protection of the negro in the enjoyment of all his 
natural rights. Mr. Eoosevelt will not find, therefore, in the 
life or words of Lincoln anything to justify him in advocating 
social equality, if his act can be construed as representing his 
views on this subject. 

The natural rights of all are the same, and it is the province 
of government to protect these natural and inalienable rights — 
rights which were vested in man by the Creator, rights which can- 
not be taken from him without rendering his life valueless to 
him and to his fellows. But man chooses his society for himself. 
It is as much a matter of taste as the selection of a husband or 
a wife. It is no cause for offence to any man that you prefer 
to associate with some one else; it depends upon your character 
and virtues whether the preference is a compliment to or a re- 
flection upon him, but in either case you have a right to choose 
congenial companions, and in doing so you are not only within 
your rights, but you are doing what every one does. Those who 
love books enjoy each other's company, although some may be 
very rich and some very poor. The rich may enjoy each other's 
company although some are ignorant and some are intellectual. 
People are drawn together by family ties, by church relations, 
by neighborhood associations, and in a multitude of other ways. 
Usually social lines are invisible ones, but they are everywhere 
recognized. They are no more inconsistent with universal broth- 
erhood than are family ties or national obligations. The families 
of a community are separate and distinct; each is engaged in its 
work and each decides how far it will share its confidence and 
its companionship with the families about it, but this does not 



The Commoner Condensed. 293 

prevent the recognition of the right of all families to equal con- 
sideration and protection at the hands of the government, nor 
does it prevent the exercise of charity, mercy and benevolence. 
The various nations are bnt groups of families associated together 
for mutual protection and benefit. The fact that each nation 
has customs, institutions and laws peculiar to itself, does not pre- 
vent its recognition of those natural rights which are broader and 
deeper than national boundaries. 

So, the members of a race are bound together by sympathies 
and sentiments which are both natural and permanent. Those 
who oppose social equality between the white man and the negro 
do so on the ground that they do not believe that the amalgama- 
tion of the two races is desirable. They think it better for the 
white man to work out the problems of his race while the black 
man is working out the problems of his race. There can be 
co-operation and helpfulness without inter-marriage. Each race 
can recognize the natural rights of the other and both can con- 
tribute as far as is within their power, to the strength and de- 
velopment of the nation. The advocacy of social equality will 
tend to throw the white and the black races into greater antago- 
nism and conflict rather than to bring them together, and the 
wiser members of the negro race know this. 

President Eoosevelt doubtless recognizes, as all well informed 
men do, the great service which Mr. Washington has rendered 
to the members of his race. He is not the only colored man who 
deserves great credit, but he is probably its most conspicuous 
member of the present generation. The president may have in- 
vited him without considering the question that it raises, and 
Mr. Washington may have accepted from a feeling that an invita- 
tion from the president was equivalent to a command. It is to 
be hoped that both of them will upon reflection realize the wisdom 
of abandoning their purpose to wipe out race lines, if they enter- 
tain such a purpose. Prof. Washington's work as an educator 
will be greatly impaired if he allows it to be understood that his 
object is to initiate the members of his race into the social circles 
of the whites, and he will do injustice to those of his own color 
if he turns their thoughts away from intellectual and moral de- 
velopment to the less substantial advantages — if they are any ad- 
vantages at all — to be derived from social equality. The negro 
can find a sufficient stimulus in the ambition to so elevate himself 



294 The Commoner Condensed. 

and the members of his race as to create a satisfactory society 
among his own people; his efforts in behalf of his race will be 
weakened rather than strengthened by any effort on his part to 
desert those of his own color in order to shine in white society. 
No advantage is to be gained by ignoring race prejudice; it is 
wiser to recognize it and to make onr plans conform to it. Race 
pride, like self-respect, is a valuable characteristic. Race pride 
will do the negro good ; he has reason to be proud of what his race 
has already accomplished and he can employ all the energies of 
a strenuous life in an effort to show that his race is deserving 
of a high place among the races of the earth, and that place will 
depend, not upon social distinctions, but upon mental breadth 
and moral worth. The race question which we have on hand 
will require for its proper solution the intelligence and patriotism 
of all the people, black as well as white. The recent occurrence 
at the White House will not make that solution easier, but it ought 
to convince all of the folly of adding to those problems which we 
must meet another greater and more complicated race problem in 
the Orient. 



THE MONEY QUESTION AGAIN. 

The republicans and gold democrats are continually declaring 
that the money question is dead, yet there are at this time three 
important financial measures under consideration. The national 
bankers at their recent meeting held in Milwaukee discussed and 
apparently approved of both the "branch bank" and "the asset 
currency." An effort is to be made to so change the national 
bank law as to permit the organization of a great central bank 
with numerous branches scattered throughout the country. If 
this effort succeeds the small banks will be driven out of existence 
and the business interests of the land will be under the control 
and at the mercy of the group of financiers 'in charge of the central 
institution. Every senator chosen by a legislature elected this fall 
will have to vote on this question, and yet gold democrats object 
to having the people express themselves on this subject. 

The national bankers who attended the meeting above referred 
to were practically unanimous in their support of what is called 
an "asset currency" — a bank currency issued in proportion to and 
secured by the assets of the respective national banks. This system 



The Commoner Condensed. 295 

is not only open to all the objections urged against other kinds 
of bank currency, but in addition to these objections it is evident 
that the asset currency is not as safe as a currency based upon 
bonds; and it is plain that such a currency impairs the security 
of depositors. Every senator chosen by a legislature elected this 
fall will have to act upon this proposition, and yet gold democrats 
are opposed to allowing the people to express themselves upon this 
question. 

A few days ago the St. Louis Globe-Democrat said editorially: 

There is an excellent chance for the enactment in the coming 
session of congress of the silver redemption bill which Eepresenta- 
tive Overstreet, of Indiana, introduced in the recent congress, 
but which failed for want of time for its adequate consideration. 
This measure, which will be introduced in the house immediately 
after it meets a few weeks hence, proposed the exchange of silver 
dollars in gold, the gold for this purpose to come from the regular 
redemption fund of the treasury. This would strengthen the gold 
standard act of March 14, 1900, in a place which it would be 
desirable to strengthen it. 

There is no doubt that the advocates of the gold standard are 
planning, first, to make silver dollars redeemable in gold; and, 
second, to retire the silver dollars. When the financiers wanted 
to bring discredit upon the treasury notes, issued under the Sher- 
man law they presented them for redemption and then clamored 
for gold bonds to furnish the necessary gold. Having coerced 
the treasury department into the issue of bonds, they declared 
that the treasury notes constituted an endless chain and demanded 
their retirement. When they had succeeded in securing the un- 
conditional repeal of the Sherman law, they resorted to the same 
tactics to secure the retirement of greenbacks. They are endeavor- 
ing to create a still larger and longer "endless chain" by making 
the silver dollar redeemable in gold, and if this crusade against 
the white metal is successful they will insist that the silver dollar 
must be retired in order to protect the treasury. 

The financiers have several other measures in contemplation, 
but these three are now being openly advocated. Every senator 
chosen by the legislatures elected this fall will have to vote upon 
these questions. If the gold democrats do not know this they lack 
information; if they know it and avoid the subject they lack 
honesty; and in either case they do not deserve the confidence of 
the democrats whom they offer to lead. 



296 The Commoner Condensed. 

It seems incredible that any real democrat should be deceived 
by men who spend half the time vociferously declaring that the 
money question is dead and tiie other half in aiding a conspiracy 
which has for its object the establishing of a bank despotism. 

Even in Missouri several persons have been "mentioned" for 
the United States senate who, if they boldly announced their views 
on the money question, could not carry a single primary in the 
state; but they will not announce their position on the money 
question; they will plead for harmony and claim that they are 
loyal democrats. Their first effort is to get rid of the Kansas City 
platform and then they will try to secure the nomination of un- 
instructed representatives who are under secret pledge to them. 

The corporations stand ready to furnish money to elect mem- 
bers of the legislature who can be relied upon to vote for senators 
satisfactory to the corporations, but such senators will not only be 
hostile to the democratic party on all phases of the money ques- 
tion, but they will be so obligated to organized wealth that they 
cannot be trusted to give earnest support to any needed reform. 
The money question cannot be eliminated from politics so long as 
the financiers are proceeding step by step to secure new privileges 
and new advantages at the expense of the rest of the people. 



HOAK IS CONSISTENT. 

Senator Hoar has shown his consistency by declining an in- 
vitation to deliver a political eulogy on the late president. In 
explanation of his refusal he says that he is extremely busy just 
now, but adds: 

I ought in frankness to state another and even stronger reason. 
I think the eulogy on the president should be delivered by some 
person who was in full accord with him upon the principal political 
measure of his administration. I never questioned his absolute 
honesty, his devotion to the public welfare, his love of liberty and 
his desire to do his duty as God gave him to see it. Iwas fully 
in accord with him on the great fiscal measures with which he was 
identified. But, as you know, I differed with him and his admin- 
istration (and mv opinion on that subject has been strengthened 
and not weakened in the lapse of time) in regard to his policy m 
dealing with the Philippine Islands. 



The Commoner Condensed. 297 

Like many others who differed with Mr. MeKinley on one or 
more political questions, Senator Hoar has expressed his admira- 
tion for the many personal virtues of the dead chief magistrate, 
his sorrow at his death and his detestation of the manner of his 
taking off, but he thinks, and very properly, that praise of the 
president's views on political questions should come from some 
one in harmony with all of the policies of the administration. It 
will be remembered that the Massachusetts senator declared that, 
if an imperial policy was pursued, the fall of the republic would 
date from Mr. McKinley's administration, and it will also be re- 
membered that he closed his memorable speech against imperialism 
by appealing from "Philip drunk to Philip sober." He says that 
his opinion on this subject has been strengthened rather than weak- 
ened by subsequent observation. How then, could he be expected 
to deliver an eulogy that would satisfy partisan republicans ? 

Opponents of imperialism may be expected to share in all ex- 
ercises that give expression to the unanimous regard for Mr. Me- 
Kinley as a man and to the respect entertained for the high office 
to which he was elevated by his countrymen, but they cannot be 
expected to participate in any demonstration which could be con- 
strued as an endorsement of the late president's change from 
hostility to "forcible annexation," and "criminal aggression," to 
the advocacy of benevolent assimilation." The moment the re- 
publicans attempt to use the life or death of Mr. MeKinley to 
advance the policies for which their party stands, that moment 
they substitute partisan ends for a patriotic purpose and should 
confine their appeals to those who are republicans on all ques- 
tions. 



DEATH WITHOUT HOPE. 

The lesson taught by the last hours of Czolgosz should not be 
lost upon the world. He expired like one who sinks in mid-ocean 
without a sail in sight. How barren of real happiness must be the 
life of one who denies the existence of a God, defies all government, 
and cultivates the belief that he can, without moral guilt, take 
the life of a fellow being merely because that fellow being is ad- 
ministering for a little while the authority conferred upon him 
by his countrymen. How can he delude himself with the belief 
that he is living upon a more exalted plane than ordinary people? 



298 The Commoner Condensed, 

Consider the perennial joys of the gray-haired patriarch who 
learned in youth that "The fear of God is the beginning of wis- 
dom," who has met life's responsibilities with a prayer for light to 
see his duty and courage to perform it, and who approaches the 
grave "like one who wraps the drapery of his couch about him and 
lies down to pleasant dreams." Consider the life of such a one, 
and compare it with the career of one who lives in constant re- 
bellion against nature and in constant antagonism to society, and 
then ends life as a lonely traveler would turn from a deserted house 
out into a dark and starless night. 

Compare the sweet contentment of one who accepts life's suc- 
cesses and reverses with the sentiment of the psalmist : "The Lord 
is my Shepherd; I shall not want. He maketh me to lie down in 
green pastures; He leadeth me beside the still waters. * * * Yea, 
though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will 
fear no evil : For Thou art with me : Thy rod and Thy staff they 
comfort me." Compare this with the lot of one who curses the 
Creator and His creatures, and then swears back at the echo of 
his blasphemy. 



AN INTERESTING LETTER. 

The editor of The Commoner has received an interesting letter 
from one who describes himself as a former gold democrat, one 
who in 1896 supported the Palmer and Buckner ticket until 
election day and then voted the republican ticket. He says that 
when the campaign of 1900 began the republicans advanced the 
same arguments that they had in 1896, namely, that "if a party 
comes into power that will not cater to the large institutions, 
capitalists and bankers, the money of the country will be taken 
from circulation." 

He says that this was the argument which caused him to leave 
the democratic party in 1896, but that in 1900 the same argument 
drove him "from the party that advocated such unpatriotic prin- 
ciples." 

He commends the work which The Commoner is doing and 
protests against any surrender to the re-organizers. He says: 
"What would democratic victory amount to if the leadership was 
in the hands of those who represent the financial institutions of 
this country? What every true patriotic democrat wants is a 



The Commoner Condensed. 299 

victory at the polls won on the principles set forth in the Kansas 
City platform." 

He suggests that it takes many people a long time to learn 
to vote for their own interests, (and adds that it took him four 
years), but insists that the fight must be continued until a victory 
is won. The letter is referred to because so many democrats do 
not seem to realize that re-organization, as advocated by the gold 
democrats, would mean the despotic control of conventions and 
democratic administrations (if there were any under such leader- 
ship) by the financial interests that are to-day arrayed against the 
masses on every important issue. It is not so much the gold 
standard that these men want as the absolute and unquestioned 
control of the treasury department, and with it the control of 
the attorney general's office. They will be satisfied with nothing 
less, but as soon as their real purpose is fully understood they 
will be powerless to thwart the honest aims and plans of the rank 
and file of the party. 

THE ELECTIONS OF 1901. 

While it is impossible at this time to measure and weigh the 
local influences which may have affected the general result, enough 
is known to justify the conclusion that the two leading political 
parties show practically the same strength that they did a year 
ago. If the republican policies which have been developing during 
the last twelve months have aroused any protest among the people, 
that protest has been off-set by the influence exerted by the assas- 
sination of the president. The republicans everywhere confessed 
their reliance upon this influence when they devoted so much time 
to appeals to the personal regard felt for McKinley, the man. 
It is not unnatural that the republicans should have been spurred 
to greater activity by the president's death, neither is it strange 
that it caused some apathy on the other side. 

There was another general cause which helped the republican 
position, namely, the ability of the republicans to get out their vote. 
The off-year elections always show a falling off in the voting popula- 
tion as compared with presidential and congressional elections, 
and the party that is best organized and most successful in get- 
ting its voters to the polls has an advantage. Take, for instance, 
the election in Nebraska this year. The total vote will probably 



3<do The Commoner Condensed. 

fall fifty thousand below the vote of last year. If there is a 
loss in the republican vote of twenty thousand, and a loss in the 
fusion vote of thirty thousand, the republican candidate can have 
ten thousand majority more than his ticket had last year, and 
yet have twenty thousand votes less than his party polled last 
year. 

Aside from having federal officials everywhere through whom 
to reach the voters, and besides having money everywhere with 
which to organize, the republicans in some of the states are able 
to secure from the railroad companies transportation for all per- 
sons who desire to return home to vote. In every community 
there are voters who, for business reasons, have frequent occa- 
sion to be absent from home. The party that is able to bring 
every voter home on election day has an immense advantage 
over the party that cannot furnish transportation. During the 
recent campaign the republican authorities were prepared to 
secure passes and send every Nebraska student home to vote, a 
practice not only helpful to the party, but demoralizing to the 
citizen. 

The returns do not give any considerable advantage to either 
element of the democratic party. The re-organizers have not 
gained any prestige where they have secured control, neither 
have the regular democrats won any signal victories where they 
have been in charge of the campaign. 

We gain a senator in Kentucky and the state shows an increase 
in the strength of the democratic party, but as we elected a 
democratic senator there two years ago, and carried the state 
last year, the result this year, though gratifying, was confidently 
expected. The democrats have carried Maryland, and Mr. Gor- 
man will in all probability be re-elected to the senate, but as 
the campaign was fought purely on local issues, (the negro ques- 
tion being the main issue), the victory is not a vindication of any 
national policy. In Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, where 
the conventions failed or refused to reaffirm the Kansas City 
platform, the republicans won. In Massachusetts, Iowa and 
Nebraska where the conventions did reaffirm the Kansas City 
platform the * republicans also won. In so far as the result has 
any influence upon the democratic party, it will tend to strengthen 
those who believe in fighting for principle rather than those who 
are all the time offering to lead the party to a glorious victory, 



The Commoner Condensed. 301 

provided it will abandon its principles. Those who fight for 
principle may mourn over a defeat, but their purpose is not 
shaken because they are doing what they believe they ought to 
and find their reward in the consciousness of duty done. Those, 
however, who are willing to suspend their principles in the hope 
of securing political success have little to console them when a 
reverse comes. If a man barters his convictions for a promise 
of success and then loses, he has nothing left; if a man keeps his 
convictions with him he has a foundation upon which to build 
in future contests. 

It would seem that republican policies ought to arouse over- 
whelming opposition among the wealth-producers of the country, 
for surely no man who earns his living can point to any advan- 
tage which the republican party brings or can bring to the masses 
of the people. In the bank control of our currency, in the monopo- 
listic control of our industries and in an imperial policy for the 
country there are danger and disaster for a large majority of the 
people. But they evidently fail to appreciate the viciousness of 
the principles which are at work. The only lesson that can be 
drawn from the. election returns is that still more work is neces- 
sary. The "let-well-enough-alone" argument cannot always pre- 
vail, for bad principles will ultimately bring about bad times, 
and experience, costly experience, will teach those who refuse 
to foresee evil and provide against it. 



ORGANIZE DEBATING SOCIETIES. 

The election is over, and while the returns are not sufficiently 
complete for analysis it is evident that the democratic party has 
not made any considerable gains since 1900. In another column, 
the returns, so far as they are in, have been discussed and some 
of the difficulties encountered have been enumerated. It is plain 
that there must be a large amount of educational work done if 
the country is to be saved from the evil results that must neces- 
sarily follow the continued support of republican policies. How 
can this work be done? The large dailies cannot be relied upon, 
because they are too intimately connected with the men and the 
corporations enriched by republican policies. It cannot be done 
entirely through the democratic and populist weeklies, for they 



302 The Commoner Condensed. 

do not, as a rule, reach the people who most need enlightment. 
A debating society should be organized in each country precinct 
and in each village. Let it be non-partisan in its membership 
and educational in its purpose. Meetings should be held once a 
month, or, if possible, once in two weeks, for the discussion of 
public questions. 

Let the motto of the society be: "Country first, party after- 
wards." 

To avoid any wrangle about the officers it would be well to 
select the president from the party having the largest vote in the 
precinct, and the vice-president from the leading minority party. 
If three other officers, recording secretary, corresponding secre- 
tary and treasurer, are selected, all parties can be given a fair 
representation in the management of the society and the arrange- 
ment of programs. The officers of the society, if they constitute 
a committee on program, should arrange, besides other features, 
for a discussion of some live question at each meeting — the leaders 
to open the debate and the other members of the society to have 
an opportunity to speak briefly when the leaders are through. 

No one should be afraid of having his party injured by a full 
and fair presentation of all public questions. The person who 
objects to the discussion of public questions confesses the weakness 
of his own cause or brings an indictment against the intelligence 
and patriotism of the people. The hope of the nation lies, first, 
in the study of public questions, and, next, in a ballot cast accord- 
ing to the dictates of conscience and judgment. 



SEVEEE ON BOLTEES. 

Sometimes the gold democrats who bolted the ticket in 1896 
complain because the regular democrats insist that those who de- 
serted the party five years ago should, on coming back, give some 
assurance of their purpose to support the ticket hereafter. While 
the conditions imposed have never been unreasonable or severe, they 
have aroused violent criticism in some quarters. It may not be 
out of place, therefore, to quote what the St. Paul Globe says about 
local bolters. In a recent issue it condemns some St. Paul alder- 
men who deserted their party in the election of a county com- 
missioner. The following is an extract from the Globe's editorial: 



The Commoner Condensed. 303 

It is as the Globe predicted it would be: A democratic county 
commissioner has been elected by the votes of the democratic alder- 
men assisted by one republican, and democratic traitors are ignored 
and spat upon, as they long since should have been. Treason to 
the party has not been found profitable in practice among St. Paul 
democrats. It will be found no more in the future. Hunt and 
Bantz have a severe reckoning before them; and we apprehend 
that the mass of St. Paul democrats will find as little use for them 
in the future as the democratic aldermen found for them in the 
election of County Commissioner Kelly. 

The way of the transgressor is hard, and transgressors these 
men have been of all the rules and observances in political life which 
all true party men and good citizens will hold themselves bound by. 
The Globe will gladly aid their return to the obscurity from which 
they should never have emerged. 

The Globe is much more severe in denouncing democratic alder- 
men who refuse to support their party in a local fight than the silver 
democrats are in condemning papers, which, like the Globe, deserted 
the presidential ticket in a national contest. 



EX-GOVERNOR TAYLOR'S CASE. 

Governor Durbin, of Indiana, has refused to honor a requisition 
made upon him by the Kentucky authorities for ex-Governor Taylor, 
who is now enjoying protection in the Hoosier state. Governor 
Durbin gives his reasons at length, but the reasons are all to enforce 
his statement that Governor Taylor would not receive a fair and 
impartial trial in Kentucky. This is a serious charge to be made 
by the chief executive of one state against the courts of a sister 
state, and the weight of the objection is entirely destro}^ed by the 
fact that Governor Taylor is a prominent member of the republi- 
can party, and is being shielded from arrest by another prominent 
member of the same party. It will be recalled that Governor Goebel 
was shot down as the result of a political conspiracy, and it will 
also be recalled that many of the republican papers throughout the 
land failed to express any indignation or condemnation of the act. 
Governor Taylor escaped from Kentucky before arrest and has since 
been a fugitive from justice. 

On June 13, 1900, Governor Mount, of Indiana, refused to honor 
a requisition for Taylor on substantially the same grounds as those 
given by Governor Durbin. Six days afterwards, on June 19, ex- 
Governor Taylor appeared at the republican national convention. 



304 The Commoner Condensed. 

The papers reported that Temporary Chairman Wolcott recognized 
"Governor Taylor of Kentucky/' and addressing him, said: "Come 
to the platform, governor, they want to see you." Mr. Taylor ac- 
cepted the invitation, and Chairman Wolcott advanced to meet 
him, and, according to the press reports, "the convention cheered." 

This is the way that the republican national convention acted 
toward a man at that time charged with participation in the assassi- 
nation of the chief executive of one of the states of the union. 
While the republicans are denouncing anarchy they ought not to 
forget that among the causes which lead up to the assassination of 
presidents is the heroizing of a man charged with the assassination 
of a governor. JSTo one is able to form a correct opinion as to the 
guilt or innocence of Governor Taylor until the evidence is pre- 
sented in court, but an indictment rendered by a grand jury raises 
a presumption that cannot be overthrown by the partisan opinion 
of a governor who has a political interest in the welfare of the man 
under accusation. 

The above facts are given that the readers of The Commoner 
may see how political conditions affect the action of republican 
leaders. President McKinley was assassinated by an anarchist 
whose act had no political significance and could not be traced to 
anything said or done by any member of the opposite party, and 
yet republican papers were quick to try to make political capital 
out of the terrible deed, and some of them boldly charged the 
responsibility upon the democratic party. The Goebel assassination 
was purely a political act, participated in by republicans, and after 
an indictment was returned against the most prominent of these 
republicans, the chairman of a republican national convention in- 
vited him to the platform, republican delegates cheered his appear- 
ance, and two republican governors refused to surrender him for 
trial. 

If a republican cannot be tried in a democratic state, will the 
republicans insist that a democrat could have a fair trial in a repub- 
lican state? If the reasons presented by Governor Durbin are 
sound, then it is perfectly safe for a republican to kill any demo- 
cratic executive and flee to a republican state, and if democratic 
governors act upon the same principle, it is safe for a democrat to 
kill a republican official and then flee to a democratic state. In 
other words, the position taken by Governor Durbin. if accepted 
as a precedent, invites a reign of lawlessness, and ought to alarm 
the friends of law and order, regardless of political affiliations. 



The Commoner Condensed. 305 



XV. 

SUSPICIOUS EEJOICING. 

Why do the republican papers rejoice over every event which 
they can torture into a victory for the re-organizing element of the 
democratic party? It is onlv fair lo assume that the republican 
editors have a partisan interest in weakening the democratic party. 
It is only fair to assume that they will be pleased by any indication 
of weakness on the part of their political opponents. Why is it 
then, that they exult whenever gold and corporation democrats 
secure control of the party organization? Why is it that they 
constantly surpress all evidence encouraging to Kansas City plat- 
form democrats, and magnify everything that gives hope to the men 
who oppose the Kansas City platform? Kead, for illustration, 
the republican comments on the recent election. The republican 
papers gave columns of editorial space to the suppression of the 
Kansas City platform by the Ohio convention and declared that 
the democrats of that state had put themselves in good fighting 
trim by discarding the so-called "heresies" that had "handicapped' 7 
them. They also vociferously asserted that the democratic can- 
didate for governor in Iowa was opposed to allowing national 
issues to enter into the campaign. Now, they point to the re- 
publican majority in Iowa as a defeat for silver, and they either 
ignore the result in Ohio altogether, or, as some of the papers 
do, explain it by saying that Mr. Kilbourne was at heart a silver 
man and that he did not poll as large a vote as he would have polled 
had he been an advocate of the gold standard. 

The result in Nebraska is especially pleasing to the republicans, 
although the republican candidate this year polled fifteen thousand 
votes less than the fusion state ticket and Mr. Bryan polled last 
year. 

The Chicago Tribune says that Tuesday's elections "are grati- 
fying," and that they "indicate plainly that the democratic party 
is rehabilitating itself by returning gradually to its old doctrines." 
How fortunate it is that the gold standard papers, that call them- 
selves democratic, and the republican papers are able to agree so 



306 The Commoner Condensed. 

completely as to the best course for the democratic party to pursue. 
This harmony is so harmonious as to arouse the suspicion that 
either the republicans are badly deceived as to what is best for their 
party or that gold democrats are very much mistaken as to what 
is best for the democratic party. 



"THE PEOPLE SOVEKEIGN." 

In his seventh annual message to congress, President Monroe 
said: 

Meeting in you a new congress, I deem it proper to present this 
view of public affairs in greater detail than it might otherwise 
be necessary. I do it, however, with peculiar satisfaction, from a 
knowledge that in this respect I shall comply more fully with the 
sound principles of our government. The people being with us 
exclusively the sovereign, it is indispensable that full information 
be laid before them on all important subjects, to enable them to 
exercise that high power with complete effect. If kept in the 
dark, they must be incompetent to do it. We are all liable to 
error, and those who are engaged in the management of public 
affairs are more subject to excitement and to be led astray by their 
particular interests and passions than the great body of our con- 
stituents, who, living at home in the pursuit of their ordinary 
avocations, are calm, but deeply interested spectators of events 
and of the conduct of those who are parties to them. To the 
people every department of the government and every individual in 
each are responsible, and the more full their information the better 
they can judge of the wisdom of the policy pursued and of the 
conduct of each in regard to it. From their dispassionate judgment 
much aid may always be obtained, while their approbation will 
form the greatest incentive and most gratifying reward of virtuous 
actions, and the dread of their censure the best security against 
the abuse of their confidence. Their interests in all vital questions 
are the same, and the bond, by sentiment as well as by interest, 
will be proportionately strengthened as they are better informed of 
the real state of public affairs, especially in difficult conjunctions. 
It is by such knowledge that local prejudices and jealousies are 
surmounted, and that a national policy, extending its fostering care 
and protection to all the great interests of our union, is formed 
and steadily adhered to. 

This sentiment from one of the greatest as well as one of the 
earliest presidents is respectfully commended to the present chief 
executive, who not only meets a new congress, but is himself new 



The Commoner Condensed. 307 

to the responsibilities so suddenly and unexpectedly thrust upon 
him. 

The people have been agitated by conflicting principles; they 
have discussed conflicting policies and they have been led or misled 
by conflicting evidence. It would be well for the president to 
take the people into his confidence at the very beginning of his 
official career and state to them the facts as he understands them 
and the policies which he believes it best to pursue. If he believes 
that a "branch bank" is a desirable thing, let him frankly say so 
and give his reasons; if he believes that an "asset currency" is 
safe, let him declare it; if he thinks that the silver dollar should 
be made redeemable in gold, let him say so and also state whether 
he recognizes the fact that the retirement of the silver dollar 
is the natural and necessary result of its being made redeemable 
in gold. If he thinks that a national bank note, issued for the 
profit of the banks and controlled in volume by banks for their 
own interests, is better than a greenback, let him state his position 
and invite judgment upon it. If he thinks that a private monopoly 
is a good thing, let him explain why; or, if he believes that it is 
indefensible and intolerable, let him point out an efficient remedy. 

If he believes in the strenuous doctrine that this nation will 
decay unless it diverts itself with the pastime of subjugating or 
killing off "inferior races," let him openly announce his advocacy 
of an imperial policy and reconcile, if he can, the principle of such 
a policy with the principles of a republic. If he believes in 
taxation without representation and government without the consent 
of the governed, let him apologize, in the name of the American 
people, for the war of the revolution and for the loud professions 
which we have made on the subject for more than a century. If, 
on the contrary, he accepts the doctrines set forth in the Declaration 
of Independence, let him reconcile them with the actions of our 
carpet-bag government in the Philippines, or use his great influence 
to bring the government back to its old foundations. 

The president has shown that he possesses physical courage; 
will he now prove his possession of moral courage? Will he be 
entirely frank with the people, outline his policies and ask judg- 
ment upon them? Or, will he resort to the ambiguity that has 
characterized the utterances of most of the republican leaders? 
The people are the exclusive sovereign, and they are entitled to 
candor and honesty from those whom they entrust with authority. 



308 The Commoner Condensed. 



OUR DUTY TO THE BOERS. 

The struggle which the brave Dutchmen of the Transvaal are 
making for national existence will soon require American atten- 
tion, however much political leaders in this country may seek to 
close their eyes to the situation. 

It is not too much to say that the battle which the Boers are 
waging against Great Britain is one of the greatest, if not the 
greatest, among all the heroic struggles in the world's history. 
No thoughtful American would suggest that the United States 
take actual part in the war. There are, however, some things 
which the United States can do, which would be natural for them 
to do, and which will in time be essential for them to do, if the 
administration would reflect the very apparent sentiment and 
sympathy of the people. 

American presidents have never hesitated to express public sym- 
pathy with a people struggling for liberty and a republican form 
of government. There is in such sympathy something besides 
the sentimental; there is an intensely practical feature. The 
United States of America furnishes a living protest against the 
monarchical theory of government. Every monarchy that is trans- 
formed into a republic strengthens the United States. Every 
republic that is erected on foreign soil is distinctly a benefit to 
our own republic. When a republic is crushed, or dies, the United 
States suffers, perhaps unconsciously to many of its people, but 
suffers nevertheless. Hence, in a contest between two little re- 
publics in South Africa and the British nation, the American 
sympathies must be with the South Africans. 

President Roosevelt is preparing his message to congress. He 
has an opportunity to express the sympathy of the American 
people with the republics of South Africa. He has an opportunity 
to reflect the overwhelming popular sentiment in this country 
and to give voice to the well-nigh unanimous hope and prayer that 
Great Britain may not succeed in its efforts to destroy the two 
republics. 

It is not necessary that any unfriendly spirit should be shown 
towards Great Britain on the part of the one who expresses the 
hope that the people of the Transvaal will win in this great battle. 
It would, indeed, be surprising if the American people were not 



The Commoner Condensed. 309 

heart and soul in sympathy with the South. Africans, and there 
is no good reason, in law or in morals, why this sympathy should 
not find reflection in the president's message. There are models 
at the president's hand for such an expression. 

In 1822, President Monroe, in a message to congress, said: 

.Europe is still unsettled, and although the war long menaced 
between Russia and Turkey has not broken out, there is no cer- 
tainty that the differences between those powers will be amicably 
adjusted. It is impossible to look at the oppressions of the 
country respecting which those differences arose without being 
deeply affected. The mention of Greece fills the mind with the 
most exalted sentiments and arouses in our bosoms the best feel- 
ings of which our nature is susceptible. Superior skill and re- 
finement in the arts, heroic gallantry in action, disinterested pa- 
triotism, enthusiastic zeal and devotion in favor of personal and 
public liberty, are associated with our recollections of ancient 
Greece. That such a country should have been overwhelmed and 
so long hidden, as it were, from the world under a gloomy des- 
potism has been a cause of unceasing and deep regret to generous 
minds for ages past. It was natural, therefore, that the re-ap- 
pearance of those people in their original character, contending 
in favor of their liberties, should produce that great excitement 
and sympathy in their favor which have been so signally displayed 
throughout the United States. A strong hope is entertained that 
these people will recover their independence and resume their 
equal station among the nations of the earth. 

In 1823, President Monroe, in a message to congress, said: 

A strong hope has been entertained, founded on the heroic 
struggles of the Greeks, that they would succeed in their contest 
and resume equal station among the nations of the earth. It is 
believed that the whole civilized world takes a deep interest in 
their welfare. Although no power has declared in their favor, 
yet none, according to our information, has taken part against 
them. Their cause and their name have protected them from 
dangers which might ere this have overwhelmed any other people. 
The ordinary calculations of interest and of acquisition with a view 
to aggrandizement, which mingles so much in the transactions 
of nations, seem to have had no effect in regard to them. From 
the facts which have come to our knowledge there is good cause 
to believe that their enemy has lost forever all dominion over 
them; that Greece will become again an independent nation. 
That she may obtain that rank is the object of our most ardent 
Wishes. ' 



310 The Commoner Condensed. 

In 1827, President John Qnincy Adams, in a message to con- 
gress, speaking of "the suffering Greeks," said: 

The friends of freedom and of humanity may indulge the 
hope that they will obtain relief from that most unequal of con- 
flicts which they have so long and so gallantly sustained; that 
they will enjoy the blessings of self-government, which, by their 
sufferings in the cause of liberty, they have richly earned, and 
that their independence will be secured by those liberal institu- 
tions of which their country furnished the earliest examples in 
the history of mankind, and which have consecrated to immortal 
remembrance the very soil for which the people and government 
of the United States have so warmly indulged with their cause 
have been acknowledged by their government, in a letter of thanks, 
which I have received from their illustrious president, a translation 
of which is now communicated to congress, the representative 
of that nation to whom this tribute of gratitude was intended 
to be paid, and to whom it was justly due. 

President Taylor, in 1849, in a message to congress, said : 

I have scrupulously avoided any interference in the wars and 
contentions which have recently distracted Europe. During the 
late conflict between Austria and Hungary there seemed to be a 
prospect that the latter might become an independent nation. 
However faint that prospect at the time appeared, I thought 
it my duty, in accordance with the general sentiment of the Ameri- 
can people, who deeply sympathized with the Magyar patriots, to 
stand prepared, upon the contingency of the establishment by 
law of a permanent government, to be the first to welcome in- 
dependent Hungary into the family of nations. For this purpose 
I invested an agent then in Europe with power to declare our 
willingness promptly to recognize her independence in the event 
of her ability to sustain it. The powerful intervention of Russia 
in the contest extinguished the hopes of the Magyars. The United 
States did not at any time interfere With the contest, but the 
feelings of the nation were strongly enlisted in the cause and 
by the sufferings of a brave people, who had made a gallant 
though unsuccessful effort to be free. 

In 1850, President Taylor, in a message to congress, said: 

It will be seen by the documents now transmitted that no 
minister or agent was accredited by the government of Hungary 
to this government at any period since I came into office, nor 
was any communication ever received by this government from 
the minister of foreign affairs of Hungary or any other executive 
officer authorized to act in her behalf. 



The Commoner Condensed. 311 

My purpose, as freely avowed in this correspondence, was to 
have acknowledged the independence of Hungary had she suc- 
ceeded in establishing a government de facto on a basis sufficiently 
permanent in its character to have justified me in doing so accord- 
ing to the usages and settled principles of this government; and 
although she is now fallen and many of her gallant patriots are 
in exile or in chains, I am free still to declare that had she been 
successful in the maintenance of such a government as we could 
have recognized, we should have been the first to welcome her 
into the family of nations. 

What has occurred in the history of the United States of America, 
since the days of Monroe, of Adams and of Taylor that this great 
republic cannot give expression to its honest sentiments? 

What is there in the atmosphere of the present day that would 
restrain an American president from expressing in a polite, yet 
vigorous way the hope and prayer of the American people that 
in every struggle between an empire and a republic, in every con- 
test between a monarchy and a people's government, the republic 
may live, and that the people's cause may prevail ? 



WOKKINGMEN AT THE POLLS. 

The recent municipal elections in San Francisco illustrate the 
power of the workingmen when they unite at the polls. Members 
of the union labor organizations organized a party during the cam- 
paign, nominated Mr. Schmitz as their candidate for mayor and 
carried the city by a plurality of four thousand in a total vote of 
fifty-three thousand, defeating both the republican and the demo- 
cratic candidates. 

San Francisco has been the seat of labor troubles for some months 
past. It will be remembered that the iron workers struck early in 
the summer and that many other trades unions went out or were 
locked out as a result. An association called the Employers' asso- 
ciation tried to compel teamsters to abandon their unions, and the 
trouble continued until about the time candidates were nominated 
for city offices. As Mayor Phelan, the democratic candidate, was 
elected two and four years ago, and as the republican candidate 
this time was second in the race, it is evident that a large proportion 
of the democratic strength went to the labor candidate. This is 
proof, first, that the wage-earners constitute a larger element of 



312 The Commoner Condensed. 

the democratic party than of the republican party and, second, that 
democratic wage-earners are an independent class of voters who 
cast their ballots according to their judgment. There are so many 
local questions involved in a municipal campaign that the readers 
of The Commoner scattered throughout the country may not be 
able to pass judgment upon the issues which the citizens of San 
Francisco had to act upon, but it is interesting to every one to 
know the power that the laboring men have when they choose to 
exercise it. If they would show the same earnestness all over the 
country they would prove a most effective, if not an irresistible, 
force in reform movements. If the laboring men who are in the 
habit of supporting the republican ticket would by their votes make 
it known that they could not be counted upon to aid a party con- 
trolled by banks, corporations, syndicates and monopolies, the repub- 
lican leaders would find that no corporation funds, however vast, 
could secure them a national victory. 



THE GOLD STRONGHOLD CAPTURED. 

The readers of The Commoner know that in the campaign of 
1896 the Palmer and Buckner ticket carried but one precinct 
in the United States, namely, Dudley township, in Haskell county, 
Kansas. The vote there stood : Palmer and Buckner, 3 ; McKinley 
and Hobart, 2; Bryan and Sewall, 1. A reader of The Commoner 
sends in a statement signed by the county clerk of that county 
to the effect that Dudley township went democratic this year by a 
majority of seven. 

The attention of the Chicago Chronicle, the New York World, 
the Louisville Courier- Journal and other gold standard papers is 
called to this fact. While they are "pointing with pride" to 
victories won by the re-organizers, let them "view with alarm" 
the recapture of this gold standard stronghold, which became so 
conspicuous five years ago. 

The gold standard papers have magnified every victory which the 
re-organizers have won since 1896, now let them bow in humiliation 
over the sweeping defeat that has robbed them of the only precinct 
which their party has ever carried. 

Ordinarily the change of a precinct would not be a matter of 
national significance, but the change of the only precinct that the 



The Commoner Condensed. 313 

Palmer and Buckner ticket carried is certainly a serious blow to 
the men who carried on that unique campaign of fraud and de- 
ception. The men who did the most talking for Palmer and 
Buckner voted the republican ticket, as did all whom they could 
secretly influence. The re-organizers are being led by those who 
either voted for the ticket that carried but one precinct, or pre- 
tended to support it while they voted the republican ticket. What 
will the democratic party be if they secure control of the organi- 
zation? What promise of relief can the party give to the people 
at large if the policies of the j)arty are controlled by bolters who 
have shown no repentance since 1896? What hope of victory can 
we have under the leadership of those who conducted the Palmer 
and Buckner party to so disastrous a defeat ? 



DEMOCEATIC LEADERSHIP. 

The Chicago Chronicle, emboldened by the success which has in 
some quarters attended the efforts made to re-organize the demo- 
cratic party, comes out with the demand for new leadership. It 
wants a new platform, candidates who are acceptable to the moneyed 
interests and an organization that will draw its sinews of war from 
the corporations, and then conduct the government according 
to the plans and specifications furnished by the corporations. It 
says: 

It is not surprising that with a presidential candidate and these 
managers from states at a far distance from the business and 
political center of the country the democratic party has been 
defeated disastrously in two campaigns and finds difficulty in rising 
from its overthrow. In the future such states as are now re- 
publican, but may be gained by the democrats, must furnish the 
democratic managing committeemen as well as the democratic 
national candidates. * * * 

Not only must the new leaders be from the central states, but 
they must be familiar with all classes of people — with the educated, 
the enterprising, the prosperous, with those who have built up 
and manage the great commercial, industrial and transportation 
interests, with the farmers of the great agricultural states, with the 
educators and professional men of the country. * * * 

In democratic party management the frontiersmen must give 
way to representatives from those parts of the country that have 
emerged from limited backwoods views of public affairs, of politics 



314 The Commoner Condensed 

and statesmanship, of education and progress, of the methods 
by which a great party may be led along the lines of enlightened 
policy, attract adherents from the best elements of citizenship, 
gain the support of independent voters and gain all those forces 
by which an apparent minority in the campaign is swelled into a 
majority at the ballot box. 

We are to have leaders who are familiar (why not intimate?) 
with the "educated, enterprising and prosperous" and with "those 
who have built up and manage the great commercial, industrial and 
transportation interests." 

Probably the Chronicle would consent to have the word "edu- 
cated" stricken out if the party would agree to consult only the 
"prosperous" and "those who have built up and manage the great 
commercial, industrial and transportation interests." 

The proposition plainly stated is that the democratic party, 
which owes its voting strength to its advocacy of democratic prin- 
ciples and to its championship of the rights of the common people, 
must now turn itself over to the men wHo manage tne great cor- 
porate enterprises, and must secure the support of organized 
wealth by pledging itself not to interfere with privileges, favor- 
itism and exploitation. The principal owner of the Chronicle is 
Mr. John E. Walsh, president of the Chicago National bank. He 
votes the republican ticket, and is on intimate terms with the 
corporations which his paper thinks ought to control the democratic 
party. Why not nominate Mr. Walsh for president? With such 
a candidate it would not be necessary to have a platform, and thus 
a great deal of contention might be avoided. The platform would 
be unnecessary for two reasons, first, because Mr. Walsh's environ- 
ment is a guarantee that he would do nothing to disturB the enter- 
prises and privileges of those who "have built up and manage 
the great commercial, industrial and transportation interests," 
and, secondly, men of that stamp care nothing for platforms 
and would not be bound by them in case of success. Mr. Walsh's 
nomination would have another advantage, namely, it would not 
be necessary to nominate a candidate for vice president. The 
convention could instruct the electors to vote for any person whom 
Mr. Walsh, after election, should suggest. This would enable 
him to choose his successor in case he should undermine his own 
constitution in his effort to override the federal constitution. 
Neither would it be necessary to have any campaign managers, 



The Commoner Condensed. 315 

because the clerks in Mr. Walsh's bank could attend to the details 
of the campaign, and the financiers throughout the country could 
be the local representatives of the organization. 

If the Chronicle's theory is correct, such a nomination would 
not only transfer the party management from the "frontiersmen'" 
to "representatives from those parts of the country that have 
emerged from the limited backwoods view of public affairs/' etc, 
but it would attract adherence from the "best elements of citizen- 
ship" (as measured by the pocketbook standard), and gain the 
support of those "independent voters" who allow the financiers to 
do their thinking for them. No doubt such a policy would swell 
the vote "of an apparent minority in the campaign" into "a 
majority at the ballot box" — provided always that the organization 
had enough money to buy all the republican votes, and was able 
at the same time (a very difficult matter) to retain the democratic 
vote. Probably the Chronicle goes on the theory that we would 
not need any of the democratic votes if we could buy all the 
republican votes. 

This is the substance of the advice given by a paper controlled 
by a republican, but pretending to be democratic, and its advice 
is in entire harmony with a number of other papers owned in the 
same way and operated for the same purpose. Is it possible that 
such papers can have any influence with democrats who believe 
in democratic principles and think more of the party's honor than 
they do of any temporary success won by a sacrifice of the interests 
of the people ? 



A PROPHECY THAT FAILED. 

In the campaign of 1900 the republican leaders denied that their 
party contemplated a permanent increase in the standing army. 
They asserted that a large army was only necessary Because of the 
insurrection in the Philippines, and they boldly declared that the 
insurrection would cease immediately if the republican ticket was 
successful. The democratic platform and democratic speakers were 
blamed for the prolongation of the war. "Just re-elect President 
McKinley," they said, "and let the Filipinos know that they are 
not to have independence, and they will lay down their arms and 
our soldiers can come home." 



316 The Commoner Condensed. 

Well, the republican ticket was elected, and the Filipinos were 
notified that they were not to have independence, but a month after 
the election the republicans rushed through congress a bill authoriz- 
ing the president to raise the regular army to 100,000, and now, 
after a year has elapsed, the insurrection is still in progress and the 
end is not yet. Some of the worst losses of the year have been suf- 
fered by our troops within two months. General Chaffee reports 
that the Filipinos have profited by the deception practiced upon 
them when Aguinaldo was trapped. He says that "insurgent 
soldiers in ordinary civilian's dress lurked about and among Ameri- 
can garrisons," and he adds that "with deceptive cunning they ob- 
tained credentials from American authorities." We were assured a 
year ago that only a small fraction of the Filipinos were hostile to 
the American government. We were told that the great majority of 
the Filipinos welcomed the American government and were glad 
to be made subjects. The Times-Herald quotes General Chaffee as 
saying that "the whole people of the Philippines are engaged in 
waging war upon the United States." The Times-Herald (a repub- 
lican paper) adds : "The Filipinos who are friendly to the United 
States are said to be those holding office, and the officers who dis- 
cussed the situation to-day assert that their loyalty will continue 
onlv so long as they have the opportunity of drawing American 
dollars." 

If Mr. McKinley was correctly informed when he stated that 
most of the Filipinos were friendly, then the insurrection has, ac- 
cording to General Chaffee, increased rather than diminished. 

After the republican victory made it impossible for the imperial- 
ists to blame the anti-imperialists for the continuation of hostilities, 
the republican leaders declared that Aguinaldo, actuated by selfish 
ambition, was compelling his countrymen to continue the war. 
But even after his capture and imprisonment — yes, even after his 
captors had secured from him an address advising his comrades 
to surrender — the insurrection continued. How long will it take 
the imperialists to learn that we can never have peace in the Philip- 
pine Islands? That we can suppress open resistance is certain, 
although the cost may be far beyond any gain that can be derived 
from a colonial government, but that we can ever make the Filipinos 
love us or trust us while we rule them through a carpet-bag govern- 
ment, is absurd. 

If the republicans had read the speeches of Abraham Lincoln' 



The Commoner Condensed. 317 

as much recently as they did in former years, they would have 
known that hatred of an alien government is a natural thing and a 
thing to be expected everywhere. Lincoln said that it was God Him- 
self who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. Lincoln 
spoke the truth. Love of liberty is linked to life itself, and "what 
God hath joined together let no man put asunder." 



A DEMOCRATIC DUTY. 

With the opening of the first session of the Fifty-seventh congress 
the congressional campaign of 1902 begins. The Philippine ques- 
tion will be the most important matter considered by this congress 
and in all probability the most important issue in the campaign 
of 1902. The democrats not only have an opportunity to make 
a strong appeal to the country on this question, but it is their duty 
to do so. The republicans do not dare to meet the issue of 
imperialism openly and honestly; they do not dare to invite judg- 
ment upon a colonial policy; they do not dare to candidly avow 
their, purpose to hold the Philippine Islands permanently. A 
large majority of the rank and file of the republican party cherish 
the belief that their party intends ultimate independence for the 
Filipinos. The democrats can remove this delusion by compelling 
the republicans to accept or reject the democratic plan of dealing 
with the Philippine question. 

f The democratic platform of 1900 not only presented a plan for 
the peaceful and permanent settlement of the Philippine question, 
but it presented the only complete plan that has been offered to 
the American people. It reads as follows : 

WE CONDEMN AND DENOUNCE THE PHILIPPINE 
POLICY OF THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION. IT HAS 
INVOLVED THE REPUBLIC IN UNNECESSARY WAR, 
SACRIFICED THE LIVES OF MANY OF OUR NOBLEST 
SONS AND PLACED THE UNITED STATES, PREVIOUSLY 
KNOWN AND APPLAUDED THROUGHOUT THE WORLD 
AS THE CHAMPION OF FREEDOM, IN THE FALSE AND 
UN-AMERICAN POSITION OF CRUSHING WITH MILI- 
TARY FORCE THE EFFORTS OF OUR FORMER ALLIES 
TO ACHIEVE LIBERTY AND SELF-GOVERNMENT. THE 
FILIPINOS CANNOT BE CITIZENS WITHOUT EN- 



3 18 The Commoner Condensed. 

D ANGERING OUK CIVILIZATION; THEY CANNOT BE 
SUBJECTS WITHOUT IMPERILLING OUR FORM 02? 
GOVERNMENT, AND AS WE ARE NOT WILLING TO SUR- 
RENDER OUR CIVILIZATION OR TO CONVERT THE 
REPUBLIC INTO AN EMPIRE, WE FAVOR AN IMME- 
DIATE DECLARATION OF THE NATION'S PURPOSE TO 
GIVE THE FILIPINOS, FIRST, A STAPLE FORM OF 
GOVERNMENT; SECOND, INDEPENDENCE; AND, 
THIRD, PROTECTION FROM OUTSIDE INTERFERENCE, 
SUCH AS HAS BEEN GIVEN FOR NEARLY A CENTURY 
TO THE REPUBLICS OF CENTRAL AND SOUTH 
AMERICA. 

The democrats can afford to take their stand npon this plat- 
form and challenge the attack of imperialists. More than a year 
has elapsed since the election of 1900, which, according to the 
republican prophec}^ was to terminate the war in the Philippines. 
Every month has shown more clearly the failure of republican 
arguments and the evils of an imperialistic policy. The demo- 
cratic platform charges that imperialism "has involved the re- 
public in unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of our 
noblest sons and placed the United States, previously known and 
applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in 
the false and un-American position of crushing with military 
force the efforts of our allies to achieve liberty and self-govern- 
ment/' 

The war is unnecessary because the Filipinos are ready to lay 
down their arms whenever independence is promised them. The 
sacrifice of life has continued unabated and the imperialists seem 
as little concerned about the death of American soldiers as they 
do about the killing of the natives. The effect of imperialism 
has manifested itself in the failure of republican leaders to ex- 
press any sympathy for the Boers, or to feel an interest in their 
struggles for liberty and self-government. The indictment which 
the democratic party made against the republican administration 
was sufficiently sustained by the events that had transpired prior 
to the convention, and the trend of events since that time has 
furnished overwhelming evidence in support of that indictment. 
Let the democratic leaders in the senate and house present this 
evidence in their speeches so that it may reach the entire country 
through the Congressional Record. 



The Commoner Condensed. 319 

Why do the republicans hesitate to outline a policy? The 
reason is suggested in a portion of the platform already quoted: 
"The Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civili- 
zation; they cannot be subjects without imperilling our form of 
government." 

The republicans are not willing to say that they intend to make 
the Filipinos citizens with a voice in the conducting of our (and 
their) federal government. This would be to propose a hetero- 
geneous government which would ultimately fall to pieces be- 
cause of diversity of races and interests. Neither are they will- 
ing to declare that the Filipinos are to be kept subjects forever, 
for this would be plainly inconsistent with our form of govern- 
ment, our traditions and the well-nigh universal sentiment of our 
people. When one understands that we must put the Filipinos 
into training for ultimate citizenship or condemn them to per- 
petual servitude under a colonial system; when one understands 
that we must either hold before the Filipinos the hope of full 
participation in our government or doom them to. despair, — ■ 
when one understands this alternative he readily sees why the 
republicans refuse to divulge their purpose. 

The democratic plan for the settlement of the Philippine ques- 
tion is identical with the plan proposed by the republicans for 
the settlement of the Cuban question, and the republicans can- 
not reject the democratic plan without showing some essential 
difference between the rights of the Cubans and the rights of 
the Filipinos. First, a stable form of government must be estab- 
lished in the place of the one overthrown by us, but it will 
be easy to establish this stable government when the Filipinos 
know that it is to be their government. There would be insurrec- 
tion now in Cuba if we had treated the Cubans as we have treated 
the Filipinos; there would now be peace in the Philippines if 
we had treated the Filipinos as we have treated the Cubans. 
We have not scrupulously observed the promise made to the Cu- 
bans, and yet the confidence which the Cubans have felt in ulti- 
mate independence has led them to submit even when our demands 
seemed unreasonable and unjust. 

Independence is the desire and the right of the Filipinos. If 
we denied them independence and gave them full citizenship in 
our government, it might possibly be satisfactory to them, although 
it would be dangerous to us, but the republican leaders do not 



320 The Commoner Condensed. 

promise them citizenship in this government as a substitute for 
an independent government of their own. The Filipinos are not 
enjoying the guarantees of our constitution; they are enduring 
a carpet-bag government such as the American people would not 
submit to. We are not giving the Filipinos American liberty, 
American institutions or an American constitution. We are 
giving them an arbitrary and despotic government, for a govern- 
ment imposed by force and administered according to foreign ideas 
is always despotic, no matter how benevolent may be the purpose 
of those who administer it. 

In proposing protection from outside interference the demo- 
crats offer to the Philippine republic the same guardianship which 
has been given to the republics of Central and South America, a 
guardianship that gives to the smaller republics the protection 
of our strength without making them the victims of our greed. 
For seventy-five years the Monroe doctrine has been a bulwark 
to the independent governments which have sprung up to the 
south of us. It has not involved us in any considerable expense, 
but it has been immensely valuable both to the wards and to 
the guardian. When England recently asserted the right to fix 
arbitrarily the boundary line between her South American posses- 
sions and Venezuela, it only required a firm, but friendly warning 
from the United States to prevent a conflict and secure equity 
and justice for Venezuela. 

No nation in Europe would wage war against the United States 
in order to secure the Philippine islands, and it is doubtful if 
any of the leading nations of Europe would be willing to allow 
any other European nation to own the Philippine islands. 

The republicans said that it would cost us an enormous sum 
of money to extend the Monroe doctrine to the Philippine islands. 
It has already cost us an immense sum to attempt to assert our 
own authority in those islands. Against the republican prophecy 
we place republican history; against the ungrounded fear of ex- 
pense we place the money already expended. When we try to 
govern the Filipinos against their will and tax them without repre- 
sentation, they fight us, and we have found that they are able 
to force us to vast expenditures. If, on the other hand, we pro- 
tect them from outside interference, they fight the nation which 
attacks them instead of fighting us, and if they can give other 



The Commoner Condensed. 321 

nations as much trouble as they have given us they will not re- 
quire much help from us to maintain their independence. 

The democratic position is not only sound, but it is unassail- 
able; it rests upon the Declaration of Independence; it is in har- 
mony with the constitution and the bill of rights. Now that 
the party can choose the battleground, let it challenge the re- 
publicans to attack the conscience and the moral sentiment of 
the people as well as the principles of free government. If the 
democrats will present a united front on this issue — an issue 
upon which the Kansas City convention was unanimous — there 
is hope of a victory that will not only reinstate the democratic 
party, but restore the government to its old foundations and 
the nation to that high position among the nations to which 
its ideas and its ideals have entitled it. 



THE YELLOW PERIL. 

It will be necessary for the present congress to take action upon 
the Chinese exclusion act which expires by limitation May 24, 
1902. The Kansas City platform contained the following plank 
on the subject: 

We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the Chinese 
exclusion law and its application to the same classes of all Asiatic 
races. 

This plank was unanimously agreed upon by the platform 
committee, and there was no dissent from it among the delegates. 
It is to be expected, therefore, that the proposition to extend the 
Chinese exclusion act will receive the support of all the democrats 
in the house and senate. The editor of The Commoner received a 
letter a few days ago from a democrat who complained that the 
laboring men of the Pacific slope had ignored the Chinese question 
in the last campaign and suggested that it would only be a 
merited punishment if the republican party refused to extend the 
exclusion act. It is not unnatural that some resentment should 
be felt toward those who supported the republican party in spite 
of the dangers which republican supremacy involves, and yet no 
one can justify himself in either supporting a bad policy or in 
failing to protest against it merely because the policy would punish 
some who ought to have exerted themselves to prevent it. That 



322 The Commoner Condensed. 

many of the republican leaders are in favor of a policy that will 
flood the country with cheap Chinese labor is true, and that an 
imperial policy tends to lend encouragement to the cheap labor 
proposition, is also true, but the failure of the laboring men to 
see these dangers in advance would not justify democrats in re- 
maining quiet on the subject, although the republicans are in power 
and are responsible for legislation. 

The Chinese question is one that effects the entire country, 
not the Pacific Coast alone or the laboring men alone. It is true 
that the Pacific Coast would feel the evil effects of Chinese emigra- 
tion first, and it is also true that the laboring men would come 
into immediate contact with oriental labor, but in its ultimate 
influence the subject touches all parts of the country and reaches 
all classes. The question is whether wfe are going to build up 
a strong, independent, upright and patriotic people and develop a 
civilization that will exert a helpful influence on' all the world, 
or whether we are going to be a greedy, grasping nation, forgetful 
of high ideals and concerned only in the making of money. 

Chinese emigration is defended by two classes of people. First, 
by those, comparatively few in number, who believe that universal 
brotherhood requires us to welcome to our shores all people of 
all lands. This is the sentimental argument advanced in favor 
of Chinese emigration. There is no more reason why we should 
construe brotherhood to require the admission of all people to 
our country than there is that we should construe brotherhood to 
require the dissolution of family ties. The family is a unit; 
it is the place where character and virtue and usefulness are de- 
veloped, and from the family a good or evil influence emanates. 
It is not necessary nor even wise that the family environment 
should be broken up or that all who desire entrance should be 
admitted to the family circle. In a larger sense a nation is a 
family. It is the center for the cultivation of national character, 
national virtue and national usefulness. A nation is under no 
obligation to the outside world to admit anybody or anything that 
would injuriously effect the national family; in fact it is under 
obligation to itself not to do so. The influence of the United 
States will be much more potent for good if we remain a homo- 
geneous nation with all citizens in full sympathy with all other 
citizens. No distinct race like the Chinese can come into this 
country without exciting a friction and a race prejudice which 



The Commoner Condensed. 323 

will make it more difficult for us to exercise a wholesome influence 
upon the Chinese in China, not to speak of our influence on 
other nations. 

Let us educate the Chinese who desire to learn of American 
institutions; let us offer courtesy and protection to those who 
come here to travel and investigate, but it will not be of permanent 
benefit to either the Chinese or to us to invite them to become 
citizens or to permit them to labor here and carry the proceeds 
of their toil back to their own country. 

The second, and by far the larger class, embraces those who 
advocate Chinese emigration on the ground that it will furnish 
cheap labor for household and factory work. There is no force 
in the argument that is made by some that it is difficult to secure 
girls to do housework. If domestic service is not popular as 
compared with other work, it is because the pay is not sufficient 
to make it attractive and the remedy lies in better wages. Labor 
can be secured for any and every honorable position when the price 
is sufficient to attract it, and the demand for Chinese servants 
comes with poor grace from those who often spend on a single 
social entertainment as much as a servant's wages would amount 
to in an entire year. At this time when skilled and intelligent 
American labor is able to compete in foreign markets with the 
cheapest labor in the world, it is absurd to talk about the necessity 
for cheap factory hands. 

The increase in Japanese immigration, or rather importation 
(for large numbers of them are brought for specific purposes) 
has been referred to in a former issue of The Commoner. It 
was there suggested that the Japanese government would doubtless, 
if asked to do so, place restrictions upon Japanese emigration 
that would make it unnecessary for us to deal with the subject 
by legislation. This matter should at once be brought to the 
attention of the Japanese authorities, and unless sufficient and 
satisfactory action is taken by the home government the Chinese 
exclusion act should be made "broad enough to extend to Japanese 
of the same class. 

The subject of oriental emigration cannot be discussed without 
giving some consideration to the danger of cheap labor from the 
Philippine islands. It will soon be necessary to legislate on this 
subject. If the Filipinos are permitted to come here there is danger 
that the Philippine question will become only second in aggravation 



324 The Commoner Condensed. 

to the Chinese question. If, on the other hand, the Filipinos are 
prohibited from coming here (if a republic can prohibit the inhabi- 
tants of one part from visiting another part of the republic), will 
it not excite a just protest on the part of the Filipinos? How 
can we excuse ourselves if we insist upon opening the Philippine 
islands to the invasion of American capital, American speculators, 
and American task-masters, and yet close our doors to those 
Filipinos who, driven from home, may seek an asylum here? 

The democratic party should take a strong and aggressive posi- 
tion on this question. It can afford to oppose Chinese emigration 
and insist upon the unity and homogeneousness of our nation. It 
can afford to insist that Japanese laborers shall be treated the same 
as Chinese laborers and excluded, by agreement with the Japanese 
government if possible, by congressional legislation if necessary. 

The democratic leaders should further point out that the Philip- 
pine question involves the same menace to our country, and that 
as we can neither afford to admit the Filipinos nor yet make a dis- 
tinction between different parts of the republic, we should at once 
declare our purpose to give the Filipinos independence as soon as 
a stable government can be established. 



EXIT, JONES OF NEVADA. 

Senator Jones of Nevada has by his return to the republican party 
given much joy to the gold organs, both republican and democratic. 
He claims to be as firm a believer in bimetallism as when he left 
the republican party, but says that the enormous output of gold 
"has accomplished what bimetallism would have accomplished," 
and that silver is dead. He adds that he has been in harmony with 
the republican party on all other issues, and can, therefore, easily 
return. It is true that the senator from Nevada, distinguished 
by his great service in behalf of bimetallism, has been in harmony 
with the republican party on all questions save the silver question 
alone, and therefore his apostacy at this time is not surprising, 
although much to be regretted. 

If Senator Jones will review the arguments which he himself has 
made, he will be convinced that the output of gold has not been suf- 
ficient to accomplish "what bimetallism would have accomplished." 
The restoration of bimetallism would have raised silver to $1.29 an 



The Commoner Condensed. 325 

ounce; it would have brought into full monetary use throughout 
the world four billions of silver which has been constantly legis- 
lated against. It would have raised prices to the former bimetallic 
level and placed the business of the world upon a solid basis. The 
output of gold has not done this, and as a mere matter of mathe- 
matics it is easy to demonstrate that it will require a great many 
years for the present output to furnish a quantity of gold sufficient 
to accomplish "what bimetallism would have accomplished." But 
before gold can be used to take the place of silver we must sub- 
tract from the annual product, first, enough for use in the arts; 
second, enough to cover lost coins and abrasion, and, third, enough 
to furnish the gold using nations with the annual increase necessary 
to keep pace with the demand for money. When Senator Sher- 
man was defending the act of 1890, known as the Sherman law, 
he argued that we needed fifty-four millions of new money every 
year to keep pace with population and industry. If that quantity 
is necessary for this country alone, what sum would be sufficient 
to supply all the gold using nations of the world ? 

The financiers of all countries oppose any permanent rise in 
prices because that would lessen the purchasing power of the dollar 
and depreciate the exchange value of their money and securities. 
If they thought there was any danger of the gold supply being 
sufficient to accomplish "what bimetallism would have accom- 
plished," they would be clamoring for the use of gold in the retire- 
ment of uncovered paper, and, finally, they would demand a limita- 
tion of the coinage of gold. There has been a rise in the level of 
prices since 1896, but a part of this was the natural rebound after 
panic conditions, part was due to the prevailing wars, and a part to 
the manipulation of prices by trusts. We have not yet reached 
normal conditions, and, therefore, cannot say how much the general 
level of prices will be increased by the output of gold. We do know, 
however, that gold has not raised, and probably will not raise prices 
to anything like the bimetallic level. We cannot accept the gold 
standard as final until we are sure that we have gold enough, not 
only for the nations that now use it, but for the nations that will be 
ultimately driven to it if the United States surrenders its conten- 
tion for bimetallism. Where would the three hundred million people 
of India and the four hundred million people of China secure 
gold if they were to go to the gold standard? What nation has any 
considerable gold to spare? 



326 The Commoner Condensed. 

It is evident that Nevada's senator has reached a point where his 
interest in other policies of the republican party outweighs his at- 
tachment for bimetallism. The fact that he is not alarmed by the 
republican advocacy of a "branchy bank," an "asset currency," and 
trusts, or by the corporate domination and the imperial policy of 
the republican party, shows that devotion to silver was due more 
to the fact that he came from a mining state than to any broad 
and deep sympathy with the masses of the people. If his belief 
in bimetallism had grown out of his desire to see the government 
administered according to the doctrine of "equal rights to all 
and special privileges to none," no increase in the produc- 
tion of gold could have carried him back to the republican 
party. He gained his reputation as the champion of the rights of 
the people on one question — the mone}^ question. Let us see if 
he ever makes a speech in favor of present republican policies that 
will compare with the speech which he made in denunciation of 
the gold standard. 



CAN" IT BE? 

Keferring to the great railroad trusts, the Chicago Tribune says : 

. An issue of tremendous consequence is thus being brought to the 
whole country. It is a matter for conjecture if these railroad and 
financial manipulators comprehend what this issue is. The failure 
of full and effective government regulation which the roads have 
so far succeeded in breaking down means government ownership, 
nothing less than that. And toward just that conclusion the com- 
binations are forcing the country. It will be a great mistake to 
suppose that the present patience of the people with the growing 
domination of monopoly is a test of what the public temper will 
always prove to be. 

What right has the Tribune to "contribute to the disquiet of the 
people" ? 

What right has the Tribune "to seek to make the people discon- 
tented"? 

What right has the Tribune to "attack property"? 

Does not the Tribune know that trusts are "indispensable to 
progress," that "consolidation is the decree of destiny," that a rail- 
road octopus for the United States of America will make us what 
we so long have wished to be, "a world power" ? 



The Commoner Condensed 327 

The Tribune threatens government ownership, which the Tribune 
and other republican newspapers have so often denounced as a 
populist fallacy. What is the world coming to when so strong a 
republican newspaper as the Chicago Tribune finds it necessary to 
raise its voice in protest against monopoly and goes so far as to 
threaten a populist remedy for a republican disease? 

Can it be that after all there is evil in the trust system? Can 
it be after all that consolidation and destruction of competition are 
not good for the public welfare ? 



A STABLE DOLLAK. 



A reader of The Commoner asks for a definition of an honest 
dollar. Stability is the test of honesty. An absolutely honest dol- 
lar would be one whose average purchasing power would remain 
the same from year to year. The advocates of the gold standard 
are in the habit of speaking of the gold dollar as an honest dollar, 
but one of the leading monometallists, Professor Laughlin, in his 
work on bimetallism, says: "Monometallists do not (as is often 
said) believe that gold remains absolutely stable in value. They 
hold that there is no such thing as a 'standard of value' for future 
payments in gold or silver which remains absolutely invariable." 

This must be admitted by every intelligent student of the science 
of money. The value of the dollar depends on the number of dol- 
lars and an increase or decrease in the volume of money (out of 
proportion to the change in the demand for money) will affect 
prices. For instance, if all the world used the gold standard and 
the production of gold suddenly increased, say two or threefold, 
the increase in prices would be very great. The same effect, though 
in the opposite direction, would be noticed if the supply of money 
suddenly decreased. 

Professor Laughlin, discussing the subject further, says : 

' As regards national debts, it is distinctly averred that neither 
g-old nor silver forms a just measure of deferred payments, and that 
if justice in lon^r contracts is sought for, we should not seek it by 
the doubtful and untried expedient of international bimetallism, 
but bv the clear and certain method of a multiple standard, a unit 
based upon the selling prices of a number of articles of general con- 



328 The Commoner Condensed. 

sumption. A long-time contract would thereby be paid at its ma- 
turity by the same purchasing power as was given in the beginning. 

Here is a clear recognition of two facts, first, that justice lies in 
absolute stability, and, second, that human ingenuity can only ap- 
proximate, never reach, perfect stability. A dollar resting upon 
two metals more nearly approaches stability, and, therefore, justice, 
than a dollar resting upon one metal. According to the same process 
of reasoning, a dollar resting upon a hundred articles would make 
a still nearer approach to stability. 

The multiple standard is not, however, deemed practicable. Both 
gold and silver fluctuate (the production of gold has fluctuated more 
often and more violently than the production of silver) but they 
have not usually fluctuated in concert. When part of the nations 
used gold and part of them silver, so that all of the product of 
both metals could find a place for coinage, it did not make so much 
difference which standard a nation had, for both of the metals con- 
tributed to make up the standard money of the world, but with 
all the nations using gold alone, or all the nations using silver 
alone, the situation would be different. If the gold standard ever 
does produce a stable currency it will disappoint the gold standard 
advocates, for they want a rising dollar. 



The Commoner Condensed. 329 



XVI. 
LET OUE IDEAS CONQUER. 

One of the presidentes of Lipa, Batanzas Province, P. I., has 
addressed a letter to the "Presidentes of the Province" inviting 
them to join him in sending two yonng men, to be selected from 
the students by competition, to the United States for the purpose of 
studying American institutions. He offers to give thirty dollars 
(Mexican money) a month, and asks the other "Presidentes' 7 to 
contribute a like proportion of their salaries. 

It is a worthy precedent, and it is to be hoped that it will be 
followed in other provinces. Of course these Filipino boys cannot 
come here to study our institutions without becoming aware of the 
inconsistency between our professions at home and our practices 
abroad, but their acquaintance with our form of government will 
fit them to help us to conquer the world with our ideas after we 
have withdrawn the authority which now makes subjects out of the 
Filipinos. 

The country can do infinitely more for itself and infinitely more 
for the world by educating representatives of foreign nations and 
sending them back to apply American principles to their social and 
political problems than it can by wars of conquest. No alien govern- 
ment will ever meet the expectations or satisfy the longings of any 
people. The foreigner lacks the race sympathy that is necessary 
to the upbuilding of a nation. Americans who go to the Philippine 
islands will find it impossible to withstand the temptation to use 
the government for exploitation — it has been so with carpet-bag 
governments in the past and it will be so in the future. Human 
nature has not changed much, and is yet far too weak to exercise 
arbitrary and irresponsible power. 

A hundred students educated in the United States and returned 
to the nations of the Orient would do more toward extending our 
trade and our civilization than an army of an hundred thousand 



330 The Commoner Condensed. 

men. The federal government conld well afford to establish a school 
and educate all the students that would be sent here from South 
America and Asia. The cost to the nation would be small compared 
with the cost of a single war of conquest, and the profit would be 
immeasurably greater. 



ANTI-ANARCHY BILLS. 

It is probable that a number of bills directed against anarchy 
will be introduced at the coming session of congress, and all of them 
should be examined carefully to see that freedom of speech is not 
attacked under the guise of an attempt to extinguish anarchy. 
Congressman Curtis of Kansas has given out for publication a bill 
which he has drawn for the suppression and punishment of anar- 
chists. The text of the bill is as follows : 

Sec. 1. That every person who shall, within the United States, un- 
lawfully and wilfully kill or assault with intent to kill the presi- 
dent or vice-president, a member of the president's cabinet, the 
chief justice or a justice of the supreme court of the United States, 
shall be deemed guilty of a crime against the government of the 
United States and upon conviction thereof shall surfer death. 

Sec. 2. That if two or more persons within the United States 
conspire to put the president or vice-president of the United States, 
a member of the president's cabinet, the chief justice or a justice 
of the supreme court of the United States to death, each of them 
shall be deemed guilty of a crime against the government of the 
United States and upon conviction thereof shall suffer death. 

Sec. 3. That every person who shall, within the United States, 
incite, encourage, promote or advocate an assault, with intent to 
kill, upon the president or vice-president of the United States, a 
member of the president's cabinet, the chief justice or a justice of 
the supreme court of the United States, shall be deemed guilty of a 
crime against the government of the United States, and upon con- 
viction thereof shall suffer death. Provided, that nothing in this 
section shall be held or construed to prevent a candid, full and fair 
discussion of public events and public measures, nor to prevent just 
and fair criticism of any public officer. 

Sec. 4. That every person who shall, within the United States, 
incite, encourage, promote or advance the overthrow of the govern- 
ment of the United States, or who shall diffuse the doctrine of 
anarchy, shall be deemed guilty of a crime against the government 
of the United States, and upon conviction thereof shall suffer death. 



The Commoner Condensed. 331 

Provided that nothing in tins section shall be held or construed to 
prevent a candid, full and free discussion of public events and 
public measures nor to prevent just and fair criticism of any public 
officer. 

Sec. 5. That every person who shall join, organize or aid and 
assist in organizing or belong to an anarchist society, club or organ- 
ization, or who shall join, organize or aid or assist in organizing 
or belong to any other society, club or organization, the object of 
which is to overthrow, subvert or change the government of the 
United States, shall be deemed guilty of a crime against the govern- 
ment of the United States, and upon conviction thereof shall be 
punished by confinement at hard labor in any United States peni- 
tentiary not less than twenty years or during life in the discretion 
of the court. 

Sec. 6. That every person who shall knowingly write, print or 
publish, or shall cause to be written, printed or published, any edi- 
torial, article, letter, circular, picture or cartoon, intended and de- 
signed to expose the president or vice-president of the United States, 
any member of the president's cabinet, the chief justice or any jus- 
tice of the supreme court of the United States, to public hatred, 
scorn or contempt, shall be deemed guilty of a crime against the 
government of the United States, and upon conviction thereof shall 
be punished by confinement at hard labor in the United States peni- 
tentiaries not more than ten years, nor less than on year. Provided 
that nothing herein shall be held or construed to prevent candid, 
full and free presentation of public events and public measures, nor 
to prevent just and fair criticism of any public officer. 

Sec. 7. That all prosecutions under this act shall be in the United 
States circuit or district courts of the district wherein the crime 
was committed. 

A federal commission is now revising the laws and has suggested 
a bill which provides that killing, or assaulting with intent to kill, 
a president, vice-president, member of the cabinet or judge of the 
supreme court shall be punishable with death if the assault is made 
upon the official for the purpose of obstructing or interfering with 
the administration of the government. This qualification is an 
essential one and should be added to Congressman Curtis' bill. The 
commission suggested it upon the theory that it was necessary in 
order to give the federal government jurisdiction, but it is defensible 
upon the ground of public policy as well. If the public official is 
attacked by one who aims to strike at the government through the 
official, the attack becomes an offense against the people. If, how- 
ever, the assault is a personal matter, and not directed against the 
officer in his official capacity, it is entirely different. To protect 



332 The Commoner Condensed. 

officials against anarchists it is not necessary to separate them from 
other persons in so far as the ordinary relations of life are con- 
cerned. 

Section 3 of Congressman Curtis' bill contains a proviso which is 
open to criticism and may establish a censorship of the press. The 
provision "that the section shall not be held or construed to prevent 
a full and candid discussion of events/' etc., is not necessary to that 
section. No one has a right to incite, encourage, promote or advise 
an assault with intent to kill the president or any one else. The 
man who does so should be held equally guilty with the man who 
commits the act. A clear line can be drawn between criticism, no 
matter whether it is fair or unfair, and the advocacy of violence of 
any kind, in any form or under any circumstances. 

Section 5 also provides a punishment for any one who incites, 
encourages, etc., the overthrow of the government of the United 
States. That much is plain. But when the section fixes a penalty 
for the diffusion of "the doctrine of anarchy/ 7 it becomes obscure- 
The word anarchy should be defined. In the campaign of 1896 the 
advocates of the Chicago platform were, by some partisan republi- 
cans, denounced as anarchists. The law ought not to be such as 
to give the dominant party ah excuse for prosecuting as criminals 
all the members of the opposition party. If anarchy is defined as 
the doctrine that the government ought to be overthrown, it is 
covered by the first part of the section. If it is anything else, or 
includes anything else, it ought to be defined so that the lawmakers 
will know what they are punishing. 

Section 5 provides a punishment for any one who organizes or 
belongs to a society or club, the "object of which is to overthrow, 
subvert of change the government of the United States." The words 
"overthrow" and "subvert" are plainer than the word "change." 
The language is broad enough to apply to the advocates of imperial- 
ism, for they certainly want to "change" the government of the 
United States from a government based upon the consent of 
the governed to a government based upon the doctrine of brute 
force. But it would hardly be fair to indict and prosecute all im- 
perialists. The word "change" might also be construed to apply to 
amendments proposed to the constitution. Some of the republicans 
say that the constitution will have to be amended before the trusts 
can be destroyed. While we have no assurance that an amendment 
is necessary, still it would be unfortunate to have a law which would 
enable republicans to withhold an amendment (if one is necessary) 



The Commoner Condensed. 333 

on the ground that it would be a criminal change in our government. 
There is a popular demand for the election of United States sena- 
tors by direct vote of the people. It is to be hoped that the repub- 
licans will not give any of the senators a chance to oppose the change 
on the ground that they would incur criminal liability. 

Section 6 is the section most likely to be abused. It is directly 
aimed at the public press and it cannot be enforced without a strict 
censorship. Who is to decide whether an "editorial, article, letter, 
circular, picture or cartoon" is "intended or designed to expose the 
president or vice-president of the United States, any member of the 
president's cabinet, the chief justice or any justice of the United 
States, to public hatred, scorn or contempt' 7 ? It would be difficult 
to write a law that could be more easily used by a political party 
for the suppression of criticism. The provision that "nothing herein 
shall be held or construed to prevent candid, full and free presenta- 
tion of public events and public measures, nor to prevent just and 
fair criticism of any public officer," would be no protection, because 
the administration would construe to suit itself the words "candid," 
"just," and "fair," and upon appeal from the lower court the 
members of the supreme court would have a personal interest in 
sustaining a law that would shield them from criticism. It is 
hardly possible to suppose that any congress ever elected in this 
country or ever to be elected would enact a law containing such a 
restriction upon the freedom of the press as is set forth in section 6 
of Mr. Curtis' bill, but it is well for friends of a free press to be on 
their guard. 

Let the law punish those wEo commit murder, who attempt 
murder, or who advise murder; let it restrain violence or the 
counselling of violence; let it discriminate between those who 
would reform government and those who would entirely overthrow 
it, but let it not attack in any way, directly or indirectly, the 
freedom of speech or the freedom of the press. ITo administration 
or official should be shielded from criticism. If criticism is just 
and fair it ought to have weight : if it is unjust and unfair it will 
not only be harmless to the accused, but, in the long run, helpful 
to him. Even if unjust and unfair criticism were Harmful, the 
remedy proposed is more dangerous than the disease. We can 
better afford to subject a few men to unmerited criticism than to 
risk the operation of a censorship which, administered by partisans, 
would suppress honest criticism and silence complaint by the 
threat of a criminal process. 



334 The Commoner Condensed. 



THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. 

President Roosevelt's first message to congress contains much 
that can be commended by members of all parties. After paying 
a high compliment to his predecessor he discusses the question 
of anarchy at some length, and proposes certain remedies which 
The Commoner will discuss hereafter when those remedies are 
embodied in bills presented for consideration to congress. He 
pays a deserved tribute to agriculture and emphasizes the im- 
portance of the preservation of the forests. His recommendations 
on the subject of irrigation are especially good. He seems to fully 
appreciate the magnitude of the subject and the limitations which 
he suggests are eminently wise. It is to be hoped that congress 
will heed his advice and in all legislation bear in mind that "the 
only right to water which should be recognized is that of use," 
and that "in irrigation this right should attach to the land reclaimed 
and be inseparable therefrom." His comparison between the grant- 
ing of "perpetual water rights to others than the users" and the 
"giving away of perpetual franchises to the public utilities of cities" 
is just and timely. His endorsement of the Monroe doctrine is 
emphatic and comprehensive. His remarks on the labor question 
indicate that he has a clearer conception of the laborers' struggles 
and difficulties than some previous presidents; His plans, however, 
for the amelioration of the condition of the laboring man are open 
to discussion. 

The democrats will dissent from his high tariff remedy — the 
laborer has been suffering from the administration of that remedy 
for about a quarter of a century. There is virtue, however, in the 
president's advocacy of the eight-hour law, and of regulations 
to prevent over-work and unsanitary conditions. He failed to 
condemn government by injunction and the blacklist, both of which 
have caused much injustice to the wage-earners. 

The president's recommendations on the Chinese question are 
welcome; they will insure a prompt extension of the Chinese 
exclusion act. While many of the republican leaders lean to the 
cheap labor side of the Chinese question, there will be enough' 
republicans ready to act with the democrats to make futile any 
attempt to open our doors to Chinese emigration. 

The president has stated his position with clearness on the general 



The Commoner Condensed. 335 

subject of emigration and on the subject of civil service, and he 
pledges his administration to make appointments in the army and 
navy depend upon merit and not upon personal, political or social 
influence. He gives considerable attention to the size of the nav}^ 
and urges a considerable increase in the naval strength of the nation. 

His recommendations upon the subject of the merchant marine 
and on the subject of interstate commerce are not specific. He 
wants to see the American merchant marine "restored to the 
ocean," but he does not definitely indorse the ship subsidy bill, 
which gives the interpretation which republican leaders have placed 
upon the republican platform. While he favors an enlargement 
of the scope of the interstate commerce law in the interest of the 
patrons of the road, his language raises a suspicion that he is 
also willing to concede to the railroads the pooling privileges for 
which they have contended for several years. 

In discussing the tariff question the president assumes what is 
not true, namely, that "there is general acquiescence in our present 
tariff system as a national policy." He recommends a limited 
system of reciprocity, but wants it distinctly understood that we 
must not concede anything that is really of any value to us. No 
one can read that portion of his message without being convinced 
that the reciprocity idea will be entirely subordinate to the interests 
and demands of the beneficiaries of a high tariff. In fact, he says 
as much when he declares that "reciprocity must be treated as the 
handmaiden of protection," and, therefore, like a handmaiden, 
subject to discharge on short notice. 

The president follows the republican platform, and recommends 
the creation of a new cabinet position to be filled by a represen- 
tative of the commercial and industrial interests. It will be 
remembered that the democratic platform advocated the creation 
of a department of labor, with a cabinet officer in charge. The 
difference between a representative of commerce and industry 
(already represented to a large extent by the secretary of the 
treasury, who is closely associated with the bankers, by the secretary 
of state, who is in contact with our consular representatives, and 
by the attorney general, who has for years been intimate with the 
great corporations) and one speaking for and representing the great 
wage-earning classes of the United States ought to be apparent 
to any one. 

The president's recommendation in regard to an Isthmian canal 



336 The Commoner Condensed. 

also follows the republican platform, and leaves out all mention 
of the route to be followed. There is a widespread opinion that 
the Panama canal project has been used by the railroads to prevent 
the digging of the Nicaragua canal. The message indicates that the 
president appreciates the importance of the canal, and this gives 
us some room to hope that even though he does not specifically 
indorse the Nicaragua route, he will not permit the railroads to 
further delay the inauguration of this great enterprise. 

The president makes no reference to the Boer war. Whether 
he has been so occupied with public affairs as not to have learned 
of the struggle going on in South Africa ; whether, having learned 
of it, he considers it a matter of trivial importance; whether he 
sympathizes with the Boers, but is prevented by allegiance to his 
party from giving expression to that sympathy, or whether his 
sympathies are with England in her efforts to extend her empire, 
all these are left to conjecture. 

Scant attention is given to the money question; less than three 
hundred words are used to set forth the president's position on 
a question which the republican papers declared to be paramount 
in the last campaign. Below will be found the only reference to 
this important subject: 



The act of March 14, 1900, intended unequivocally to estab- 
lish gold as the standard money and to maintain as a parity 
therewith all forms of money medium in use with us, has been 
shown to be timely and judicious. The price of our govern- 
ment bonds in the world's market, when compared with the price 
of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a flattering 
tribute to our public credit. This condition it is eminently de- 
sirable to maintain. 

In many respects the national banking law furnishes sufficient 
liberty for the proper exercise of the banking function, but 
there seems to be need of better safeguards against the derang- 
ing influence of commercial crises and financial panics. More- 
over, the currency of the country should be made responsive to 
the demands of our domestic trade and commerce. 



Does this mean that the president does not favor the proposed 
measure making the silver dollar redeemable in gold, or does 
it mean that he is going to adopt the plan followed by the gold 
standard advocates in the past and prevent as far as possible 



The Commoner Condensed. 337 

the discussion of financial measures? He does not mention the 
branch bank or the asset currency? Does it mean that he does 
not favor them, or that he prefers to have them sprung upon 
congress and rushed through before the people have a chance 
to understand them? If measures are necessary to protect the 
people "against the deranging influence of commercial crises and 
financial panics," why not present such measures for the con- 
sideration of the people? If the currency should be made 
"responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce," 
why not outline a plan so that the public generally can examine 
and discuss it? Everybody reads the president's message, but 
comparatively few people know anything about the bills presented. 
We shall see, as time passes, whether the currency question oc- 
cupies as small a plape in congressional consideraton as it has in 
the president's message. 

The president's recommendations on the postal system will be 
discussed at another time when they can be considered more fully. 

The two subjects specially emphasized in the president's mes- 
sage are the trust question and the Philippine situation. On 
another page will be found those portions of the message which 
relate to these two subjects. These extracts are given in order 
that the readers of The Commoner may judge for themselves 
whether the comments to be made are justified. A perusal of 
the president's utterances on the trust question will convince any 
unprejudiced reader that the president has heard from the trust 
magnates since he made his Minneapolis speech. His famous 
phrase in regard to the shackling of cunning is reproduced, but 
it is so diluted with warnings, cautions and fears, as to be scarcely 
recognizable. It is evident that the president has been deeply im- 
pressed by the doleful prophecies and threatenings of the monopo- 
lists. He is willing to admit that the consolidation of capital 
which is going on is a process which has aroused much antago- 
nism, but he feels it necessary to add "a great part of which is 
wholly without warrant." He borrows the phraseology of trust- 
defenders when he asserts that "the average man, the wage-earner, 
the farmer, the small trader, have never before been so well off 
as in this country and at this time." The inference is natural — 
that the trust evil is not really serious, if industrial conditions 
are as favorable as the president asserts. He borrows the epithets 
of the trust magnates when he warns the country against "ig- 



338 The Commoner Condensed. 

norant violence," against "the ignorant or reckless agitator," 
against "crude and ill-considered legislation," and against "ap- 
peals, especially to hatred and fear." It is doubtful whether any 
one as badly scared as the president seems to be is in a proper 
frame of mind to calmly consider an effective anti-trust law. He 
gives the benefit of the doubt to the corporation, and nowhere 
expresses as much solicitude for the rights of the masses of the 
people as he does for the interests of the great combinations of 
capital which in his opinion "will take the lead in the strife for 
commercial supremacy among the nations of the world." To 
embarrass them would be, in his opinion, to "cramp and fetter 
the youthful strength of the nation." The only remedy suggested 
by him is publicity, and in discussing the subject he uses illustra- 
tions which convince one that he has no objections to private monop- 
olies. He puts them upon the same footing as a national bank, 
and simply insists that they shall inform the public as to their 
business methods. He refers to the evils of over-capitalization, 
but does not suggest any specific remedy therefor. We are to 
have publicity first, and investigation afterward. It will take 
some time to get the idea into operation, then the constitutional- 
ity of the law will be attacked and prosecution will have to be 
suspended a few years until the case is reached in the supreme 
court, and that will tide the party over another presidential elec- 
tion. If the president is in earnest in his desire to shackle cun- 
ning, let him recommend the passage of a bill which will compel 
the supreme court to give immediate consideration to questions 
arising under laws which, like an anti-trust law, affect the entire 
people. The president intimates that a constitutional amend- 
ment may be necessary to authorize congress to take comprehen- 
sive action against the trusts. It is to be hoped that this sug- 
gestion will not be made an excuse for delay. The American 
people are losing millions of dollars every week because of the ex- 
tortion of trusts, and there is no time for delay in dealing with 
this question. 

The fatal mistake made by the president is that he fails to 
recognize that a private monopoly is always, and under every 
circumstance, a menace to the public. There can be no sufficient 
or satisfactory regulation of a private monopoly. It is essentially 
and eternally wrong. It has always been regarded as an outlaw 
against society ; it has never been defended until recently, and it is 



The Commoner Condensed. 339 

lamentable to learn from the president's message that he has been 
constrained by the trust magnates to withhold his positive and 
emphatic condemnation of the monopoly principle. There is 
nothing in his message to indicate that he has any fear of the 
effect of a private monopoly. When he declares "that combination 
and concentration shonld not be prohibited, but supervised, 
and within reasonable limits controlled/' he ignores entirely 
the vicious principle of monopoly. No extension of foreign 
commerce, no development of domestic industry could for a mo- 
ment justify a private monopoly, even though such monopoly 
could be shown to be advantageous in both respects. 

On the subject of imperialism the president, without attempting 
to defend the principles involved, shields himself behind the force 
of circumstances. He assumes the patronizing air of the advocates 
of "destiny" and "duty" and insists that "our earnest effort is to 
help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that 
leads to self-government." And again he says: "We hope to do 
for them what has never before been done for any people in the 
tropics — to make them fit for self-government after the fashion of 
the really free nations." He thinks any attempt to give them 
independence now "such a desertion of duty on our part as would 
be a crime against humanity." He seems to regard a government 
based upon force as the best government for certain classes, and 
free government as only possible under certain circumstances, for 
he says "it is no light task for a nation to achieve the tempera- 
mental qualities without which the institutions of free government 
are but empty mockery," and he adds that "our people are 'now 
successfully governing themselves because for more than a thousand 
years they have been fitting themselves, sometimes consciously, 
sometimes unconsciously, toward this end." He declares that 
large portions of the Filipino race are starting "very far behind 
the point which our ancestors had reached even thirty generations 
ago." The question irresistibly rises in one's mind, if the Filipinos 
are a thousand years behind our people and must be governed 
by us because of that fact, how can they ever catch up with us unless 
they develop more rapidly than we do ? Capacity for self-govern- 
ment is a relative term, that is to say, some people are capable 
of governing themselves better than others. We have not reached 
perfection in this respect and the Filipinos certainly have some 
capacity. If we are all making progress it will evidently be 



340 The Commoner Condensed. 

necessary for the Filipinos to improve more rapidly than we do 
in order to narrow the gap . between ns. This doctrine is a 
dangerous one, because it justifies the pretensions of an imperial 
government wherever people can be found rich enough to invite 
exploitation and weak enough to be conquered. 

Conscious that "destiny" and "duty" would not appeal to the 
commercial element of the republican party, the president proceeds 
to recommend legislation that will give American citizens a chance 
to garner up the undeveloped wealth of the Philippine islands. 
He says : "Of course no business man will go into the Philippines 
unless it is to his interest to do so, and it is immensely to the 
interest of the islands that he should go in." That is the argument 
always made in behalf of capital. It is assumed that the "inferior 
race" is longing to be developed by foreign speculators, and it 
is admitted that the speculator will not go unless it can be made 
profitable to him, therefore, laws must hold out inducements. 
Congress must take possession of the resources of the Philippine 
islands and offer them as a reward to Americans who will go there 
and develop them. The American people will furnish an army 
to hold the Filipinos in subjection, while the syndicates and cor- 
porations will gather all the wealth in sight. This is the Philip- 
pine question in a nutshell : Hold the islands ; providence gave them 
to us and we must make all the money out of them we can. Show 
the taxpayer that it is his duty to bear the burden, and you will 
have no difficulty in showing the exploiter that it is his duty to reap 
the reward. 

If the republicans in the senate and house attempt to carry 
out the president's recommendations on the Philippine question, 
the opposition will have a splendid opportunity to manufacture 
material for the next campaign. 



MAEKHAM'S POETEY. 

On another page will be found Markham's tribute to Abraham 
Lincoln. It is reported not only because of the subject, but also 
because of the poet's treatment of the subject. Markham to a 
remarkable degree possesses the poetic faculty of embalming a 
beautiful sentiment in beautiful language, so that his words linger 
in the memory. The poem presented to-day, like Gray's Elegy, 



The Commoner Condensed. 341 

idealizes the homely and familiar things that are a part of the 
existence of all. He ennobles Lincoln by making him one of the 
common people and by exalting the real elements of his greatness. 
Where can we find such a collection of beautiful and appropriate 
similes ? 

The rectitude and patience of the rocks ; 
The gladness of the wind that shakes the corn ; 
The courage of the bird that dares the sea; 
The justice of the rain that loves all leaves; 
The pity of the snow that hides all scars ; 
The loving kindness of the wayside well ; 
The tolerance and equity of light. 

Here are seven lines, each setting forth a virtue that would 
immortalize a man and all, like the parables, are suggested by the 
every-day things of life. 

It is a rare gift to be able to see the things around us, a rarer 
gift to be able to utilize them in speech or prose, and still a rarer 
gift to be able to clothe them in the resplendent language of poesy. 
Markham has an equipment of head and heart that fits him to 
portray a character that could combine rectitude, patience, gladness, 
courage, equity, tolerance, pity and loving kindness. 



THE PRINCE OF PEACE. 

Christmas is at hand, and its coming always recalls the benedic- 
tion pronounced in the presence of the shepherds who kept their 

flocks by night — ■ 

"On earth peace, good will toward men." 

Isaiah, the prophet, in speaking of the coming of Christ, said 
that he would be called among other things the "Prince of Peace," 
and immediately after this prophecy as to His title follows this 
explanation of the title : "Of the increase of his government and 
peace there shall be no end, upon the throne of David and upon 
his kingdom, to order it, and to establish it with judgment and 
with justice from henceforth even forever." 

It is as true to-day as when the prophet uttered the words, that 
no government can be permanent or insure peace unless it is 



342 The Commoner Condensed. 

established with justice. At this season of the year, held sacred 
in all Christian lands and observed even by those who are indifferent 
to the origin of Christmas festivities, it is well for ns to ask 
ourselves what our nation as a nation and we as individuals are 
doing to promote peace by establishing justice? Tfe&lr-^within 
a.few- years our nation has been known as a peace-loving nation; 
it has boasted of its small standing army and it has had no 
ambition to compete with foreign nations in naval expenditures. 
But a change has come over a portion of our people. They 
advocate wars of conquest which they once condemned; they 
justify military expenditures which they once denounced, and they 
clamor for a navy as big as the biggest. What is to be the end? 
Was the hope of universal peace a dream? Is right to be measured 
by might, and violence, robed in hypocrisy, to be substituted for 
justice ? 

A Kansas City minister indorses the assertion of Maxim, the 
gunmaker, who declares "often at the bayonet's point, trade, and 
even Christianity have been forced upon the savages, and upon 
exclusive and warlike peoples, and now Christianity, civilization 
and militarism, sisters of strange relation, hand in hand, embrace 
the world." 

Is this the construction which the modern church is going to set 
upon the teachings of one who rebuked the doctrine of hate and 
preached the gospel of love? 

Christmas should be more than an occasion for the exchange 
of presents. It should be a season for conscientious self-inspection 
by citizens individually and by that great family of citizens, the 
nation. 

"On earth peace, good will toward men." 



A WOED AS TO GIFTS. 

The time is approaching when the Christian world indulges 
in that most delightful of luxuries — giving. There is a philosophy 
in the Biblical doctrine that it is more blessed to give than to 
receive, for however much we enjoy the gifts that come to us, 
we enjoy still more the gifts which we make, if they are made 
in the proper spirit. He who gives becomes a creditor, he who 



The Commoner Condensed. 343 

receives becomes a debtor, and it is always better to lay up capital 
than to incur obligations. 

There are two rules which ought to be observed: First, the 
gift should be an appropriate one. It must not only be suited to 
the needs of the recipient, but in expense it ought not to be out of 
proportion to the means of the donor. It mars the pleasure of 
receiving to know that the gift was a more expensive one than 
the donor could well afford to give. Second, the gift should be 
useful, and if possible of permanent value. The toy of a child 
gives but a fleeting pleasure — even before Christmas day closes 
it is often battered and broken. The parent is always glad when 
the child reaches an age at which it will appreciate something 
more lasting. 

Gifts to those who cannot repay except in gratitude are better 
than gifts bestowed with a hope of return with interest. 0« 
^soiher-page- will be found an article calling attention to a few 
books . which have been advertised in The Commoner. The editor 
has— advertised these books because he believes them to be books 
ol_inerit r -an4 he has felt that in advertising them he has been 
doing a service to the readers as well as conferring a favor upon 
the publisher. 

And while on the subject of gifts,, it may not be out of place 
to suggest that gifts should not be bestowed upon those who are 
in official position, for even when they do not suggest an ulterior 
motive -on the part of the donor, they embarrass the recipient. 
A faithful public servant receives a two-fold reward ; his pecuniary 
compensation satisfies any legal obligations he may have against 
the community, and the gratitude and appreciation of his con- 
stituents fully settle his account with them. 1 Jefferson made it a 
rule, while he was president, to refuse gifts of pecuniary value, 
and on one occasion in declining to accept a present justified 
himself as follows : 

On coming into public office I laid it down as a law of my 
conduct, while I should continue in it, not to accept any present 
of any pecuniary value. A pamphlet, a new book, or an article 
of curiosity, have produced no hesitation, because below suspicion, 
but things of sensible value, however innocently offered in the 
first examples, may grow at length into abuse for which I wish 
not to furnish a precedent. The kindness of the motive? which 
lead to this manifestation of your esteem, sufficiently assures me 
that you will approve of my desire, by a perseverance in the 



344 The Commoner Condensed. 

rule, to retain that consciousness of a disinterested administration 
of public trust, which is essential to perfect tranquillity of mind t 

On this question, as on other questions relating to official conduct, 
Jefferson was eminently sound. 



THE MEANING OF BIMETALLISM. 

A reader of The Commoner asks for a definition of bimetallism, 
and specifically inquires whether the Kansas City platform demands 
that the government shall maintain the parity between gold and 
silver. 

Bimetallism is the name given to the monetary system under 
which gold and silver are used as full legal tender money at a 
fixed ratio, and admitted to unlimited coinage. The Kansas 
City platform declared in favor of the free coinage of silver as 
well as its unlimited coinage, the reason being that free coinage 
is now accorded to gold and was formerly accorded to both metals. 
Under the bimetallic system the two metals are treated exactly 
alike. A charge sufficient to cover the cost of coinage would, 
however, be entirely consistent with the bimetallic system. Mr. 
Carlisle favored such a change in 1878, when he denounced the gold 
standard, but such a charge would create a difference between 
the coin and the bullion value of the coin. If, for instance, 
the government charged one cent for converting bullion into 
coin, the coin would necessarily lose one cent by melting and the 
bullion value would, therefore, remain one cent below the coinage 
value. 

Bimetallism does not depend upon any particular ratio. We 
first had bimetallism in this country at the ratio of 15 to 1, and 
afterwards at the ratio of 16 to 1. Other nations have had bi- 
metallism at different ratios, as, for instance, France, at the ratio 
of 15 1-2 to 1. The ratio of 16 to 1 was specifically named in the 
Chicago platform and afterwards in the Kansas City platform, 
first, because that was the legal ratio existing between the metals 
when demonetization took place; second, because it is the ratio at 
which the standard silver dollars and gold coin now circulate; 
third, because the advocates of bimetallism believe that the open- 
ing of the mints at that ratio would create a demand for silver 



The Commoner Condensed 345 

which would make an ounce of silver, whether melted or coined, 
worth $1.29 in gold the world over; and, fourth, because, if a 
new ration were desired, it would be impossible to select it in- 
telligently without first opening the mints at the present ratio 
in order to measure the effect that free coinage would have upon 
the price of silver bullion. When the Sherman law of 1890 was 
enacted it was thought that it would utilize all the silver available 
for coinage, and under the stimulus of this law-created demand 
silver rose to $1.21 an ounce, not only here, but all over the world. 

It was necessary to name a specific ratio because advocates of 
the gold standard had for several years been securing office on 
indefinite or ambiguous platforms, and then, when in office, had 
been betraying their constituents. It became necessary to make 
the platform specific in order to protect the voters from fraud and 
deception. That necessity is still present; a general demand for 
bimetallism would amount to an abandonment of bimetallism be- 
cause gold democrats would secure nominations on such a platform, 
and then, if elected, would, as they" have in the past, act with 
the republicans to maintain the gold standard. 

As to the second question, namely, whether concurrent circula- 
tion of the two metals is essential to a bimetallic system? To 
answer this in the negative without further explanation might 
lead to misunderstanding. The concurrent circulation of the two 
metals, while desirable, is not absolutely necessary to the main- 
tenance of the bimetallic system, but the bimetallists believe that 
the parity would be maintained in this country at the ratio of 16 
to 1. We had bimetallism from 1792 to 1834, during nearly all 
of which time gold was at a premium because our mint ratio, com- 
pared with the mint ratio of France and some other countries, 
undervalued gold. When in 1834 the ratio was changed from 15 
to 1 to 16 to 1, silver was then undervalued, as compared with 
the ratio of France and some other countries, and, therefore, silver 
went to a premium and remained at a premium until it was de- 
monetized. During both these periods we had bimetallism, and 
it was possible to coin gold or silver without limit as to amount into 
full legal tender money at a fixed ratio of 16 to 1, and this be- 
lief is founded upon two arguments: first, that the monetary use 
of silver would absorb all the silver available for coinage at our 
mints, thus raising the bullion price of silver to $1.29 an ounce; 
and, second, that no gold nation is now coining gold and silver. 



346 The Commoner Condensed. 

at a ratio more favorable to gold than ours. If any large nation 
opened its mints to the free and unlimited coinage of gold and 
silver at 15 1-2 to 1, it would get some of our silver and silver 
would go to a premium. If, on the other hand, any large nation 
opened its mints to the free and unlimited coinage of both metals 
at the rate of 16 1-2 to 1, or some higher ratio, it would be apt 
to get some of our gold, and gold would go to a premium. But, 
under existing or probable conditions, there would be no difficulty 
in maintaining the parity at the ratio of 16 to 1. If there was 
any force in the argument made for thirty years that the parity 
was more difficult to maintain because the production of silver 
was increasing more rapidly than the production of gold, the parity 
ought to be more easily maintained now, since the production of 
gold is increasing more rapidly than the production of silver. 

Two ways of maintaining the parity have been suggested. One 
is to put silver upon an equal footing with gold, make it a legal 
tender equal with gold, and enable it to do all that gold can do — 
this is the bimetallic plan. The other plan is to make the silver 
dollar redeemable in gold, but this plan converts silver into a 
credit money and greatly impairs its usefulness. It really makes 
gold the standard and silver subsidiary to it. When one metal 
goes to a premium it does not all leave the country. It circulates 
at its premium value and still contributes to the volume of money 
just as silver did from 1834 to 1861 and just as both gold and 
silver did from 1861 to 1879. If under bimetallism one metal 
goes to a premium the people can do whichever they prefer, viz., 
they can either change the ratio or bear with the inconvenience 
of the premium. 

Some bimetallists whose devotion to the cause cannot be doubted 
have expressed themselves in favor of a change in the ratio, provided 
it is shown by experience that the parity cannot be maintained 
at the ratio of 16 to 1. Others have refused to discuss this propo- 
sition; first, because a discussion of other ratios might be con- 
strued (not fairly, but unfairly) as an admission that the parity 
could not be maintained at 16 to 1; and, second, because the power 
to legislate remains with the people, and they are always at liberty 
to make any changes which to them may seem best. Under our 
form of government no unchangeable system can be established. 
If the people try the gold standard and do not like it, they can 
change it; if they thy the double standard and do not like it, they 



The Commoner Condensed. 347 

can change it; if they try one ratio and do not like it, they can 
try another. 

In answer to those who express the fear that the parity cannot 
be maintained, but give no reason for their skepticism, the advo- 
cates of bimetallism express the belief that it can be maintained 
and give their reasons for it. Neither side can prove its position 
by a mathematical demonstration, but experience and argument 
support the bimetallists. 



QUESTIONS FOR DEBATE. 

The Commoner in a recent issue suggested the propriety of 
organizing debating societies throughout the country for the dis- 
cussion of public questions. Since the editorial appeared a number 
of letters have been received asking for information and inquiring 
about questions for debate. Such a club is not difficult to organize. 
All that is necessary is a brief constitution containing one ar- 
ticle giving the name of the club, another stating the purpose 
and terms of membership, and a third naming the officers and de- 
scribing their duties. The by-laws should fix the hour and place 
of meeting and dues, if dues are necessary. 

In country precincts meetings can be held at the school house 
or at private houses. Often literary clubs meet at the houses of 
the members, each one taking his turn, but sometimes when one 
house is commodious and centrally located it is used as the regular 
meeting place. Where the club meets at a private house it is well 
for the by-laws to provide that no refreshments shall be served, 
because all members may not be in a position to serve refresh- 
ments, and as no one cares to do less than his neighbor, some 
embarrassment might be caused if refreshments were served at one 
place and not another. 

As to questions for debate, the following are submitted by way 
of suggestion : 

I. Resolved, That the United States should permanently hold 
the Philippine Islands under a colonial form of government. 

II. Resolved, That the United States should permanently hold 
the Philippine Islands as an integral part of this country, extend- 
ing . to the inhabitants the protection of our constitution and 
giving them the promise of ultimate citizenship and full participa- 
tion in elections, national and local. 



348 The Commoner Condensed. 

These two questions present the Philippine issue and give the 
advocates of imperialism a chance to present a definite plan for 
dealing with the Filipinos. 

III. Resolved, That private monopolies are beneficial to the 
public and should be permitted to exist, but should be placed 
under government supervision. 

IV. Resolved, That a private monopoly is indefensible and 
intolerable. 

These questions present the trust issue in such form that the 
principles involved may be discussed. 

V. Resolved, That this nation should maintain the gold stand- 
ard as long as the other leading nations do so. 

VI. Resolved, That this nation should maintain the gold stand- 
ard, regardless of what other nations may do. 

VII. Resolved, That bimetallism, that is the use of gold and 
silver as standard money and the coinage of gold and silver into 
standard money on equal terms, would be better for this country 
than the single gold standard. 

VIII. Resolved, That, assuming bimetallism to be desirable, 
silver should be coined without charge for mintage so long as 
gold is coined without charge for mintage. 

IX. Resolved, That, assuming bimetallism to be desirable, the 
mints should be opened to the coinage of silver at the present 
legal ratio of 16 to 1. 

X. Resolved, That paper money, issued by the government, is 
better for the people than paper money issued by national banks. 

XL Resolved, That the national banking law should be so 
changed as to permit banks to issue currency based on their assets 
rather than upon government bonds. 

XII. Resolved, That the large national banks should be per- 
mitted to establish branches throughout the country. 

These questions present the phases of the money question 
which are most discussed at present. Those who advocate the 
issue of paper money by the government are divided into two 
classes: those who believe that the greenback should be redeemable 
in gold or silver — the government exercising the option as to 
the metal to be used — and those who believe that the greenback 
should not be redeemable in the sense that it is a legal tender for 
taxes, debts, etc. This question assumes that government money 
is better than bank money and raises the issue of redeemability 
only. 



The Commoner Condensed. 349 

XIII. Resolved, That the Chinese exclusion act should be ex- 
tended and applied to similar classes of other oriental nations. 

XIV. Resolved, That the Nicaragua canal should be built, owned 
and protected by the United States. 

XV. Resolved, That an isthmian canal should be built, owned 
and protected by the United States. 

These two questions present the isthmian canal question in 
the two forms that are most discussed. 

XVI. Resolved, That United States senators should be elected 
by direct vote of the people. 

XVII. Resolved, That the principle of the initiative and refer- 
endum is sound and should be applied in state and federal govern- 
ment as far as is practicable. 

XVIII. Resolved, That provision should be made for voluntary 
arbitration between corporations and tleir employes. 

XIX. Resolved, That there should be compulsory arbitration 
between corporations and their employes. 

XX. Resolved, That government by injunction is a menace 
to our government and that as a means to its correction the law 
should provide that a person charged with contempt of court 
should be given a trial by jury when the contempt is committed 
outside of the court room. 

The above questions do not present all the issues between the 
two leading parties, but they present the main ones and are 
sufficient to furnish debating societies with material for the win- 
ter's work. They are stated in such a way as to present the issue 
clearly so that each side will know what it is advocating. In 
addition to these questions there are questions presenting the gov- 
ernment ownership of railroads, and questions presenting the 
municipal ownership of lighting plants, water plants and street 
car lines. (These can be discussed singly or grouped together.) 
The question between socialism and individualism can be pre- 
sented as follows: 

Resolved, That the government should own and operate all the 
means of production and distribution. 

While the editor of The Commoner has not attempted to men- 
tion all the questions discussed to a greater or less extent in vari- 
ous parts of the country, he has said enough to show how wide is 
the field of inquiry and how imperative the necessity for investi- 
gation if one would act intelligently upon public questions. 



350 The Commoner Condensed. 



XVII. 

TOO GBEAT AN ADVANTAGE. 

A reader of The Commoner complains that national banks en- 
joy too great a privilege in being permitted to loan out five or ten 
times their capital stock. He shows the disadvantages of the ordi- 
nary individual as compared with the bank. While, as he points 
out, the bank has a great advantage in the earning of an income 
and in the accumulation of wealth, there is another objection, and 
an even more serious one, to the manner in which banking is 
done at present. When a bank with a capital of one million is 
allowed to receive and loan out deposits amounting to ten millions, 
the depositor does not have a sufficient margin for security. A 
little shrinkage in values wipes out the capital stock and leaves 
the depositor no security save the notes taken by the bank. In 
good times such a bank makes enormous profits and in bad times 
its failure brings disaster to depositors and is likely to cause a run 
on banks more wisely conducted. There ought to be a fixed relation 
established by law between capital and deposits, so that there 
would always be a safe margin for the protection of the depositors 
of the community. But how can banks be made safe as long as the 
financiers control congress? 



ADMIRAL SCHLEY. 



If Admiral Schley needed a vindication he obtained it in the 
splendid tribute paid him by Admiral Dewey in the latter's min- 
ority report. In truth Admiral Schley did not need a vindication. 
In the judgment of the American people he is one of this country's 
great naval heroes, and this is shown to be true by the very general 
condemnation which the court of inquiry's report has met with 
on the part of the public. 

Admiral Schley's detractors appear to be very anxious to drop 
the affair. Some of them declare that there is no need for further 
investigation. The Commoner is inclined to believe that further 
investigation is not needed. It is true, however, that something 



The Commoner Condensed. 351 

remains to be done in order that justice should be accorded the 
hero of Santiago bay. 

Instead of the congressional investigation into facts that are 
already established to the satisfaction of the. American people, 
Schley should be restored to active service, and he should be ap- 
pointed vice admiral to hold the place during the remainder of 
his life. Anything less would be inadequate. 

If a congressional investigation is to be had it should not be 
an investigation of a hero ; the naval officers and employes who are 
responsible for the assaults upon Schley should be investigated for 
the benefit of the service in the future. 



NEW YEAR'S DAY RESOLUTIONS. 

While a good resolution can be made at any season, the begin- 
ning of the New Year seems an appropriate time for "turning 
over a new leaf." It ought not to be difficult to give up a bad habit 
since an intelligent self-interest prompts one to do that which 
will be of benefit to himself, and yet some special stimulus is 
often necessary. 

The Commoner is published primarily for the support and 
advancement of democratic principles. The editor desires to 
aid in securing those reforms which he believes would be helpful 
to the people generally, but he recognizes that under the most just 
government and the most perfect laws individual happiness would 
largely depend upon individual merit. Even when the government 
does all that it can it cannot make a wicked man happy or pro- 
teot^a thoughtless man from the trouble which his conduct in- 
vites. 

As our lives are built upon ideals, the greatest service which 
can be rendered to one is to raise his ideals and give him a broader 
view of life. A parent does this by example and by daily precept ; 
the teacher in the pulpit and in the school room does the same and 
the editor is not without responsibility. Every one, in fact, has 
some influence on some one and that influence ought to be exerted 
for good. 

What is the value of an ideal ? Sometimes it measures the differ- 
ence between success and failure — between happiness and despair. 

Instead of recommending that each reader of The Commoner 



352 The Commoner Condensed. 

give up that habit which his own conscience most condemns, the 
editor suggests that the readers spend a part of New Year's Day 
considering this proposition, namely, that every one owes it to 
himself, to his kindred and to his country, (not to speak of the 
obligation to his creator)^ to so develop and use his body, head and 
heart, as to contribute the most possible to the welfare and happi- 
ness of mankind. If this proposition is sound, then it follows 
that each individual is in duty bound to do whatever increases, 
and to abstain from whatever decreases, his usefulness. 

If, during 1902, the readers of The Commoner will measure life 
by this rule there will be less to regret at the end of the year, no 
matter what the administration may do. 

Improvement becomes an easier task when one's conduct is regu- 
lated by a high and determined purpose. There is inspiration 
in the philosophy of Socrates and his words are commended to 
those who are earnest in their desire for self-improvement. When 
the illustrious Greek was about to be condemned to death, and his 
friends urged him to spend more time preparing his defense, he 
replied that he had passed his whole life in preparing his defense, 
for he had gone through life "doing nothing but considering what 
was just and what unjust, doing what was just and abstaining 
from what was unjust," and he rightly considered this the best 
preparation for his defense against any charge that could be pre- 
ferred. 



THE PHILIPPINE TARIFF. 

On another page will be found an abstract of the Philippine 
tariff measure passed by the House of Representatives, practically 
by a party vote. It is one of the most shameless pieces of legis- 
lation ever proposed by any party and it ought to seal the political 
fate of any man who supports it. England, in her oppression of 
the American colonies, was never guilty of anything more tyran- 
nical, and even Spain, whose despotism aroused our country to 
armed protest in behalf of Cuba — even Spain lacked the refined 
cruelty which republican leaders practice with seeming enjoy- 
ment. While the West Indies were under the rule of the Castilian 
they enjoyed free trade with the mother country and had repre- 
sentation in the imperial parliament, but the Filipinos, after co- 



The Commoner Condensed. 353 

operating with us against Spain, were bought like chattels from a 
vanquished foe and placed under the control of high-priced carpet- 
bag officials. Now they are to be shut out from commercial inter- 
course with the United States by a high tariff wall constructed to 
enable a few American manufacturers to grow rich at the expense of 
the rest of the people and denied representation in the legislature 
which taxes them. The democrats in the house of representatives 
have greatly strengthened their party by their vigorous opposition 
to the measure. The short time given for debate in the house 
makes it imperative that the democrats of the senate shall present 
to the public through the Congressional Record the facts relative 
to colonialism as thus far developed. 



SECRETARY GAGE'S REPORT. 

In his annual report Secretary of the Treasury Gage has recom- 
mended a shipping subsidy; the repeal of minor war taxes; a cen- 
tral bank; the creation of a national clearing house of national 
banks; the enlargement of the limit of subsidiary silver coinage 
to $120,000,000, and the asset currency plan. 

Concerning the latter proposition, Secretary Gage's recommen- 
dation embodies practically the provisions of the Overstreet bill 
or the McCleary bill. The secretary of the treasury appears to be 
fully convinced as to the propriety of this plan. He thinks that at 
least two beneficial results would follow. He thinks that 
$60,000,000 in United States bonds, now in security, would be 
gradually released for sale in the general market. The impound- 
ing of the greenbacks as security for the bank notes would, he 
thinks, relieve the government from all the burdens now incident 
to their redemption to an extent of $200,000,000. For the balance 
of $146,000,000 in legal tender notes which would then be out- 
standing, the $150,000,000 in gold now held as a special redemp- 
tion fund would soon be excessive. If this were reduced to $146,- 
000,000 the greenbacks would become virtually what Secretary 
Gage thinks they ought to be in reality, gold certificates. In real- 
ity, Secretary Gage's plan contemplates the actual retirement of 
the greenbacks and the substitution of a national banking currency 
for the government currency, giving to the national banks, in ad- 
dition to the enormous power they already possess, the privilege 



354 The Commoner Condensed. 

of doing an immense amount of business on wind. This is "sound 
finance" ; this would be the realization of "a wise and business-like 
financial policy/' according to the republican theory. This repre- 
sents, in the most presentable form, the purpose of republican 
financiers. The American people have not yet begun to realize 
the responsibilities they were assuming when they elected and re- 
elected the republican party to power; but day by day the plans of 
republican leaders are being unfolded; and "little by little, but 
steadily, as man's march to the grave," the republican leaders are 
transforming liberty into license, and no one need be surprised if 
"asset currency" and branch banks, in a short time, become reali- 
ties. 



THE EXPOET TAX DECISION. 

The federal constitution provides : "No tax or , duty shall be 
levied on articles exported from any state." Congress levied a duty 
on goods going from the United States to Porto Eico. The 
supreme court has held this duty to be not in violation of the con- 
stitution. 

It is fair to say that the court expressly disavows any inclination 
to sanction an export tax, and yet it is not unfair to say that this 
disavowal was necessary in order for the judges to seriously main- 
tain the position they assumed. 

If a tax levied upon goods going from the United States is not 
an export tax, then it is difficult to understand what would be an 
export tax. The court, however, speaking through Justice Brown, 
reasons that "if a tax levied by congress on articles exported from 
the United States to the insular possessions is an export tax, then 
congress can neither levy such tax nor delegate authority to do so 
to an insular legislature like that of Porto Eico, and congress 
cannot delegate a power which it does not itself possess." 

That is quite clear and the students of government in this 
country have, for many years, been impressed with the idea that 
congress does not possess the power to levy upon any territory or 
people, subject to United States jurisdiction, a tax that does not 
also apply to all territory and all people under that jurisdiction. 
Students of government in this country have long been impressed 
with the idea that congress cannot delegate even to that remarkable 



The Commoner Condensed. 355 

institution known as "insular legislature" a power which congress 
does not itself possess. 

The court, however, insists that "the maintenance of a separate 
economic system in an insular country would become practically 
impossible so far as its commercial relations with the United States 
were concerned/' if these strange doctrines did not prevail. And 
the court holds that inasmuch as Porto Rico is not foreign terri- 
tory, goods shipped to Porto Eico are not exports. 

This same reasoning would sustain the claim that a tax levied 
on goods shipped from one state to another was not an export tax 
because the state or territory to which the goods were billed was 
not foreign territory. 

Chief Justice Fuller and Justices Harlan, Brewer and Peckham 
hold that the duty imposed is export in its character, and that the 
fact that it was levied for the benefit of Porto Rico does not alter 
the situation. It is difficult to describe judicial decisions, to sus- 
tain which the fundamental law must be twisted and distorted or 
abandoned altogether. It is difficult to understand how any one 
could consider a tax levied on goods exported from the United 
States as anything other than an export tax; and it is safe to 
say that in the fullness of time, when the new and strange doctrine 
is abandoned, the position taken by the chief justice and Justices 
Harlan, Peckham and Brewer will be vindicated by popular 
judgment as completely as they must now be vindicated in the mind 
of every student of government. 



BRANCH BANKS. 



In his annual report Secretary Gage recommends a great central 
bank. He says that the existing system does not afford "the highest 
assurance of protection" and does not establish "a bond of co- 
hesion, the power of co-operative action, the ability to co-ordinate 
for the general good or for mutual defense," 'such as would be pro- 
vided by a central institution with multiplied branches. Those 
who have carefully observed the part which the banking insti- 
tutions have played in the politics of the country will obtain a 
hint of the enormous power a central bank, with "multiplied 
branches" would wield when they observe that the promoters 
of the proposed system believe that between the banks as organized 



356 The Commoner Condensed. 

to-day there is no "bond of cohesion" and no "power of co-operative 
action." Mr. Gage says that the proposition for a large central bank 
with broad powers for establishment of branches "offends the com- 
mon instincts of onr people," and "may be looked upon at present 
as impossible of realization." We may accept this language, then, 
while giving no encouragement for the immediate present, as 
holding out the hope that after a while, when the people shall 
have become quite accustomed to republican impositions of all 
kinds, the "common instincts of our people" may be violated with 
impunity and even a central bank may be established. 

If this proposition does now offend the "common instincts of 
our people" what manner of official is this who holds out even 
the smallest hope that the offense may yet be given? 

The "common instincts of our people" have provided the safe- 
guard of our liberty and have insured the perpetuation of free 
government. If Mr. Gage shall finally succeed in establishing 
this "offense" to the "common instincts of our people," he must 
either effect a complete change in those "instincts" or he must 
place the people in such a state of servitude that they will not 
be able to give expression to their "common instincts." 

The central bank is not the only republican proposition that 
offends the "common instincts of our people," and yet in many 
other instances the republican party has ignored these "instincts" 
and established un-American policies without the slightest regard 
for public criticism. May it not be possible that Mr. Gage has 
some warrant in believing that the time will come when even 
on the question of a great central bank, the "common instincts 
of our people" may be defied with impunity by the republican 
party ? 



AS OTHERS SEE US. 

Those who are inclined toward imperialism ought to find a 
warning in the views now being expressed by the eminent men 
of other lands. An American student at Heidelberg, Germany, 
sends to The Commoner the following extract from a lecture de- 
livered by Professor Jellineck of the Heidelberg University. In 
discussing international law, the professor said: "The Spanish 
American war was of immense importance in the future develop- 
ment of internationl law. America, whose policy previously had 



The Commoner Condensed. 357 

been to abstain, in accordance with the principles of the Mon- 
roe doctrine, from the affairs of European governments, now 
abandoned that position and became one of the powers. The people 
are divided into supporters and opponents of the present policy, 
and if the former, who have been called imperialists, succeed the 
organization of the government will inevitably become similar to 
that of European countries; individual liberty — the rights of 
each particular man — will be sacrificed in securing a strong central 
direction/' 

The German professor is entirely correct. If the imperialists 
continue in authority, the organization of the government will 
gradually be changed and made more like that of European coun- 
tries. This is the necessary result of imperialism and it is because 
this is the inevitable end of an imperialistic policy that such a policy 
is resolutely opposed by democrats who love a republican form 
of government and who believe that individual liberty and self- 
government are infinitely more important to the American people 
than anything that imperialism can bring. 



GETTING DOWN RAPIDLY. 

The New York World, in its issue of November 27, printed 
under a Washington date a statement which its correspondent 
attributes to a member of Mr. Roosevelt's cabinet. This cabinet 
member is reported to have said that "all the leading high pro- 
tectionists of the country have seen the president's message, and 
all are satisfied with it. Undoubtedly it will strike many readers 
as a strong reciprocity message, but we understand that if it is 
subjected to analysis it will be found that the language will be 
susceptible to an interpretation that will give cheer to every pro- 
tectionist in the country, who has been fearful that something would 
be done about reciprocity in the coming congress." 

It must be admitted by those who have now read the presi- 
dent's message that this cabinet member's statement was an ac- 
curate one. Although republican papers very generally commended 
Mr. McKinley's last speech at Buffalo, wherein he upheld reci- 
procity, not as merely the "handmaiden of protection," but as an 
essential departure from the protective theory, the same papers 
did not hesitate to enthusiastically commend Mr. Roosevelt's mes- 



358 The Commoner Condensed. 

sage, in which, as accurately anticipated by this cabinet member, 
the supporters of reciprocity obtained no encouragement. 

This same cabinet member is quoted by the World as indulging 
in some very blunt statements regarding Mr. McKinley's Buffalo 
speech. This is what this cabinet member said : 

' We cannot get down from President McKinley's position too 
rapidly. That would be unkind to his memory and impolitic. But 
we can get down, and we will, and by the end of the Fifty-seventh 
congress we will be just where we started, with no reciprocity of any 
consequence and with all our protection. 

There you have it, blunt and plain. Although Mr. McKinley's 
last speech was said to outline the future policy of the republican 
party, here we have a cabinet officer making the frank and candid 
statement that in the repudiation of Mr. McKinley's position, 
in deference to his memory, republican leaders will go slow; and 
yet that position will be repudiated, and in spite of all the com- 
mendatory utterances of the republican press concerning the Buf- 
falo speech, "by the end of the Fifty-seventh congress, we will 
be just where we started, with no reciprocity of any consequence 
and with all our protection." 



REPUBLICANS PREVENT DISCUSSION. 

Since the adoption of the Reed' rules the republicans have al- 
lowed but scant time for the discussion of important questions. 
They often bring up a proposition, rush it through the committee 
at break-neck sped, adopt a rule allowing a few hours for debate 
and dispose of it before the people at large know what is going on. 
When the Reed rules were adopted they were defended on the 
ground that they were intended to cut off filibustering, but they 
are now used to prevent the deliberation necessary to intelligent 
action. 

While the democrats are powerless to secure sufficient time for 
debate so long as the republicans are disposed to deny their re- 
quest they ought to register a protest every time an attempt is 
made to summarily dispose of important measures. The democrats 
have a right to demand a roll call and on roll call they can vote 
no, thus throwing upon the republicans responsibility for any un- 
reasonable curtailment of discussion. 



The Commoner Condensed. 359 

The time allowed for debate on the Philippine tariff was grossly 
inadequate, and in view of the time wasted by adjournments and 
recesses, the limitation was utterly inexcusable. Other bills will 
be pressed involving the welfare of the whole country, and the 
democrats ought to see to it that there is ample time for debate 
or at least compel the republicans to bear the odium that must 
ultimately fall upon those who prevent a thorough discussion of 
public questions. If the democrats agree to a rule which follows 
100 limited a debate, they then share responsibility with the re- 
publicans; when they resist the rule they compel the republicans 
to bear the responsibility alone. A resolute and persistent op- 
position on the part of the democratic minority will force the 
republicans to give more time to debate than will be allowed 
if the democrats surrender their contention on the theory that a 
contest is useless. 

No effort is useless which calls public attention to vicious meas- 
ures ; no debate is profitless which informs the public in regard to 
those measures. 



UNJUST DISCRIMINATION". 

The post office department is discriminating against newspapers 
published in the interest of political reforms. The Challenge, a 
socialistic paper published at Los Angeles and later at New York; 
the Appeal to Reason, a socialistic paper published at Girard, Kan- 
sas: the Farmers' Advocate, of Topeka, Kansas, and the Pawnee 
Chief, of Pawnee City, Nebraska (both the latter antagonistic to 
republican policies), have recently been asked to show cause why 
they should not be denied second class rates. The post office de- 
partment justified its action in regard to The Challenge on the 
ground that that paper was violating the following provision of 
the statute: Provided, however, that nothing herein contained 
shall be construed as to admit to the second class rate regular 
publications designed primarily for advertising purposes or for 
free circulation at nominal rates." It was asserted by the depart- 
ment that The Challenge was the personal organ of its owner and 
publisher ; that it was a vehicle for his articles on public questions, 
the announcement of his lecture subjects and their places and 
dates; the printing of those lectures or speeches after delivery; 



360 The Commoner Condensed. 

the printing of newspaper comment thereon, and also the printing 
of letters and invitations to speak and the replies of the editor 
thereto. 

The department alleged that these things filled the columns of 
the publication; that it contained little or no matter which did 
not pertain to the editor, and that he confessed his intention to 
advertise himself, his sayings and his doings. 

Whether the editor conducted his paper in a modest way or 
whether he unduly injected himself into his paper is not a ques- 
tion with which the post office department has anything to do. 
The third assistant postmaster general is not a censor in the sense 
that he is to supervise the editorial management of a paper. If 
the editor of The Challenge advertises himself in such a way as 
to make the paper offensive to his readers, the readers have their 
remedy ; they can refuse to receive his paper. 

In regard to the Appeal to Reason the post office department 
claims that it violated the ruling requiring approximately half of 
the circulation to be composed of subscriptions paid for by bona fide 
subscribers. The department resorted to the test which is cus- 
tomary in such cases, namely, it sent out inquiries to one hundred 
of the readers asking whether they were bona fide subscribers, 
and received answers from sixty-six. Out of sixty-six thirty-seven 
claimed that they were subscribers, while twenty-nine denied that 
they were subscribers. Thirty-four did not answer at all. 

Upon this showing an order was issued denying the paper 
second class privileges until it could show that approximately half 
of its readers were bona fide subscribers. This test is not a fair one. 
Because a letter to a subscriber was not answered or because the 
answer was delayed until the department had already acted does 
not raise a presumption sufficiently strong to justify the depart- 
ment in putting the publisher to the expense' of a trial. The 
answers received furnish information, but unanswered letters 
ought not to count against the publisher. 

In the case of the Appeal to Reason a. clear majority of those 
who answered claimed to be subscribers. 

The charge made against the Farmers' Advocate was that it 
did not comply with the law requiring that a majority of the cir- 
culation be composed of bona fide subscriptions. Just how the 
test was made is not known, but if it was made as it was in the 
case of the Appeal to Reason, what has been said in that case will 



The Commoner Condensed. 361 

apply to the Farmers' Advocate. It may be added that the Advo- 
cate has been put to this trouble so often that it smacks of per- 
secution. 

The charge against the Pawnee Chief was that it was conducted 
primarily for advertising purposes. As the editor has presented 
his proofs on the subject it is probable that the case will be de- 
cided in his favor and that he will be relieved from further em- 
barrassment. But there is evidence of the purpose of the depart- 
ment to discriminate against political papers. 

While it is perfectly proper that there should be a reasonable 
proportion between the number of actual subscribers and the total 
circulation (and the proportion fixed is reasonable) tbe department 
has issued an order which is unjust to papers which are published 
in the interest of legislative reform. According to the ruling 
of the department a "reasonable number" of papers can be sub- 
scribed for by others and counted among bona fide subscriptions, 
provided the paper is not subscribed for "because of the doctrines 
it advocates or because of the goods it advertises." In other 
words, if a man is interested in a paper because it gives the most 
foreign news or the most domestic news or the best report of 
prize fights or the most complete review of criminal doings or of 
divorce proceedings, it is perfectly proper to send it to 11 friend, 
but if he .subscribes for the paper because it discusses political 
questions in which he is interested, the subscription cannot be 
counted in the "legitimate list of subscribers." It would be difficult 
to conceive of a more unfair discrimination against reform papers. 
It would be difficult to imagine a rule more capable of misuse and 
tyrannical abuse, and the present congress should immediately 
take such action as will be necessary to correct this ruling. To 
say that a paper which has no political principles shall have an 
advantage over a paper which has political principles is worse 
than ridiculous. To say that an editor who is more interested in 
current news than he is in the science of government should have 
an advantage over an editor who endeavors to make his paper 
instrumental in securing good government is a reflection upon 
the intelligence or the patriotism of the man who is responsible 
for the order. 

At this time the rule can be used to discriminate against demo- 
cratic papers, but under a democratic administration the same 
rule might be used to discriminate against republican papers. The 



362 The Commoner Condensed. 

fact that it is just now used to discriminate against socialistic 
papers does not alter the case. The Commoner is not an advocate 
of the doctrines supported by The Challenge and the Appeal to 
Reason, but The Commoner is an advocate of free speech and 
of a free press, and it does insist that discussion is the only means 
of arriving at the truth. If an editor has anything to say in 
regard to political principles or public policies, let him say it. 
If his reasoning is sound, his cause will grow; if his argument 
is faulty, his cause c will fail. Let him appeal to public opinion; 
before that court all questions are finally settled, and we must 
assume that under free discussion they will be settled right. If a 
man reads a paper and likes it, he ought to be permitted to subscribe 
for it for his neighbor ; if his neighbor accepts the paper he is a 
subscriber as much as if he paid for it himself. If he does not 
want the paper he can refuse to receive it, and then the paper 
cannot be counted in the list of legitimate subscribers. 

It is necessary that we should have laws denning and limiting the 
postal privileges, but in construing them the department should 
observe the spirit of the laws and not pervert them to suit the 
whims or prejudice of the man at the head of the department. 



AN INSTANCE OF TAX DODGING. 

One of the companies established to facilitate the organization 
of trusts has issued an interesting little pamphlet setting forth the 
advantages of New Jersey over New York. At the same time 
the pamphlet throws a side light upon the motives of the 
republican governor of New York. It quotes the New York 
Herald of December 6 as saying: "It was in the hope of attract- 
ing aggregations of capital to incorporate in this state that the 
governor had the last legislature to pass an act liberalizing the 
corporation laws by reducing the organization taxes from one- 
eighth of one per cent, to one-twentieth of one per cent, of their 
capitalization, besides making additional exemptions favorable to 
concerns which obtain their charters here." 

The Herald complains that even these concessions were not 
sufficient to induce the Northern Securities company to take out 
a New York charter, as New Jersey was even more liberal. The 
pamphlet says : "The laws of New Jersey governing the formation 



The Commomer Condensed. 363 

and management of corporations are so framed as to invite confi- 
dence and investment." In another sentence the pamphlet pays i 
doubtful compliment to the New Jersey court s, saying: "The judi- 
ciary of New Jersey is above reproach and corporations organized 
in that State are not subject to nonsensical attacks." 

Any law or regulation that has for its object the protection of 
the public or the compelling of a corporation to bear its share of 
public burdens is always considered "nonsensical" by those who de- 
rive profit from favoritism shown great corporations. 

As an illustration of the difference between New York and New 
Jersey the pamphlet says: "In the year 1899 the United Verde 
Copper Company as a New York corporation paid to New York city 
taxes to about the amount of $34,000 on an assessed valuation of 
$1,433,920, to which the court of appeals said one million more 
might properly have been added. In the year 1900 the United 
Yerde Copper Company, as a foreign corporation, paid to New York 
city taxes to the amount of $235 on an assessed valuation of $10,000. 
In each case the capitalization, assets and business of the corpora- 
tion were the same. The difference in annual charges between $34,- 
000 and $235 represents the net disadvantage of a New York cor- 
poration." 

Instead of making the laws of New York more favorable to 
corporations organized there, why not make the laws more stringent 
in regard to the foreign corporations doing business there? In the 
instance above cited the people of New York city lost nearly $34,000 
in taxes by a nominal change in the residence of the company, and 
the rest of the people had to pay a little more in taxes to make up 
for the loss. 

The only remedy suggested by corporations and friends of 
corporations is to relieve resident corporations of nearly all taxation 
in order to induce them to remain in the state, notwithstanding the 
fact that such a policy would permanently increase the burden upon 
the small property holders. 

When Tom Johnson wins his Ohio fight against the tax dodg- 
ers he ought to go to New York and give some lessons down there. 
Or, if Mr. Johnson cannot be spared from Ohio, probably Judge 
Owen P. Thompson of Illinois might go to the Empire State and 
with the assistance of a few school teachers bring the corporations to 
time as he has done in his own state. 



,64 The Commoner Condensed. 



MONOPOLY DEFINED. 

A reader of The Commoner asks for a definition of a private 
monopoly. According to one of the dictionaries "monopoly" is 
defined as "the exclusive right, power, or privilege of engaging 
in a particular traffic or business, or the resulting absolute posses- 
sion or control; especially, in political economy, such control of a 
special thing, as a commodity, as enables the person or persons 
exercising it to raise the price above its real value or above the 
price it would bring under competition." 

The essential thing in monopoly is the suspension of the law of 
competition. If an individual, or a group of individuals acting in 
concert control all of a certain product, or a sufficient amount to 
enable them to arbitrarily fix the price of the thing produced, 
they have what is called a monopoly. When such a monopoly 
is in private hands, the public has no protection from the selfish 
interest and greed of those at the head of the monopoly. It is 
because human beings cannot be entrusted with such power that 
the democratic party has denounced a private monopoly as inde- 
fensible and intolerable. 

The same reader asks whether there is any difference between 
the private monopolies complained of by the democratic party 
and the "private monopolies of land values." There is no analogy 
between the private ownership of land and the private monopolies 
so generally complained of. Whether there should be private 
ownership of land, and whether the whole people, acting through 
the government, should collect a tax equivalent to the rental 
value — these questions can be decided upon their merits, but 
they ought not to be confused with the question of private monop- 
oly. If so much of the land was owned by one person, or by a 
group of persons acting in concert, that competition between land 
owners was practically suspended — in such a case there would be 
an analogy between the land monopoly and the private monopolies 
against which legislation is being considered. At present there 
is competition between individual owners of land, and this com-. 
petition makes it possible to secure land at a price which is 
proportionate to the income that can be derived from it. 

It has been the policy of the government to grant to inventor? 
a limited monopoly upon their product in order to encourage 
invention. When an inventor brings into existence a new and 



The Commoner Condensed. 365 

useful appliance, he has as a reward the exclusive sale of it for 
a period of years. The fact that this monopoly is limited, is 
evidence that the general principle of monopoly is objectionable. 
A value limit ought to be added to the time limit so that a 
patent would become null and void as soon as a reasonable amount, 
a sum to be fixed by law, is realized from the invention. 



FINANCIAL LEGISLATION. 

For the benefit of those who have talked so much about the 
money question being dead, The Commoner calls attention to the 
fact that in accordance with the plans of the bankers bills have 
already been introduced into congress providing for the gold 
redemption of silver dollars and for an asset currency. The object 
of the former is to start a new endless chain which will give the 
financiers an excuse for demanding the retirement of the legal 
tender silver dollars. The asset currency measure provides for 
the issue of guaranteed bank notes by national banks. For the 
first three years the bank can only issue 20 per cent, of the face 
value of United States bonds deposited with the government to 
secure bank notes already issued, and the new guaranteed notes 
shall not exceed 10 per cent, of the paid up and unimpaired 
capital of the bank. After three years the amount may be 
increased to 40 per cent, of the bonds deposited and 20 per cent, of 
the capital of the bank. After six years the bank can increase 
the amount to 80 per cent, of the bonds and 40 per cent, of the 
capital. These notes are a lien upon the assets of the bank and 
are secured by a guarantee fund collected from the banks and 
amounting to 5 per cent, of the guaranteed notes outstanding. 
The banks are to pay a tax of one-half of 1 per cent, on the 
guaranteed notes issued. 

The remaining provisions are similar to those relating to the 
present issue of bank notes. It ought not to be necessary to point 
out that this new currency not only gives great advantage to 
the banks, but also impairs the security of depositors. If 40 per 
cent, of the bank's capital is represented by bank notes outstanding 
and any misfortune overtakes the bank, the depositor has less 
protection than under the present system — and he has little 
enough now. It will soon become evident to the plain people that 



366 The Commoner Condensed. 

the republican financial policy not only involves the gold standard 
and a national bank currency, bnt it involves the manipulation of 
the treasury department and the whole financial system in the 
interests of the bankers, money-owners and money-loaners. 

So far as the treasury department is concerned, this is to be 
a government of the banks, by the banks and for the banks, so 
long as the republican party is in power. 

These financial measures will furnish the democrats of the 
house and senate a splendid opportunity to point out the complete 
subserviency of the republican leaders to the money power. 



STEADFASTNESS. 



Among the traits of character which distinguished Andrew 
Jackson, no trait was more prominent or more helpful to his 
country than his steadfastness. When he believed a thing, he 
believed it. Where duty led, he followed without questioning. 
When he decided that anything ought to be done, he did it, and 
no power could overawe him. He did not have in his veins a 
single drop of "anything to win" blood. When Nicholas Biddle 
declared that through the national bank he could make and 
unmake congresses, Jackson replied that that was more power 
than any one man ought to have in this country, and he then 
began his war against Biddle and his bank which resulted in 
the overflow of that great financier and the institution which he 
so autocratically controlled. Others were afraid that Biddle's 
influence, if antagonized^ would defeat the democratic party, but 
Jackson saw in it a menace to his country and he did not stop 
to consider what effect an attack on the bank would have on 
himself or on his party. He won, and we revere his name and 
celebrate his day. Benton, in reviewing Jackson's work, said 
that, as Cicero overthrew the conspiracy of Cataline and saved 
Eome, so Jackson overthrew the bank conspiracy and saved 
America. 

We shall observe this day in vain if we fail to gather from the 
life of Jackson inspiration and encouragement for the work which 
lies before us. To-day, the democratic party needs to learn from 
the hero of New Orleans the lesson of steadfastness; it needs to 
learn from him, not only that to be right is more important than 



The Commoner Condensed. 367 

to be successful, but that to be right is the best way to insure 
puccess. 

A party must have principles or it can have no claim upon public 
confidence; and how can it commend its principles better than by 
standing by them? Who will have faith in the creed of a party 
if the party stands ready to barter away its creed in exchange for 
the promise of patronage? A halting, hesitating, vacillating 
course, not only fails to invite recruits, but it alienates and drives 
away veterans. 

Another reason for steadfastness is found in the fact that 
no one can tell until the attempt is made what obstacles courage 
can overcome. The bold and fearless triumph where the timid 
fail. The victories which live and light us on to noble deeds 
are the victories snatched from the jaws of defeat by intrepid 
spirits who preferred death to retreat. 

There is a profound philosoplry, as well as a religious truth, in 
the words : "He that saveth his life shall lose it." The party that 
has no higher purpose than to save its own life will die because 
it deserves to die ; the party that is willing to die, if need be, for 
the sake of a great cause, will live because it deserves to live. 

"Who says that the money power is omnipotent, and that the 
democratic party must compromise with it or surrender to it? 
Not until human nature is entirely changed can the financiers be 
entrusted with the guardianship of the producers of wealth; not 
until greed becomes just can the money changers construct a 
system for themselves which will be fair to any one else. A 
top can be balanced upon the point only when it is in rapid 
motion, and so the financial structure designed by Wall Street for 
the benefit of Wall Street, will stand upright only so long as it 
can be kept whirling; the collapse will come when the speed is 
slackened. 

Who says that we cannot afford to measure strength with the 
great monopolies which now arrogantly assume to control the 
domain of politics as well as the field of industry? Not until we 
can gather good fruit from an evil tree, and figs from thistles, 
can we expect a private monopoly to bring forth public blessings. 
The water that has been poured into the stocks of our great cor- 
porations has for the most part been drawn from the agricultural 
regions, and the drouth that is sure to follow will teach the 
farmers the meaning of the trust system. 



368 The Commoner Condensed. 

Must we abandon the self-evident truth that governments derive 
their just powers from the consent of the governed ? Must we 
accept imperialism as an accomplished fact and join in the shout 
for blood and conquest? Our republic rests upon solid rock and 
while its principles are revered it cannot be overthrown from with- 
in or from without; but if all the members of all parties joined to- 
gether to erect an empire upon American soil they would build 
upon the sand and the edifice could not endure. It is a law divine 
in its origin, irresistible in its force and eternal in its duration, 
that wrong-doing ultimately destroys the wrong-doer ; no nation or 
combination of nations is strong enough to evade or resist retribu- 
tive justice. 

But suppose — what no one should assume and what no one can 
prove — that the steadfast adherence to democratic principles would 
result in repeated defeat, is that any reason why we should abandon 
those principles and adopt others, or have none at all ? Those who 
prefer prison fare or a servile subject's lot to the dangers of the 
battlefield may condemn the Boers for continuing what some de- 
scribe as a hopeless struggle for independence, but those who can 
measure the mighty influence of great deeds know that the sturdy 
Dutchmen of South Africa have already conferred upon the world 
a benefit that cannot be measured by money. Their valor has brought 
greater security to all the republics of the earth ; the bodies of their 
dead have built a bulwark behind which the friends of liberty will 
fight for centuries. The fact that England has been compelled to 
employ more than 200,000 soldiers to subjugate less than 25,000 
men in arms — the fact that England has expended more than $1,000 
per Boer — the per capita wealth of the United States — and has 
neither been able to purchase them nor to kill them — these facts are 
immeasurably valuable to people everywhere who want free govern- 
ment for themselves and are content that others should enjoy it also. 

So, the democratic party, whether in power or out of power, is 
serving mankind when it stands steadfastly for constitutional gov- 
ernment and insists that that government shall be administered 
according to the Jeffersonian maxim, "Equal rights to all and 
special privileges to none." 

The poet laureate of England has written some verses setting 
forth the idea that England and the United States should be united 
as against the world and "stand or fall together." That there should 
be a friendly feeling between the people of this country and the 



The Commoner Condensed. 369 

people of England is perfectly proper. There should be a friendly 
feeling between the people of this country and the people of all 
countries. But a distinction should be drawn between the people 
and the government of a nation. The English government is a 
monarchy, limited, it is true, in so far as the people have been able 
to limit it, but still a monarchy. Between the English monarchy 
and the American republic there can be no sympathy. Can the 
American people consent to an alliance which will bring upon our 
nation either responsibility for wrongs done by the English govern- 
ment or a share of the punishment which must ultimately be in- 
flicted upon wrong-doers, whether they be individuals or nations ? 

England is sowing the wind; she will reap a whirlwind. This 
nation cannot join hands with her without adopting her policies and 
finally sharing in the terrible retribution which will come. Wash- 
ington, Jefferson, and all the other early patriots warned us against 
entangling alliances, even when those alliances might have strength- 
ened us. What excuse can there be for an alliance now, when we 
are strong enough to protect ourselves against all comers ? 

We cannot afford to be "unequally yoked together" with any 
government which recognizes force as the basis of government or in 
its administration disregards the doctrine that governments are the 
creatures, not the masters, of the people. 



HILL'S TEMPTING OFFER. 

The press dispatches announce that Mr. Hill, the financial 
magnate who controls the Northern Pacific and Great Northern 
railroads, intends to meet the rising protest against consolidation 
by making a material reduction in rates. This adroit move on 
the part of Mr. Hill will deceive many of the unwary and will 
be immediately utilized by corporation politicians. It ought not, 
however, to influence any thoughtful and patriotic citizen. That 
a monopoly can be benevolent is true ; that it may make concessions 
when it has something to gain thereby is probable, but that it will 
in the long run be safe or helpful is impossible. A king has been 
known to make concessions to his subjects in order to save his life, 
and some kings have felt a genuine interest in the welfare of all 
their people, but can a monarchy be defended on these grounds ? 

To understand a monopoly, whether it be a railroad monopoly 



370 The Commoner Condensed. 

or some other private monopoly, one only needs to know human 
nature. Human nature is so constructed that arbitrary power in 
the industrial field, as in the domain of government, is so likely 
to be abused that it cannot be justified or defended. Governor Van 
Sant will, of course, understand that Mr. Hill will be quite a dif- 
ferent railroad president after he secures a legal right to control 
the traffic of the northwest, from what he is now, when he is try- 
ing to secure this right, and the governor will be justified in quot- 
ing an old saying that has been applied to many people in the past, 
is applicable to many who are alive now, and will not lose its force 
in years to come — namely, 

When the devil was sick the devil a saint would he, 
When the devil was well the devil a saint was he. 

Mr. Hill is quite saintly just now because he is sick. He is tak- 
ing the people into his confidence because he needs them in his 
business, but when Mr. Hill is once secure in his monopoly he 
will not need the people as he does now, and then he will still "take 
them in" — but not into his confidence. And even if Mr. Hill is 
so good a man as to be entirely safe, it must be remembered that 
Mr. Hill is mortal, and when he dies — as die some day he must — 
he may be succeeded by a cold and selfish man, who will use the 
monopoly which Mr. Hill is trying to secure without any considera- 
tion whatever for the people's welfare. 

Governor Van Sant ought to plant himself upon the plank of 
the democratic platform which declares a private monopoly to be 
"indefensible and intolerable." If he will take this position he 
can appeal with confidence to all the democrats in the northwest 
and these, with a few republicans, will give him a majority. 



The Commoner Condensed. 371 



XVIII. 
RESPONSIBILITY FOR ANARCHY. 

When congress is called upon to consider measures aimed at 
the suppression of anarchy there will probably be some discussion 
of the causes which produce anarchy, and if the republican mem- 
bers of congress follow the example set by republican editors, they 
will attempt to place upon the democratic party responsibility for 
recent manifestations of the anarchistic spirit in the United States. 
If such a charge is made it must not only be met by the democrats, 
but it should be met with arguments which will show that the real 
cause of anarchy is to be found in republican politics rather than in 
democratic speeches. 

Republican papers are in the habit of charging the democrats 
with arousing passions and stirring up hatred, malice and envy.. 
Anarchy is a protest against all forms of government, and no demo- 
crat has said anything or done anything to give encouragement to 
that doctrine. The democrats believe in government, and they show 
their love of government by trying to so improve it that it will com- 
mand the confidence of all the people. The physician who suggests 
rules for health and applies restoratives in sickness is a better friend 
than the one who encourages dissipation and scoffs at the approach 
of disease. 

Republican papers are in the habit of charging democrats with 
stirring up class prejudice and hatred. This would be a serious 
charge if founded upon fact, and it raises the question : Is it wrong 
to criticise a public official, or to point out the evil effects of a 
policy? If so, how is a reform to be accomplished? Must we as- 
sume that the president not only can do no wrong, but can make no 
mistake? When the Wilson bill was passed republican papers all 
over the country claimed that mills were closed, that men were 
thrown out of employment, and that destitution and starvation were 
brought to tens of thousands of people. If some man out of work 
had taken a notion to kill the author of the bill, the congressmen 
and senators who voted for it, or the president who permitted it to 



372 The Commoner Condensed. 

become a law and then enforced its provisions, would the republican 
editors have been morally responsible for the assassination ? 

The republican newspapers and speakers charged that the 
panic of 1893 was due to the agitation of the money question. That 
panic broke up business men, suspended enterprises and largely in- 
creased the necessity for charity. If some one who suffered by the 
panic had undertaken to avenge himself by killing the advocates of 
bimetallism, would the republican editors have been morally re- 
sponsible for the act ? 

The New York Sun recently declared that the overthrow of the 
trusts would cause terrible industrial disasters and the same charge 
has been made by other republican papers. Suppose some man who 
has faith in the judgment of the editor of the Sun undertakes to 
prevent the predicted calamity by killing the men who are trying 
to exterminate the trusts, will the Sun be responsible for the act ? 

No rule is sound which is not of general application. If the 
democrats must abstain from criticism for fear some ignorant or 
vicious man may resort to force instead of the ballot to correct the 
wrong, the rule must apply to republicans as well, and we must sus- 
pend entirely the discussion of these questions. The republicans say 
that the democrats attempt to array class against class. In the first 
place this is untrue in the sense in which the republicans use the 
term, and in the second place every editor who makes this charge is 
more guilty than those whom he accuses. The republicans coined 
the phrases, "home industries" and "infant industries" ; they have 
appealed to the manufacturers as a class and collected large cam- 
paign funds from them on the ground that they are specially inter- 
ested in republican policies. They have constantly arrayed the 
interests of one portion of the population against the interests 
of another portion. In 1896 they charged that the mine owners 
were seeking to secure an advantage at the expense of the rest 
of the people, and they asserted that debtors were trying to get 
out of debt by the use of cheap dollars; they excited the fears 
of bankers; they frightened depositors; they coerced employes. 
They never hesitated to attack any class or any portion of the 
country that opposed republican policies. In the campaign of 
1900 they claimed credit for better times, and said that a panic 
would follow a change in administration. When they appealed 
to the religiously inclined, they represented imperialism as a 
divinely appointed chance for missionary enterprise. When they 



The Commoner Condensed. 373 

appealed to the commercially inclined, they represented it as 
a profitable venture, and to those with an ambition for office they 
held out the possibilities of foreign service. They have never 
hesitated to tickle the palate of the tax-eater with promises of 
rich reward, and yet they complain if the attention of the tax- 
payer is called to the fact that he must pay the bill. The republi- 
can editors cannot point to a word spoken or an act done by 
those who believe in democratic doctrines which has not more 
than its counterpart in the constant practice of republicans. 

But while we are investigating the question of responsibility 
let us consider whether the republicans are not morally responsible 
for the growth of anarchy. Anarchy is not indigenous to Ameri- 
can soil; it is of foreign origin and culture. It is the outgrowth 
of conditions which to the anarchists seem unchangeable. Arbi- 
trary power suppresses all God-given instincts and arouses a 
resentment that always follows the disregard of natural justice. 
It has been the boast of our government that it differed from 
the governments of Europe in that it rested upon the consent of 
the governed. Anything which tends to obliterate or lessen this 
distinction cannot but create here the conditions out of which 
anarchy grows. 

In Europe there are classes separated by birth. Some are born 
to rule, others are born into the aristocracy, while the masses are 
born to serve. These artificial distinctions naturally excite a hatred 
which, when long suppressed, bursts forth into hostility to the 
government which recognizes and enforces these distinctions. The 
creation of artificial distinctions in this country tends to create 
the same conditions, and the republican party has done more than 
all other parties combined to separate the people into classes. It 
is assumed that only the manufacturers are capable of deciding on 
the tariff question and the tariff law of 1890 was, according to 
the testimony of a United States senator, written by the benefi- 
ciaries of the tariff. It is contended that only the financiers are 
competent to legislate on the financial question, and that only 
business men have a real and vital interest in good government. 
Trust magnates are allowed to select the attorney general and cor- 
porations often have a controlling influence in the appointments 
of judges and in the action of United States senators. 

The individual who is driven into bankruptcy by a great monop- 
oly and then sees the beneficiaries of that monopolv prominent in 



^374 The Commoner Condensed. 

society, in politics, and in the councils of the nation, is in excellent 
condition to listen to the theories of the anarchist. Government 
is a great blessing when it is administered with justice, but it ap- 
pears as an unspeakable evil to the helpless citizen who is for- 
bidden by law to avenge his own wrongs and then vainly appeals 
to the government for protection. 

The republican party is to-day engaged in an imperial policy 
that will do more than all else combined to cultivate the anarchistic 
spirit. Those who know what imperialism is in the old country 
can imagine what it will be in this country when fully developed. 
It means a centralization of the government, followed by a 
gradual change which will give more emphasis to the strength 
of the government and less to the rights of the individual. 
It also means a lessening of the regard shown for human life. 
According to the doctrines of a republic, life and liberty are price- 
less; under an empire liberty is measured in dollars and cents, 
and life is unimportant when it stands in the way of trade. We 
cannot wage wars of conquest in order to help our merchants with- 
out making men a matter of merchandise; we cannot give com- 
mercial reasons for the killing of the Filipinos without arousing 
a discussion as to the relative value of the lives of different per- 
sons and classes, and when that discussion is once started we need 
not be surprised if some find it difficult to distinguish between 
the value of the life of the Filipino and the value of the life of an 
American, or between the value of the life of an ordinary citizen 
and the value of the life of a high official. 

The sympathy expressed for England in her war against the 
republics of South Africa tends to identify our government with 
European governments and to visit upon it the condemnation vis- 
ited upon governments resting upon brute force. 

The suggestion recently made that we join with the nations of 
Europe in the extermination of anarchy looks toward a still closer 
union between the monarchies and aristocracies of the old world 
and the republic of the new world. We cannot afford to do any- 
thing which will identify a government resting upon the consent 
of the governed with governments whose strength rests upon 
enormous standing armies supported by taxation levied upon the 
very people whom the armies are intended to overawe. 

Legally, those are responsible for the assassination of the presi- 
dent who committed the act or advised it, but the moral respon- 



The Commoner Condensed. 375 

sibility is far broader, and when we find the real sources of anarchy 
we will find that republican policies and republican practices have 
contributed far more to the conditions that produced a Czolgosz 
than anything urged or defended by the democratic party. 



IS A STOllM BREWING? 

The president in his message to congress uses language which 
indicates that he recognizes the possibility of a break in the pros- 
perity of which republicans have boasted and desires to decrease 
the effect of the break when it does come. "Moreover," he says, 
"no law can guard against the consequences of our own folly. The 
men who are idle or credulous, the men who seek gains not by 
genuine work with head or hand, but by gambling in any form, 
are always a source of menace not only to themselves, but to others, 
If the business world loses its head, it loses what legislation cannot 
supply." 

There is evidence that the business world has to some extent 
lost its head, and that a part of the present prosperity is the result 
of speculation which may be better denned to mean the spending 
now of money that must hereafter be repaid with interest. 

The New York Sun not long ago discussed the financial condi- 
tion with a tremulousness in its voice. The following is an extract 
from the Sun's article: 

We can no more do without banks and a great volume of credit 
money in excess of the quantity of real money than we can do 
without railroads and the telegraph. But the possibility, nay, the 
certainty, of financial whirlwinds in which no house is safe is the 
price that nature exacts for the privilege. Obviously a great share 
of what is called financial genius in these days consists in the ability 
to discern these rising storms before their fury rages, and if a 
set of maxims could be deduced giving scientific information on 
the subject, as in the case of ordinary tempests, their value would 
be inestimable. One or two general laws only can be laid down 
whose force, common sense and experience alike attest, namely, 
that great financial trouble need not be feared when the credit 
superstructure is lifted but a little wav above the money founda- 
tion ; and the converse of this likewise holds. Another law is that 
hurricanes in the financial world don't usually rapidly succeed 
each other. Time is needed for them to mature. After a period 
of years has passed without their occurence, then the business world 



376 The Commoner Condensed. 

in its prosperity has grown regardless of them, and the idea per- 
vades the community that riches can easily be acquired by making 
figures upon paper, then this onset should most be feared. 

There must be a reasonable relation between money and credit 
just as there must be a reasonable relation between a man's property 
and his debts. As the volume of actual money is lessened in pro- 
portion to the volume of credit, our financial system becomes less 
stable, and disturbances are likely to be not only more frequent, 
but more destructive. When the bank is good no one cares to 
withdraw his money. The moment it gets a little weak every one 
demands his money. The republican financial system will be found 
to work better in boom times than in times of industrial depres- 
sion. When the gold standard is complete the credits which are 
nominally payable in any kind of money will finally be payable 
in gold coin, and the supply of gold is insufficient. The republican 
party is resting its whole case on prosperity, without showing how 
its policies have brought prosperity or can ensure it for the future. 
What will the party do when the threatened disturbance comes? 



LAFAYETTE'S EPITAPH. 

Nearly sixty years ago S. S. Prentiss, the famous southern 
orator, delivered an address on Lafayette. After pointing out the 
great service which Lafayette had rendered to the American col- 
onies, Mr. Prentiss said: 

1 The lisping infant will learn to speak his venerated name ; the 
youth of every country will be taught to look upon his career and to 
follow in his footsteps. When hereafter a gallant people are fight- 
ing for freedom against the oppressor, and their cause begins to 
wane before the mercenary bands of tyranny, then will the name 
of Lafayette become the watchword that will strike with terror on 
the tyrant's ear, and nerve with redoubled vigor the freeman's arm. 
At that name many a heart before unmoved will wake in the glori- 
ous cause; and many a sword rusting ingloriously in its scabbard 
will leap forth to battle. Lafayette need no mausoleum. His 
fame is mingled with the nation's history; his epitaph is engraved 
upon the hearts of men. 

Is there not some reason to fear that Lafayette's epitaph has 
become erased from the hearts of men in this country? When 



The Commoner Condensed. 377 

we are repudiating the principles which Lafayette helped our fore- 
fathers to establish, when we withhold from Kruger's men that 
sympathy which our forefathers so gladly accepted from French- 
fen, when we have come to sneer at the Declaration of Independence 
as a bit of "rhetorical generalization," is there any wonder that 
Lafayette's epitaph, as described by Prentiss, has become some- 
what dim? 

It is true, however, as it was true when Prentiss said it, that the 
name of Lafayette, as well as the name of Washington and of others 
of his time, serves as an inspiration to people fighting for freedom 
against the oppressor. It cannot be doubted that the names and 
the deeds of these men have served as an inspiration to the South 
Africans as well as to other people fighting for liberty in other 
climes. Is it not somewhat humiliating to be brought to a realiza- 
tion of the fact that while the deeds of our forefathers serve as an 
inspiration to men who aspire to liberty, our own actions not only 
fail to give any encouragement to those people, but, on the con- 
trary, have been a hindrance to those who are entitled to our sym- 
pathy ? 



PERRY BELMONT'S DEFEAT. 

The defeat of Perry Belmont in a strong democratic district 
ought to show the eastern democrats the folly of nominating for na- 
tional positions men who are known to antagonize democratic prin- 
ciples. In 1896 Mi. Belmont was a conspicuous supporter of the 
Palmer-Buckner movement which was organized in the interest of 
the republican ticket. In 1900 he was one of those who gave nomi- 
nal allegiance to the democratic party, not with any desire to ad- 
vance democratic principles, but for the purpose of betraying the 
party again into the hands of the enemy. That he should ask for the 
honor of a seat in congress where he could misrepresent the democ- 
racy of his state shows how little respect he has for the interests 
of his would-be constituents. His defeat was well merited and 
ought to serve as a lesson to those who assume that the voters of the 
party will vote for any one who may happen to be nominated, even 
though he be a republican masquerading as a democrat. 

Mr. Belmont has given no evidence of a change of heart since 
1896, and until he does he ought not to expect the confidence of 
those who were loyal then. When he does undergo a change of 



378 The Commoner Condensed. 

heart lie will be so ashamed of his past conduct that he will be 
content with the position of a private in the ranks until he can 
prove his repentance by his works. 



A CHANGE OF BASE. 

Although we may deplore the lowering of ideals that has taken 
place in the Outlook, we must give its editor credit for recog- 
nizing the inconsistency between the Declaration of Independence 
and the Philippine policy of the republican administration. In 
a recent editorial he speaks of the principle that "all governments 
exist for the benefit of the governed." One does not have to be 
learned in the science of government nor far advanced in the 
knowledge of language to recognize the wide difference between 
the principle above stated and the self-evident truth that "govern- 
ments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." 
The principle stated in the Outlook is one that has been asserted by 
every king and potentate who claimed to rule by right divine. A 
man would be a monster who would defend a government upon any 
other theory, but while this is the theory usually put forward in de- 
fense of monarchies and aristocracies, the all important ques- 
tion is, Who shall decide what is for the "benefit of the governed" ? 
Shall this question be decided by a king, or by a few, or shall it 
be decided by the people themselves? The trouble with one who 
rules by arbitrary power is that he insists upon deciding what 
government is best for his subjects, and then he insists upon shoot- 
ing them if they do not agree with him in regard to the merits 
of the government which he proposes, and under which they must 
live. The whole difference between a government resting upon 
force and a government resting upon the consent of the governed 
is involved in the difference between the Outlook's idea of govern- 
ment and the theory of government set forth in the Declaration 
of Independence. 

Jefferson defended the view embodied in the Declaration of In- 
dependence. In his first inaugural message he said: "Sometimes 
it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of him- 
self. Can he then be trusted with the government of others, or 
have we found angels in the form of kings to govern him?" Lin- 
coln announced the same doctrine when he said that God never 



The Commoner Condensed. 379 

made a man good enough to govern another man without the 
other mams consent. 

It behooves us to analyze the principles which underlie imperial- 
istic policies, and when those principles are understood they will 
be found to be not new ones just discovered, but the old and blood- 
stained ones, trampled under the feet of the soldiers who enlisted 
under the banner of Washington. 



THE NICAEAGUAISr CANAL. 

The Mcaraguan canal bill passed the house January 9 by a 
vote of 308 to 2. Although but two votes were cast against the 
measure, it was evident that there was considerable opposition 
because of the various amendments proposed during the bill's 
consideration. For instance, the proposition that the president 
be empowered, if, in his judgment it seemed best, to purchase and 
complete the Panama route, providing the same could be pur- 
chased for $40,000,000, received 102 votes, 170 votes being cast 
in the negative. Mr. Cannon, of Illinois, led the fight in favor 
of the Panama route, or rather, against the bill itself; and yet, 
on the final proposition as to the passage of the bill, Mr. Fletcher, 
a rebulican member from Minnesota, and Mr. Lassiter, a demo- 
cratic member from Virginia, were the only members voting 
against the measure. It is to be hoped that the senate will, with- 
out unnecessary delay, pass the Mcaraguan bill. It is important 
that the construction work on this great enterprise be commenced 
as soon as possible. It is true that the eleventh hour offer of 
the Panama canal people may persuade some to the notion that, 
"all things considered," the Panama route would be the better 
one ; but those who have no particular reason aside from the ques- 
tion of public interest for preferring one route over the other, 
will find it difficult to escape the conclusion that, however disin- 
terested the offer of the Panama people may be with respect to 
the primary question of the canal's prompt construction, there 
are some interests that would take advantage of this late-day offer 
to delay the building of any canal across the isthmus. Senator 
Hanna, for instance, is, by the Chicago Tribune, credited with 
being "an outspoken opponent of the Nicaraguan canal bill." 



380 The Commoner Condensed. 

The Tribune says that "Mr. Hanna spoke without reserve/' and 
in explaining Mr. Hanna's position, the Tribune says: 

Senator Hanna is not so much an advocate of the Panama idea 
as he is an opponent of the Mcaraguan route, and that he opposes 
only because he thinks it is not the best one geographically or 
financially. Mr. Hanna, indeed, is inclined to believe that the 
old Darien ronte is the one that offers the best advantage, all 
things considered. 

About a year ago he had his attention called to the reports made 
upon this ronte at various times and talked with one of the en- 
gineers, who found in an out of the way place some maps and 
drawings which he brought to the attention of President Mc- 
Kinley, and through him to Senator Hanna. It is probable that 
the fact of the Darien route, which seems to have been entirely 
lost upon the present generation of congressmen, may be submitted 
to the senate committee during its consideration of the canal 
question and to the senate when the bill comes before that body. 

This would seem to be a fairly accurate description of the 
attitude of those who oppose the Mcaraguan canal. For instance, 
according to the Tribune, Senator Hanna is "not so much an 
advocate of the Panama route as he is an oponent of the 
Mcaraguan route"; and, indeed, according to the Tribune, "Mr. 
Hanna is inclined to believe that the old Darien route is the one 
that offers the best advantage, all things considered." 

What is the fair interpretation of this position? It would 
seem to be that Mr. Hanna and the men who stand with him in 
opposing the Mcaraguan route are not so much agitated because 
of geographical considerations, or because of economical questions, 
as they are by the determination that no canal shall be con- 
structed across the isthmus until their individual or political in- 
terest in the canal becomes greater than it now is. As a matter 
of fact, the American people are very generally in favor of an 
isthmian canal. Had the Panama route been agreed upon by the 
commission, undoubtedly that route would now be in high popular 
favor. But the people seem to have settled upon the Mcaraguan 
route, not because of any particular prejudice in favor of that 
route, but because the Mcaraguan plan seems to give the best 
promise of an early completion of the much desired result. 

Many powerful influences are at work, not particularly against 
the Mcaraguan route, but against any isthmian canal. One pre- 
text and another will be resorted to in order to destroy the pri- 



The Commoner Condensed. 381 

mary object. In the prompt passage of the Nicaraguan bill, the 
house of representatives has set a good example for the senate. 
It is also gratifying that no partisanship entered into the battle 
for an isthmian canal in the house. Let us hope that the senate 
will speedily dispose of this question. The specious pleading of 
men who insist that they are not so much advocates of the 
Panama route as they are opponents of the Nicaraguan route, 
or that "indeed" they are inclined to believe that the old Darien 
route is the one that "offers the best advantage, all things con- 
sidered" — let us hope that the specious pleading of these men 
will be ignored in the very general demand that the congress pave 
the way for a prompt beginning of the enterprise in which the 
American people have so deep an interest. 



THAT POPULIST INFLUENCE. 

The re-organizers are always complaining of the influence 
which the populists have exerted upon the democratic party in 
recent years. Whenever a re-organizer wants to find fault with 
the democratic platform or any part of it, he denounces it as 
populistic. The fact is, most of the things which are complained 
of as populistic were advocated by the democrats before the popu- 
list party was organized, and that which the democrats did bor- 
row from the populist party was indorsed by practically all of 
the democratic party prior to the Chicago convention. Take, for 
instance, the question of free silver. The democratic party in 
congress had for years been contending for the very thing which 
the Chicago platform indorsed. Time and again before there 
was a populist party nearly all of the democrats in both house 
and senate had voted for the financial system indorsed by the 
platform. They had voted for free coinage and for unlimited 
coinage ; they had voted for a bill opening the mints at the ratio 
of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other 
nation, and no national democratic platform had ever announced 
a different doctrine. The Chicago convention opposed the national 
bank of issue, but in so doing it was entirely consistent with the 
party record. 

The Chicago platform indorsed the income tax. The principle 
of the income tax had been indorsed in previous populist plat- 



382 The Commoner Condensed. 

forms, but it had also been embodied in the revenue measure 
passed by congress in 1894. Comparatively few of the democrats 
in the house and senate voted against the income tax, Senator 
Hill, of New York, being the most rabid of its opponents. While 
it was known to the democrats in congress that Mr. Cleveland did 
not favor an individual income tax, he allowed the bill contain- 
ing this tax to become a law without his signature. The opposi- 
tion to the income tax plank has not been directed so much to 
the principle involved as to the wording of the platform, and 
the wording of the platform was not suggested by anything the 
populist party had ever said or done. 

Government by injunction was also denounced in the Chicago 
platform, but it will be remembered that the United States senate 
had already passed, practically without opposition, the bill which 
the democratic platform commended. 

These are the propositions usually referred to as populistic, 
and yet, while the populist and democratic party agree on these 
propositions, they are thoroughly democratic, and no democrat 
can consistently object to them merely because the populist party 
also favors them. 

But why should men who voted the republican ticket find fault 
with populists who supported the democratic ticket? Should men 
who supported the Palmer and Buckner ticket feel aggrieved 
because the populists were more anxious than they to secure the 
reforms for which the democratic party had been working? If 
men are to be judged by their actions rather than by their words, 
the populists are much more in sympathy with democratic prin- 
ciples than those who spend their time criticising and carping at 
the populists. 



WHY MOT STATE OF JEFFERSON? 

Why is there so much delay in admitting the territories? The 
republicans have in two campaigns pledged themselves unequivo- 
cally to the admission of the territories, and yet they seem more in- 
terested in ship subsidy bills and other measures that they dared not 
specifically indorse, than in the measures which they so strongly 
advocated. 

Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma, including the Indian 



The Commoner Condensed. 383 

Territory, are ready for admission. It is to be hoped that the 
controversy over single or double statehood will not prevent the 
admission of Oklahoma. If Oklahoma and the Indian Territory 
cannot agree upon a name, why not drop "Indian Territory" and 
"Oklahoma" and substitute the name of "Jefferson" for both? 
The state of Indiana preserves the Indian name, and the name of 
Oklahoma can be preserved in some local way. The land embraced 
in the Indian and Oklahoma territories is the last of the Louisiana 
Purchase to be incorporated into a state. It would be a fitting 
tribute to Jefferson to thus give his name to a part of the territory 
purchased under his administration. It would probably require 
a year for the necessary formalities, so that the admission of the 
state and the adoption of the name would be a fitting celebration 
of the one hundredth anniversary of the purchase of the great 
trans-Mississippi region. 

Washington's name has already been given to a state, and Jef- 
ferson stands next to Washington among the presidents and beside 
him in services rendered to the American people. 



MANIFEST DESTINY. 

One of the most interesting of the books published by Houghton, 
Mifflin & Co., is Theodore Boosevelt's book on Thomas Benton. 
It appeared in the Statesman's Series and was copyrighted in 
1886. In this book the president of the United States gave spe- 
cial attention to a phrase which was much used just before the 
civil war, but not much used afterwards until it was employed 
as an excuse for the exploitation of the Philippines. On page 
40, Mr. Roosevelt said: 

Among such people Benton's views and habits of thought be- 
came more markedly western and ultra-American than ever, es- 
pecially in regard to our encroachments upon the territory of 
neighboring powers. The general feeling in the West upon this 
last subject afterwards crystallized into what became known as 
the "Manifest Destiny" idea, which, reduced to its simplest terms, 
was: that it was our manifest destiny to swallow up the land of 
all adjoining nations who were too weak to withstand us ; a theory 
that forthwith obtained immense popularity among all states- 
men of easy international morality. 



384 The Commoner Condensed. 

At that time the author did not like the doctrine of "manifest 
destiny"; his conscience would not permit him to indorse a 
policy of swallowing up even adjoining nations merely because 
they were too weak to withstand us. How could he have con- 
demned the doctrine more severely than he did when he suggested 
that it became immensely popular among "all statesmen of easy 
international morality" ? 

It will be seen that it contained a moral question as well as a 
political one. If it was then immoral to swallow up the land of 
adjoining nations who were too weak to withstand us, is it now 
moral to cross an ocean seven thousand miles wide and swallow up 
the land of nations that do not adjoin us, merely because they were 
too weak to withstand us? 

On another page he spoke of this method of securing land by 
conquest in even harsher terms. He said: "This belligerent, or, 
more properly speaking, piratical way of looking at neighboring 
territory, was very characteristic of the West, and was at the 
root of the doctrine of 'manifest destiny/ " "Manifest destiny" 
at that time was a belligerent and piratical doctrine; can it be 
Christian and benevolent now? On page 266 of Mr. Koosevelt's 
book the author very clearly outlined the difference between the 
American method of expansion and the European policy of im- 
perialism. He said: 

Of course no one would wish to see these or any other settled 
communities now added to our domain by force; we want no un- 
willing citizens to enter our union; the time to have taken the 
lands was before settlers came into them. European nations war 
for the possession of thickly settled districts which, if conquered, 
will for centuries remain alien and hostile to the conquerors; we, 
wiser in our generation, have seized the waste solitude that lay 
near us, the limitless forests and never ending plains, and the 
valleys of the great, lonely rivers; and have thrust our own sons 
into them to take possession ; and a score of years after each con- 
quest we see the conquered land teeming with a people that is 
one with ourselves. 

He recognized that it was contrary to the principles of a re- 
public to incorporate unwilling citizens into the union; he recog- 
nized that people taken by conquest would "for centuries remain 
alien and hostile to the conquerors." If he knew this then how 
could he so forget his knowledge of history as to think that 



The Commoner Condensed. 385 

the Filipinos would soon be friends to their conquerors? Are we 
less "wise" now than when he wrote? 

Attention is called to the change that has come over the presi- 
dent merely as an illustration of the fact that republican policies 
to-day are in violation of history and of human nature, as well 
as in violation of the doctrines promulgated by the very same re- 
publicans before the thirst for empire overcame them? 

When Mr. Eoosevelt discussed the subject of imperialism seven- 
teen years ago he used American language to defend American 
principles ; when Mr. Eoosevelt speaks as a republican president of 
the United States exercising in the Philippines the same power 
that the king of England exercises in India, he uses European lan- 
guage to defend European principles. 

The doctrine of "manifest destiny" is merely a piece of hypocrisy 
used to excuse a policy which cannot be defended on principle. It 
would be better and more candid for the republican leaders to de- 
fend imperialism as the habitual drunkard defends his intoxica- 
tion, by saying that the appetite is stronger than the will. 



TRUSTS RETARD PROGRESS. 

The above heading was suggested by a travelling man (and The 
Commoner entertains a high opinion of the energy and intelligence 
of travelling men) who gave some illustrations in support of the 
proposition. He called attention to a certain manufacturer who, 
while he was engaged in an independent industry, made great im- 
provements in the product of his factory, and thus gave his wares 
a high standing among dealers. When he joined with others in 
forming a trust for the control of that industry, improvement 
stopped. After awhile this particular factory was shut down, and 
the trust no longer felt it necessary to improve the quality of the 
goods. Meanwhile, the trust raised the price of the goods about 
33 per cent., thus lessening the demand for them and reducing the 
labor necessary to produce them. After awhile some independent 
factories started up, and, spurred on by the necessity which com- 
petition creates, they began improving the quality of their product. 
The trust reduced prices more than 25 per cent, in order to kill 
off the new enterprises. What the result will be remains to be 
seen. Whether the independent factories will be able to survive 



386 The Commoner Condensed. 

depends partly upon the financial ability of the owners of the in« 
dependent enterprises and partly upon their power to withstand 
temptation. After the trust has shown its power to destroy the 
profits of the independent enterprises it will probably offer a price 
sufficiently large to induce the individual manufacturers to give 
up the contest and pocket the profits. The trust can afford to do 
this, for by raising prices it can soon collect from the whole people 
all that it paid to destroy competition and afterwards it will have 
the field to itself until some new competitor has to be bought off. 
The point made by the travelling man is a good one, namely, 
that competition results in the constant improvement of the prod- 
uct, while monopoly makes this constant improvement unneces- 
sary. This is a fact to be considered by those who regard trusts 
as an economic development. They are not an economic develop- 
ment. A monopoly in private hands is not an economic develop- 
ment, for economy in production is more than offset by the de- 
terioration in quality which follows when the manufacturer is re- 
lieved from the stimulus of competition and only concerned about 
the amount of profit he can get out of the product. 



A EEMAEKABLE DOCUMENT. 

The trial of Corporal Kreider at Manila brings to light the ex- 
istence of a document which conveys a lesson more important than 
the one drawn from it by republican editors. Young Kreider was 
fried for treason because his name appeared on the following ap- 
peal circulated among the American soldiers : 

To Whom It May Concern: Dear Fellow Countrymen: After 
many months among the Filipino people, studying their costumes 
and characters, we, the undersigned, have come to the conclusion 
that the time has arrived for us to break the silence and let you 
know the real truth, so that you will see the folly of continuation 
of fighting these people who are defending their country against 
the cruel American invasion in the same manner in which our 
forefathers did against England in those glorious days of our 
grand and noble liberator, General George Washington. 

Since the day we were led by our conscience and presented our- 
selves to the Philippine authorities we have received the best of 
treatment, and we are enjoying a life of luxury without having 
to put our lives in danger as do you, who still remain in the Amer- 
ican ranks fighting for an unjust cause, which sooner or later must 



The Commoner Condensed. 387 

surely prove disastrous, as it did to the Spanish, notwithstanding 
that they knew the country and customs of the people better than 
the Americans do. 

For above-mentioned reasons and also that the war may soon 
end, we ask the men of the ilmerican army stationed in these 
islands to present themselves to the Philippine authorities as we 
did, thereby showing yourselves to be true Americans upholding 
the policy of Washington and the Monroe doctrine against the 
ambitious policy of President McKinley, who for two years has 
carried on this cruel war, spilling the innocent blood of thousands 
of American soldiers, and with what object? To fill the pockets 
of Mark Hanna and several other American capitalists who have 
been for years, and are now, ruling America to-day, or, in other 
words, changing your blood for gold and robbing many'a loving 
mother or wife of son or husband, thereby making many a once 
happy home sad and miserable. 

Before we close let us tell you that near every town there are 
always stationed forces of Filipino troops to whom, should you so 
desire, you can present yourselves with or without your rifle, and 
to avoid danger it is best to hide it in a secure place, and after you 
have presented yourself inform the Filipino officer or chief of the 
guerrillas and they will recover it and pay you some money in 
return. 

With this we conclude, wishing you the best of fortune. We 
remain yours most sincerely, 
HAEEY HOKAL ALMAN, Company K. 
JOHN BLAKE, Trumpeter, Company B, Twenty-eighth U. S. 

Infantry. 
FRANK L. CLARK, Company F, Twenty-first U. S. Infantry. 
J. THOMAS KREIDER, Corporal, Thirty-eighth U. S. Volun- 

teers. 
CHARLES BUCHANAN, Company B, Twenty-eighth U. S. 

Volunteers. 
HAEEY EICHTEE, Sixth U. S. Artillery. 
CHAELES WEIGHT, Hospital Corps. 
FITZHUGH SMITH. 
JOHN RYAN, Fourth Regiment. 

Kreider s defense was that the document was drawn by Filipinos 
and that the Americans who signed it did so under duress. A 
military commission found Kreider guilty of treason and sentenced 
him to life imprisonment. General Chaffee refused to approve 
the findings of the military court and released the accused with a 
reprimand. The general thus admonished the offender: 

While no treasonable intent or overt act is established against 
the accused by competent evidence, it, however, remains to be re- 



388 The Commoner Condensed. 

marked that it is the duty of every American soldier to face im- 
pending danger of death rather than sign a treasonable proclama- 
tion, even if it is prepared, as was the one in this case, by the 
enemy. Nor should he do any other act that might have even a 
seeming of giving the enemy encouragement. The true soldier 
not only takes the risks of battle, but all other risks of life grow- 
ing out of any and all incidents of war, and accepts the chance 
of life or death rather than do aught to injure his country's cause 
or dishonor the uniform he wears. 

General Chaffee is sound in his argument. No amount of duress 
could justify an American soldier in signing such a document. 
It has been said that no one need be a slave who knows how to 
die, and so, it may be added, no one can be compelled to sign a 
treasonable appeal until he becomes afraid of death. The soldiers 
in the Philippines went there voluntarily and in going they as- 
sumed the risks which attend military service. The sentiments 
expressed by General Chaffee will be generally commended; but 
there is another phase of the subject which ought not to escape 
attention. Who wrote the remarkable document which the Amer- 
ican prisoners were forced to sign? The Filipinos? Dare the 
republicans admit it ? It is charitable to exonerate the Americans, 
but how will the republicans reconcile that document with the 
theory that the Filipinos are savages ? The authors of that appeal 
seem to know something of American history; they are evidently 
acquainted with our struggle for independence, and they recognize 
that our present Philippine policy is utterly inconsistent with our 
traditions and our principles of government. It ought to make 
republican leaders blush to think that the "inferior people" who 
are, according to the president, a thousand years behind us, under- 
stand imperialism better than these same republican leaders under- 
stand imperialism, but pretend ignorance? 

How long will honest and conscientious republicans close their 
eyes to the moral and political degradation involved in imperialism ? 



The Commoner Condensed. 389 



XIX. 
SHORTER EDITORIALS. 

Interesting Discrimination. — A commission should be ap- 
pointed to definitely fix the amount of wealth one must possess 
before being classed as a kleptomaniac instead of a thief. The 
same commission could also fix the amount which a man must 
steal before becoming a Napoleon of finance instead of being a 
common embezzler. There is now so much leeway afforded that 
the public is often led to grievously wrong a man by calling him 
a thief or an embezzler when in truth he is either a kleptomaniac 
or a financier. This is because of not having a definite amount 
fixed from which to measure judgment. This appears to be one 
of the crying needs of the hour. 



Extravagance Increasing. — Some of the republicans are be- 
coming alarmed at the extravagance of the present congress. The 
appropriations for this session will not be far from eight hundred 
millions. Deducting about one hundred and fifteen millions de- 
rived from postal receipts, it still leaves nearly seven hundred 
millions to be raised by taxation. 

Senator Hale was recently led to remark : "The tide, immensely 
swollen heretofore, is more swollen and more turbid." "And still 
rising," interjected Senator Spooner. "Rising rapidly," added 
Senator Allison. 

Why does not the administration call a halt? Because the tax 
eaters control the republican organization and their appetite grows 
with the feeding. 

Secretary Gage's Proud Boast. — In a statement prepared for 
the Chicago Record-Herald, Secretary Gage says : "There has been 
a very material increase in the volume of money in circulation 
since March 1, 1897, as well as in the amount per capita. The 
volume of money on that date, outside of the treasury, was 
$1,675,694,953, and the amount per capita was $23.14. On the 
1st of December last the amount of money outside of the treasury 
was $2,250,256,230, and the amount per capita was $28.73. The 
increase in amount, therefore, was $574,561,277, and the increase 
per capita was $5.59." Is it not strange to hear the single gold 



390 The Commoner Condensed. 

standard champion boasting of an increase in the volume of money, 
when we remember that in 1896 he insisted that we had all the 
money we needed? 



Our Allies. — If the re-organizers would spend more time op- 
posing republican policies and less time denouncing the populists 
they would serve the cause better. The populists came to the 
help of the democratic party when the re-organizers abandoned 
it and the latter are not in a position to boast of superior attach- 
ment to democratic principles. What is true of the populists is 
also true of the silver republicans, who have for four years vied 
with the democrats in their efforts to advance the doctrines set 
forth in the democratic platform. It will be an unfortunate day 
for the democracy if the bolting element on the outside or the 
corporation element on the inside is able to so alter the party 
creed as to make it less acceptable to our populist and silver re- 
publican allies. 



Freedom of the Press. — The deportation of Editor Rice from 
Manila because of his criticism of American officials ought to give 
the American people some idea of what is to be expected under 
colonialism. Free speech is not consistent with military rule or 
carpet-bag government. Men who exercise authority without 
responsibility to those whom they govern cannot tolerate criticism, 
and any suggestion of malfeasance or mis-feasance becomes incendi- 
ary and dangerous. Human frailty makes public officials liable 
enough to error even when restrained by a free press and when that 
restraint is taken away the people have no protection whatever. 
There is a love of justice to be found in every human heart, and 
when justice is denied, those who are responsible for the denial 
never think it wise to have the matter discussed. Benevolent as- 
similation is too tender a plant to withstand the frost of criticism. 



Matter for Investigation. — The orbits of the planets are so 
well known to astronomers that they can note the slightest devi- 
ation. Whenever a planet acts queerly they know that it is due 
to the influence of some heretofore unknown heavenly body and 
they proceed to search for that body. 

Democratic principles are so well understood and so easily ap- 
plied that the conduct of a faithful democratic representative can 



The Commoner Condensed. 391 

be easily predicted. Whenever, therefore, a democratic senator, 
a representative, or a state legislator acts queerly, it is well to 
investigate at once and find out what earthly body is exerting an 
influence over him. 

He may be paying for some favor received or expected, or he 
may be in close proximity to some corporation. The eccentrici- 
ties of a representative can always be explained when the facts 
are known. 



The Value of Influence. — A reader of The Commoner 
asks for a word on the value of influence. Influence may be di- 
vided into two kinds, good and bad, and all know that both are 
potent. When we keep our children out of bad company we recog- 
nize that evil associations exert a corrupting influence upon all 
who submit themselves to such associations. We may not empha- 
size as much as we should the value of good influence, but we 
have scripture as well as observation to support the doctrine that 
there is nothing more powerful than the influence of an upright 
life. "Let your light so shine before men that they may see your 
good works/' etc., is proof of the good that can be done by ex- 
ample. We should be as careful to give others the benefit of a 
good influence as to secure a benefit from theirs. The life of each 
person is so interwoven with the life of others that no one can 
be sure that any act will be without an influence, hence the im- 
portance of striving to make that influence helpful. 



Planetary Disturbances. — They talk of attempting communi- 
cation with Mars as if it were something new. The fact is, the 
republican leaders have for years been under the influence of the 
planets. Mr. Hanna has been Jupiter's special representative and 
has ruled on republican Olympus with as much authority as was 
ever shown by "The Thunderer/' 

The various rings which encircle the republican organization 
prove clearly that the party's star has long been in close conjunc- 
tion with Saturn; the hidden forces which are pushing the ship 
subsidy bill would excuse the suspicion that Neptune is at work 
with his trident ; and what power but the blood-star Mars could have 
led the party of Lincoln into wars waged for conquest and the pur- 
chase of trade? 

What we need is not wireless telegraphy between the earth and 



392 The Commoner Condensed. 

the stars, but some means of insulating the republican party against 
planetary currents. 

Doing Justice to Admiral Schley. — [Representative John S. 
Williams of Mississippi has introduced a resolution providing for 
the appointment of a committee to investigate the charges made by 
Historian Maclay that Crowninshield, Sampson and other naval 
officers read the proof-sheets of Maclay's bitter attack on Admiral 
Schley. It cannot be doubted that Mr. Williams, who is one of the 
forceful members of the house^ will push his resolution with all 
possible vigor, and yet it is not likely that republicans will permit 
the adoption of any such resolution introduced by a democrat. 
They will perhaps prefer to adopt a similar resolution introduced 
by a republican. At all events, the American people will expect the 
charge that Admiral Schley has been the victim of a conspiracy, 
to be thoroughly investigated. There seems, also, to be a dis- 
position in congress to prevent the creation of the grade of vice 
admiral unless provision is made for conferring that grade upon 
Admiral Schley and restoring him to active service. It required 
a long time for some of the politicians in the republican party to 
realize that injustice was being done Admiral Schley, but it is now 
probable in spite of the court of inquiry's decision that many of 
them will compete strongly with democratic members in the effort 
to do justice to Schley. 



Not Afraid of Silver. — A Georgia paper is responsible for the 
circulation of a story to the effect that Mr. Bryan, when in the 
army, refused to accept two dollars and a half in silver as change, 
and demanded paper. The statement is not true, for he prefers 
to carry a few dollars in silver rather than in paper, but the fact 
that he or any one else does not care to carry many dollars in silver 
is no argument against silver. Because one prefers to carry one, 
two, three or four dollars in silver to a like value in paper is no 
reason why he should prefer twenty-five or fifty dollars in silver 
to a like value in paper. Neither gold nor silver is convenient 
to carry in large quantities ; that is why silver certificates and gold 
certificates are issued. An advocate of the gold standard would 
rather carry a thousand dollar silver certificate than a thousand 
dollars in gold. More people carry and use silver every day than 
carry or use gold, and the most rabid gold bug would hardly refuse 



The Commoner Condensed. 393 

the payment of a debt because it was tendered in silver. The 
complaint which republicans make about the weight of silver re- 
calls a story told on a Boston man who was arguing against the 
white metal. He said: "No one likes to carry silver, it is too 
heavy. Now suppose I gave my wife fifty dollars to go down town 
and buy something, say a spool of thread or any article of small 
value, and the clerk gave her back forty-nine dollars and the change 
in silver, she wouldn't want to carry that much," and turning to 
his wife for confirmation he inquired, "Would you ?" She replied, 
"Oh, my, if I could only get fifty dollars to spend I would be will- 
ing to carry the change in any kind of money." If any gold bug 
doubts the truth of this story let him try the experiment on his 
wife. 



Torture Indefensible. — The burning of another negro, this 
time in Kansas, again calls attention to the tendency to return to 
the cruelties and torture of former times. When a similar incident 
occurred a few weeks ago in Colorado, republican papers were quick 
to connect the occurrence with a fusion majority in the state. If 
retaliation were proper, democratic papers might refer to the 
republican majority rolled up in Kansas last November, but the 
subject is too serious to be made a theme for partisan controversy. 
Such atrocities are inexcusable, no matter when or where they are 
practiced. Lynch law must be condemned on general principles 
because it temporarily suspends government and its enforcement 
amid excitement and without a careful investigation of the evidence 
often leads to the doing of great injustice. 

The fact that good people, aroused to frenzy by a horrible crime, 
sometimes take the law into their own hands, is not a justification, 
but simply shows that strong feeling will occasionally overmaster 
the reason of the best of men. Before lynching can be defended 
some tribunal must be authorized to decide when, under what cir- 
cumstances and upon what evidence individual revenge should be 
substituted for the ordinary methods of administering justice. 
But even if lynching could be defended the addition of torture is 
inexcusable. It is an indulgence of passion, more hurtful to those 
who are guilty of it than to their victim. Instead of lessening 
crime, burning is apt to increase it by accustoming the people to 
cruelty and by lessening their respect for human life. Even those 
who in Kansas and elsewhere have joined in the mad cry for blood 



394 The Commoner Condensed. 

and exulted in the agonies of a human being will, in calm and dis- 
passionate moments, condemn the act and deplore the weakness 
which temporarily condoned it. 

An unanswerable argument against such a form of punishment 
is to be found in the fact that no legislative body in Christendom 
would deliberately provide for burning as a penalty for any crime. 



Caught Him Napping. — The partisan prejudice of some men 
was fittingly illustrated by an incident which occurred in a western 
city during the sad week of the presidential obsequies. While the 
campaign of 1900 was in progress democrats had great sport read- 
ing a speech delivered by Abraham Lincoln in 1858 and intimating 
that it was a portion of a speech delivered by Mr. Bryan. Ee- 
publicans readily fell into the trap and denounced it as "hogwash," 
"copperheadism," etc. An ex-congressman stood on a prominent 
corner of — a few days ago and denounced the democrats, and es- 
pecially Mr. Bryan, for what he termed "appeals to class prejudice." 
He asserted that these appeals unsettled the minds of people and 
made them discontented with their lot, and further declared that 
the language used by democratic orators in discussing) political 
questions was indirectly, if not directly, responsible for the assassi- 
nation of President McKinley. A young man standing by coincided 
with this view, and to prove the truth of the assertion made by the 
ex-congressman read the following: 

"Human rights and privileges must not be forgotten in the mad 
race for wealth. The government of the people must be by the 
people, and not by a few of the people. Power, it must be remem- 
bered, which is secured by oppression and usurpation, or by any 
form of injustice, is soon overthrown." 

"That," asserted the young man, "is the kind of talk that is 
continually stirring up trouble between the different elements of 
our population. It is the doctrine of discontent." 

"That's right !" asserted the ex-congressman. "It is intended 
to make the poor hate the rich. It is intended to make people be- 
lieve that our republic is rapidly becoming an empire. It is " 

"Oh, you ought to know better than to talk that way about this 
speech," interrupted the young man. "That is an extract from a 
speech delivered by William McKinley only a few years ago." 

The republican ex-congressman looked dazed, then hastily- 
changed the subject. 



The Commoner Condensed. 595 



XX. 
EDITORIAL PARAGRAPHS. 

Perhaps "malevolent dissimulation" is the term meant. 



Blood-bought commerce may be profitable for a time, but the 
average will show a preponderance of red ink entries. 



Of course it would not do to send the Liberty Bell on a visit 
to the Philippines. It might stir the natives to "anarchy." 



The attention of Signor Marconi is called to the fact that the 
trusts have been sending wireless messages to congress for several 
years. 



F. P. Dunne (Mr. Dooley) has paraphrased an old epigram. 
He says: "Ye can lade a man up to the University but ye can't 
make him think." 



It is a mistake to assume that people in the Philippines or in 
South Africa can be benefited by a carpet-bag government held 
in authority by armies. 

It is not difficult to believe that Paul Kruger's name will be 
remembered long after the world has forgotten why General 
Eoberts was made an earl. 



The cost of good literature is insignificant when compared with 
its value in moulding character, and a good newspaper is the least 
expensive form of literature. 



The floral tributes which greeted Mr. Quay on his re-election 
to the Senate recall the fact that flowers, like showers, fall alike 
upon the just and the unjust. 



A large number of congressmen who excuse their conduct on 
the ground that they are filled with missionary zeal are filled 
only with commissionary zeal. 



396 The Commoner Condensed. 

Kousseau says, "There is in liberty as in innocence and virtue, 
a satisfaction one only feels in their enjoyment and a pleasure 
which can cease only when they are lost." 



In the estimation of the gentlemen who so ably managed the 
republican campaign there are no bad trusts, unless it be one or 
two that failed to mail checks in time to be available. 



The fever of speculation on Wall Street is wearing on Mr. Gage. 
He does not know whether he will have to sell bonds to keep the 
market from breaking, or buy bonds to keep the speculators from 
going broke. 



When one reads the eulogies delivered over Senators and mem- 
bers of the House of Representatives he understands why it is 
that those who are elected to either branch of Congress want to 
stay there until they die. 



The democratic country press is the reflex of democratic thought, 
and democrats must support the country of democratic papers if 
democratic victories are to be won. A well supported press is 
more than half the battle. 



Some predict that Texas will rival Pennsylvania as a producer 
of oil; it is to be hoped, however, that she will not rival Pennsyl- 
vania in her political methods. We can use more oil, but we do 
not need any more Pennsylvania politics. 



The bullet of an anarchist cannot overthrow our government, 
neither can it settle public questions. Our government rests se- 
curely upon the good will of the people, and public questions will 
be settled by the intelligence and patriotism of the people. 

Speaking of steadfastness, it is related of an old servant of 
Andrew Jackson, who survived his master several years and acted 
as a guard at the Hermitage, that when asked whether he thought 
Jackson went to heaven replied: "If he sot his head that way, 
he did." 



As we have been giving protection to manufacturers and trust- 
ing to their generosity to give to their employes a fair share of 
the blessings conferred by the government, why not give subsidies 



The Commoner Condensed. 397 

to the farmers who export cotton, meat and breadstuSs and trust 
them to divide with the ship-owners? 



As Mr. Watterson was seizing the reins and warning "the fools" 
to get ont of the way the St. Panl Globe, itself a bolter in 1896, 
quietly pulled his coat tail and suggested to him that the pas- 
sengers might feel a little nervous if he tried to drive so soon 
after his attempt to hold up the coach. 



In view of the prominent part taken by Justices Brown and 
White in changing our form of government, a reader of The 
Commoner suggests that the national colors should be changed to 
Ked, White, and Brown. But as Justice Gray also joined in the 
decision, why not make them Gray, Brown, and White ? 



If the Congressmen who are constantly endeavoring to raise the 
rate of postage on second-class mail matter would give a little 
attention to the compensation paid railroads for carrying the mails, 
they would find it possible to make such a reduction in expenses 
as to render an increase in postage rates unnecessary. 



In forming an opinion as to the capacity of the Filipinos for 
self-government, General Chaffee, the military governor, is some- 
what embarrassed by the fact that he cannot decide for the Filipinos 
without deciding against the interests of the carpet-bag officials 
and exploiters who find good picking in "our new possessions." 



A test has at last been discovered for determining when a paper 
is under corporate influence. If the editor becomes violently agi- 
tated when any reference is made to the common people the 
chances are sixteen to one that his paper is a defender of every 
scheme whereby the organized few seek to obtain an advantage over 
the masses of the people. 



Don't bet on elections. Aside from the moral principle involved 
it is foolish to gamble on a subject where your enthusiasm impairs 
your judgment. If your party wins there is joy enough in the 
victory. If 3^our party loses, why give your opponents the double 
happiness of a party triumph and your money besides? Instead 
of risking your earnings on a wager contribute what you can to 
the campaign fund. 



398 The Commoner Condensed. 

A Kansas paper expresses a violent dislike for the name "Com- 
moner," and says that it is "a vile word and totally un- American." 
The uncommon people seem to be more worried about the name 
than the common people. The agitation of those who consider 
themselves outside of the appellation reminds one of the definition 
of the onion which describes it as the vegetable which makes the 
person sick who does not eat it. 

The money already expended in a vain effort to subdue the 
Filipinos and grab their lands would have made tillable more 
land in western America than there is in the whole Philippine 
group. This would have created a larger market at home, pro- 
vided homes for millions of people and made unnecessary the sac- 
rifice of 3,500 American lives on the altar of "commerce." The 
Philippine game is not worth the candle. 



In response to an invitation from Tammany to submit a senti- 
ment to be read on the 4th of July, Mr. Bryan suggested the fol- 
lowing : 

"Liberty is not safe without a written constitution, and a consti- 
tution to be of value must be strong enough to control every 
public servant and broad enough to include within its protection 
every person who acknowledges allegiance to the flag." 



The advocates of municipal ownership note with pleasure the 
result of the election for members of the city council of London. 
A majority of the members of the new council favor the municipal 
ownership of municipal franchises. When the largest city in the 
world, especially in England, can undertake this reform the repub- 
licans will have to speak respectfully of the democrats and populists, 
who object to bestowing valuable franchises upon private corpora- 
tions in this country. 



Conscience is a creature of education. Many a man who would 
recoil in horror at the suggestion that he waylay and rob a single 
individual at the muzzle of a revolver, does not hesitate to waylay 
and rob a community at the muzzle of an unjust law secured 
through corrupt influences for selfish purposes. And men who do 
this sort of thing sometimes give largely to public charities and 
receive credit for generosity. The public conscience needs to be 
awakened and properly schooled. 



The Commoner Condensed. 399 

The Manila Times, referring to the plan of campaign in 
Samar, says that Lubkan's army will be "rounded up for ex- 
termination." It also asserted that "Samar island will be made a 
desert." If the policy of exterminating the army and making a 
desert of the island is carried out everywhere, what will our ex- 
ploiters do ? White men can't work in. the Philippines. Some of 
the Filipinos ought to be left to act as day laborers or we shall 
be unable to "develop" the islands. 



The trusts generally issue two kinds of stock — preferred and com- 
mon. The preferred stock is intended for the preferred people 
and the common stock for the common people. The preferred 
stock has a fixed dividend, which must be paid before any dividend 
can be declared on the common stock; the common stock, there- 
fore, is subject to the greater fluctuation. It might with propriety 
be called lamb's food, because it is most popular with young sheep 
before they have experienced the first shearing. 



Japan looks upon the United States as its best friend. It, was 
the United States that brought Japan into contact with the civil- 
ized world. How? Not with bullets and swords; not with rapid- 
fire guns and high-priced commissions living at the expense of a 
people impoverished by 300 years of fighting for liberty. It was 
accomplished by kindness, by force of example and by recognition 
of inalienable rights. But when Japan was reclaimed from in- 
dustrial seclusion there was an absence of congressmen anxious 
to confer "blessings" in return for the privilege of gobbling up 
all of the rich concessions or holding the fat offices. 



Secretary Gage would take a rosy view of the future if his hopes 
did not depend upon so many ifs. He says, "If a trade war does 
not come up, and if European nations do not engage in a tariff 
fight, and if no untoward accident happens, and if war does not 
become universal, I expect to see an era of prosperity long con- 
tinued." 

If Mr. Gage was a different kind of a man and if he favored a 
different kind of a financial system, and if he then had the power 
to pri his policy into practice he might aid in making prosperity 
general and permanent^ but the "ifs" are in the way. 



400 The Commoner Condensed. 

It must be mortifying to honest and well-meaning republicans 
to find that some of the more partisan members of that party 
wagged their malicious tongues or employed their venomous pens 
in abuse of democrats while the President's funeral was in progress 
and while all patriotic hearts joined in the mourning. It was not 
an inspiring spectacle to see these debased representatives — or rather 
misrepresentatives — of the republican party sucking political 
comfort out of the wounds of the chief executive. Fortunately, 
however, the number of such was small compared with the number 
of those who recognized that the calamity was national and that 
the tributes of respect were non-partisan in their character. 



The democratic party stands for definite, positive principles, and 
the Kansas City platform is the party creed until another national 
platform is written. Those who argue from the standpoint of ex- 
pediency seem willing to sacrifice any principle or endorse any 
policy if they can thereby win. But there is no way of judging 
what is expedient ; we can only do what we believe to be right and 
accept the consequences. We may deserve to win, and yet lose, 
but it still remains that to deserve to win is the surest road to 
success. If any one tells you that success can be won by a sur- 
render of democratic principles, just remind him of the campaign 
of 1894 when we lost both our principles and our candidates. 



The monopolists sometimes try to defend trusts by claiming that 
they are identical in principle with the labor organization. There 
is this difference, however, between the two kinds of organization 
which ought to be apparent to every one. Labor organizations have 
not yet secured for their members more than a fair compensation 
for work done — and in many branches of industry they have not 
secured what is fair, while many of the trust magnates have within 
a few years amassed fabulous fortunes. When labor organizations 
Teach the point where the wage-earners are able to spend their 
summers in the north, their winters in the south, and the autumn 
months in Europe, it will be time enough to class such organizations 
with the trusts. 



A reader of The Commoner asks, for an explanation of the 
term "government by injunction." It is a phrase used to describe 
a process of the court which has been more and more frequently 



The Commoner Condensed. 4cr 

abused of late, whereby the court, at the instance of a corpora- 
tion, enjoins the striking employes from doing some act described 
in the order. The object of the writ is to suspend the right of 
trial by jury and give the judge an opportunity to punish for 
contempt of court in case the order is violated. The democratic 
platforms of 1896 and 1900 condemned government by injunction. 
If the court prohibits the doing of an act already unlawful the 
order is unnecessary because those who violate the criminal law 
can be prosecuted in the ordinary way. If the court prohibits the 
doing of an act which is not prohibited by law, then it is guilty 
of creating law, which is not the province of the court. 



402 The Commoner Condensed. 



XXI. 
WHETHER COMMON OR NOT. 

Articles in this department are written by Will M. Maupin. 
I AIN'T TH' LITTLEST GIRL NO MORE. 

My papa called me sweetheart till it came, 

An' jus* played with me nearly all th' time; 
But now he's jus' forgot my baby name 

'Cause there's another baby now, an' I'm 
Told 'at I mustn't run an' sing an' play 

'Cause it might wake it up an' make it cry. 
An' 'stead of bein' petted ev'ry day 

I'm tol' I'm such a bother when I'm nigh, 
That's why I'm feelin' so drefful poor — 
I ain't th' littlest girl no more. 

'Fore baby came my papa used t' say 

'At I wus jus' th' sweetest girl in town; 
An' 'at he'd ruther sing an' romp an' play 

Wif me 'an any little girl aroun'. 
An' he would sing me sleepy songs at night 

An' tuck me in my little cradle bed ; 
But 'at wus all before he caught a sight 

Of 'at new baby's little fuzzy head. 
An' now I's feelin' so mighty poor — 
I ain't th' littlest girl no more. 

It's so drefful hard for a girl like me 

'At ain't no bigger 'an a pint o' sand 
'T have t' stan' aroun' t' wait an' see 

A baby gettin' pats from mamma's hand. 
I can't see why they wanted 'nother one 

While I wus here an' jus' a-wishin' I 
Could see my papa so 'at I could run 

An' s'prise him till he had to say, "0, my !" 
But baby come an' I's drefful sore? — 
I ain't th' littlest girl no more. 



The Commoner Condensed. 403 



TWO SEATS. 

He gave his gold with lavish hand 
And spread his fame throughout the land. 
He builded here and builded there, 
And as he wrought things passing fair 

His face with conscious pride did glow. 
Then, when at last his time had come 
And he had gone to his long home, 
He stepped within and proudly said : 
"Of course I shall be quickly led 

To the best seat in the front row/' 

St. Peter smiled and shook his head, 
And to the new arrival said : 
"We manage this place on a plan 
That may seem rather strange to man, 

But 'tis a plan we know is right/' 
Then leading him to second place, 
St. Peter smiled and turned his face. 
"Who has first place ?" the proud man cried. 
St. Peter turned and quick replied : 

"A widow — and she gave a mite." 



WRITING TO SANTA CLAUS. 

With infinite care and many a pause 
She's writing a letter to Santa Claus. 
Her pink cheeks are dimpled, her brown eyes shine, 

Her fingers are guiding the pen aright ; 
And a wish she writes in every line 

That must go by post in the fire to-night, 
For the note that is signed with baby's name 
Will haste away on the dancing flame. 
Postage is free 

To girls and boys 
Who send their notes 
To Land 0' Toys. 



404 The Commoner Condensed. 

She's making a curve for a waxen doll, 
And a big, black blot for a parasol. 
She knows that old Santa will understand 

Each mark she is making upon the sheet; 
And she changes her pen from hand to hand, 

While over her cheek chase the dimples sweet. 
Writing to Santa — God grant he gives 
An answer to every sweet tot that lives. 
Over the snow 

Without a pause 

The sweet notes go 

To Santa Claus. 

And Santa awaits in his north retreat 
For the postman's knock and the missives sweet. 
And he smiles and chuckles the while he reads 
The marvelous writing of boys and girls- 
Quaint and curious are the blotted screeds 

Of dashes and dots, and of quirks and curls. 
But all are as plain as your A, B, C's 
To Santa who reads with the utmost ease, 
For baby marks 
In polar glint 
To Santa Claus 
Are plain as print. 



A BOYISH NIGHTMAEE. 

When the load of life is heavy and I bend beneath its weight $ 
When I think my luck has left me, and I mourn and rail at fate ; 
When I long for days of boyhood, for the days when life was gay — 
As I picture it in fancy, now my hair is tinged with gray — 
It is then a mem'ry rises till I fully realize 
That e'en in the days of boyhood clouds oft hid the azure skies ; 
For what woe e'er comes to manhood that is half as hard to bear 
As those cut-down pants of fathers that my mother made me wear ? 

I can see them yet, in fancy, always short, with ample slack 
That would puzzle as to whether I was gone or coming back; 



The Commoner Condensed. 405 

Built on plans of architecture that were certainly unique, 

With the nap well brushed and dusted till the cloth was thin and 

sleek. 
And when manhood's cares beset me I recall those days of yore, 
Full of second-hand apparel and a heart with anguish sore — 
For no matter what my sorrows, none as great can ever be 
As those cut-down pants of father's that my mother made for me. 

Stocks and bonds may lose their value; markets wobble till they 

burst ; 
But a moment's thought convinces that long since I passed the 

worst 
Of life's trials and afflictions, so I smile and try again, 
Knowing that the "now" is better than the mournful days of "then." 
For the man that strives the hardest never gets the ridicule 
That was heaped upon me when I wore those awful pants to school. 
So I grin and bear the burdens, and am thankful as can be 
That no cut-down pants of father's will again be put on me. 



MAN, POOE MAN. 

Trusts in cradles and bottles and milk, 
Trusts in wool and in cotton; 

Trusts in needles and pins and threads — 
Cursed by trusts when begotten. 

Trusts in headgear and clothing and shoes, 
Trusts in physic and lighting; 

Trusts in everything he must eat — 
Life is a strenuous fighting. 

Taxed by the trusts while a babe in arms, 
Taxed late, early and often ; 

Taxed on the comforts of youth and age — 
Taxed at last in his coffin. 

Taxed on the marble that marks his rest 
And tells the world "Hie Jacet"; 

This will explain why a man don't need 
A shroud that has a pocket. 



406 The Commoner Condensed. 



IF OL' HICK'RY WUS ALIVE. 

I see Nick Ridgeley's grandson is a-cuttin' quite a swell 
Down at th' seat o' government, an' makin' free t' tell 
What he knows 'bout finances, an' what he thinks is best 
F'r t' keep our circulation a-workin' without rest. 
Says he thinks like his grandpa, Nick Biddle's right-hand man, 
A bank o' th' United States is jus' th' proper plan; 
An' that he'd institoot it an' he'd warrant it to thrive- 
But I bet he couldn't do it if 01' Hick'ry wus alive. 

They've got the people locoed with their system o' finance. 
The banks git all th' money and they never miss a chance. 
They buy some bonds an' put 'em in our Uncle Sammy's vault, 
An' th' int'rest keeps a-comin' with na'ry hitch or halt. 
Then th' banks git notes upon 'em, which notes are always lent 
T' 'commodate th' people — at th' rate o' ten per cent. 
Th' banks git double int'rest, an' law-makers all connive — 
But I bet they couldn't do it if 01' Hick'ry wus alive. 

They tax us till our money is piled up in Washington, 
An' Gage, he tells th' papers that some action must be done. 
Then he loans th' banks th' money an' no int'rest he'll assess, 
But th' people pay ten f'r it — which, of course, relieves distress. 
When th' people git th' money from th' banks they straightaway 
Hunt up th' tax collector an' once more their taxes pay. 
It's a never endin' circle, goin' 'round from year t' year — 
But I bet 'twould soon be busted if 01' Hick'ry wus here. 



THE HOUSEHOLD PHYSICIAN. 

It tickles me almost f death t' see th' doctors fight, 
Each one declarin' t'other's wrong an' only him is right ; 
When allypath an' homypath forever disagree, 
Exceptin' when they j'ine t' fight 'gainst ostyopathe. 
Th' allypath will dope his sick th' pharmacopy through; 
Th' homypath will jim along with numbers 1 and 2, 
Th' ostypath will knead y'r frame an' loosen ev'ry bone, 
An' then th' Scientis' declares you're saved by faith alone; 



The Commoner Condensed. 407 

An' some folks listen to th' talk each school has got t' make, 
An' dope themselves with pi'zen drugs f'r ev'ry pain an' ache. 
They choose a school 0' medicine an' help along th' fuss, 
Each one a gulpin' physic down an' growin' wuss an' wuss. 
It tickles me t' hear 'em talk, an' hear 'em argify, 
An' see 'em pay th' doctor bills that figger mighty high. 
Th' remedies my mother made are good enough f'r me — 
Some goosegrease on a flannel rag an' lots 0' boneset tea. 

In spring when feelin' torpid an' my liver's out 0' plumb, 
Malary in my system an' each j'int a-feelin' numb; 
When blood is out 0' kelter an' each bone begins t' ache, 
I fall back on th' remedies my mother used t' make. 
She didn't call no doctors in t' feed her folks on pills 
An' feel their pulse while lookin' wise, an' sendin' in big bills. 
She kept us all a-feelin' fine an' well as we could be 
With goosegrease on a flannel rag and quarts 0' fennel tea. 

Th' trouble with most men to-day is each has got a fad, 
Each boastin' of an ailment that our fathers never had. 
Appendycetus is th' talk, bacilly's all th' rage ; 
Th' men who have diskivered germs are heroes of th' age. 
But I'm content with old-time ways, an' you kin bet y'r life 
"No modern doctor ever gets t' carve me with his knife. 
I'll just keep doctorin' myself, while doctors disagree, 
With goosegrease on a flannel rag and quarts 0' sass'frass tea. 



A LITTLE FABLE. 

A Benevolent Assimilation walking along the Public Highway 
met a Deep Longing mournfully wending its Way. 

"How now !" exclaimed the Benevolent Assimilation. "Why this 
Pensive air ?" 

"Alas, I have in my Possession something I treasure Highly, 
but which I am in Danger of Losing." 

"What can it Be?" asked the Benevolent Assimilation. 

"It is my Eight to Live." 

Thereupon the Benevolent Assimilation seized the Deep Longing 
by the Nape of the Neck and felled it to the Ground. 



408 The Commoner Condensed. 

"Why am I thus Assaulted ?" wailed the Deep Longing. 

"I am merely seizing your Eight to Live so that I can make you 
my servant," said the Benevolent Assimilation. 

"Alas and alack !" moaned the Deep Longing. "I was deceived 
by Your Appearance." 

"Perhaps," said the Benevolent Assimilation. "That's why I'm 
called by that Name." 

Moral: But there is nothing Moral about It. 



THE TWENTIETH CENTURY EDUCATION. 

"Good morning, gentlemen," said Professor Twiggem, mounting 
the rostrum of the lecture-room and facing the multitude of stu- 
dents gathered from all parts of the earth. "I am proud to see 
so many of you this morning." 

A ripple of applause swept over the lecture-room as Professor 
Twiggem drew from his pocket a roll of manuscript and adjusted 
his glasses. 

"We are here this morning, gentlemen, for the purpose of dis- 
cussing the subject of 'Industrial Combination/ " said the pro- 
fessor. "We are to discuss it with reference to its effects upon 
free—" 

"Pardon me, professor," interrupted the Academic Censor, "but 
has your manuscript been passed upon by the manager of the 
Yardstick Oil Company?" 

"It has, sir." 

"And has the superintendent of the Consolidated Embalmed 
Beef Promotion Syndicate carefully scrutinized it ?" 

"He did that last night, sir." 

"And has the third vice-president of the Amalgamated Steel, 
Iron, Brass and Copper Company placed his official '0. K.' upon 
your remarks?" 

"He has, sir." 

"Then, sir, may I ask if the Ancient and Accidental Society of 
Possible University Donors has properly examined your manu- 
script?" 

"It has, sir. All possible interests have been consulted and 
pacified." 



The Commoner Condensed. 409 

"Then, sir," said the Academic Censor, "here is your ticket which 
entitles you to proceed with your remarks." 

A few moments later Professor Twiggem was reading from his 
manuscript and the assembled students were paying as little atten- 
tion as possible. 



BEAIN LEAKS. 

True faith never worries over small things. 

The religion that costs nothing is worth it. 

Slander is the weapon of the weak-minded. 

He laughs best who is cheerful all the time. 

Where contentment is love sits in the window. 

A word of cheer costs nothing but is beyond price. 

A good character is not to be builded on hate or envy. 

Nothing succeeds like water when properly marketed. 

Destiny is only duty well done. Fate is duty unperformed. 

Satan uses numerous agents, but always shirks responsibility. 

True love forgives much, but true love never needs forgiveness. 

The foolish man prepares to die. The wise man prepares to live. 

The good time of yesterday is too often the headache of to-day. 

Prayer is not ordering what you want, but asking for what you 
need. 

Jealousy is the hope that what you are looking for does not 
exist. 

The good in a dollar should be measured by the motive of the 
giver. 

Well earned glory will last much longer than unearned prize 
money. 

Kind words are ball bearings that make the wheels of life run 
smoothly. 

Patriotism, like charity, begins at home, but takes an early start 
into the country. 

Investigation is the mother of agitation, therefore the grand- 
mother of reformation. 

Charity does not consist in giving what you do not need. It 
means sacrifice for the good of others. 

The difference between try and cry is so small that the wonder 
is anybody ever wastes time at the latter. 



410 The Commoner Condensed. 

PAPA GOOSE RHYMES. 
(With proper apologies to his good wife.) 

Hickery, dickery, dock. 

He took a flyer in stock. 
The market went broke 
And left him in soak, 

And he couldn't survive the shock. 

Old Father Hubbard went to the cupboard 
To get his poor dog a crust. 

When he got there the cupboard was bare, 
For bread was controlled by a trust. 

Little Jack Horner 

Worked up a corner 
In sugar and steel and wheat. 

When the proper time came 

Some checks bore his name, 
And he captured a senator's seat. 

The Man in the Moon came tumbling down 
And asked for the right way to Wheeling, 

He went to the East and his wealth increased 
By a subsidized method of stealing. 

There was a man in Pittsburg town, 

And he was wondrous wise, 
He piled up wealth by tariff laws 

Enacted by poor guys. 
And as he saw his wealth increase 

He posed in manner chaste, 
And built a block or two for books 

So he'd not die disgraced. 

Old King Coal was a jolly old soul, 
A jolly old seeker of mirth. 

He called for wire and also some posts, 
And built a neat fence 'round the earth. 



The Commoner Condensed. 411 

Hi diddle doodle 
The trusts have got boodle; 
The taxes are paid by the toil. 
The syndicates laughed 
At their profitable graft 
In sugar, steel, railroads and oil. 



4i2 The Commoner Condensed. 



XXII. 
POEMS. 
TO A WATEEFOWL. 

BY WILLIAM CULLED BRYANT. 

Whither, midst falling dew, 
While glow the heavens with the last steps of day, 
Far, through their rosy depths, dost thou pursue 

Thy solitary way? 

Vainly the fowler's eye 
Might mark thy distant flight to do thee wrong, 
As, darkly seen against the crimson sky, 

Thy figure floats along. 

Seek'st thou the plashy brink 
Of weedy lake, or marge of river wide, 
Or where the rocking billows rise and sink 

On the chafed ocean-side? 

There is a power whose care 
Teaches the way along the pathless coast— 
The desert and illimitable air — 

Lone wandering, but not lost. 

All day thy wings have fanned, 
At that far height, the cold, thin atmosphere, 
Yet stoop not, weary, to the welcome land, 

Though the dark night is near. 

And soon that toil shall end; 
Soon shalt thou find a summer home, and rest, 
And scream among thy fellows; needs shall ben^ 

Soon, o'er thy sheltered nest. 



The Commoner Condensed. 413 

Thou'rt gone, the abyss of heaven 
Hath swallowed up thy form ; yet on my heart 
Deeply has sunk the lesson thou hast given, 

And shall not soon depart. 

He who, from zone to zone, 
Guides through the boundless sky thy certain flight, 
In the long way that I must tread alone, 

Will lead my steps aright. 



THE LIGHT OF JEFFERSON". 

BY HOWARD S. TAYLOR. 

With bare, bowed heads and standing up 
We lift a loyal loving cup 

And give the name of one 
Who was the light of Freedom's host, 
Our father's pride, our country's boast, 
A name we love, the name we toast, 

The patriot Jefferson ! 

He came like Moses, sent of God, 
His pen, the wave-dividing rod 

That opened Freedom's way 
Out of the ancient, dark domain 
Of violence and fear and pain, 
Where bigots rage and tyrants reign, 

Into the better day! 

Wide-minded, wise, and wisely good, 
His lucid spirit understood 

The villainy of spoil; 
That God Almighty never gave 
One man, however wise and brave, 
The right to call another SLAVE 

And fatten on his toil ! 



414 The Commoner Condensed. 

He leveled up, he leveled down; 

The beggar's clout, the monarch's crown, 

He held as equal things; 
The children, playing by the door 
Where dwell the unknown, humble poor, 
He knew might do and count for more 

Than any line of kings ! 

His reverent eyes could always trace 
God's image in the human face; 

And each man, great or small, 
He judged, alone, by moral worth 
And claimed for each, by right of birth, 
A chance to live on God's green earth 

And share the hopes of all! 

He knew the bulwarks of the State, 
The things that guard and make it great 

Lie not in brutal might; 
But in the force of free consent 
And honest statutes — framed and meant 
To foster labor, peace, content, 

Equality and right ! 

Thus from his heart he sagely drew 
In lines of light, forever true, 

Our Nation's august Chart. 
Tyrants and robbers hate and fear 
That beacon thought so bright and clear, 
That time and trial make it dear, 

To every freeman's heart! 

And so, we lift the loving cup 

With bare, bowed heads and standing up 

We give the name of one 
Who is our democratic boast, 
The Moses of our marching host, 
Whose name we love, whose name we toast, 

The name of Jefferson! 



The Commoner Condensed. 415 

JACKSON'S DAY. 

BY HOWARD S. TAYLOR. 

What shall we say 

Of Jackson's Day? 
Across the chasm of eighty years 
We hear a roar of British cheers 
Where Packenham in vain assails 
Old Hickory's fire-fringed cotton bales! 
Full three to one the redcoats come 
With bellowing volleys charging home; 
Come like a tide — then break as if 
That tide had struck a granite cliff! 

What shall we say 

Of that red day? 
Why., this — and say it like a prayer — 
"Thank God we had a Jackson there !" 

Heaven built the man 

Upon a plan 
So simply yet so largely drawn 
He looms like Athens' Parthenon 
When fondling sunbeams stoop to kiss 
The temple-crowned Acropolis. 
So plain he was, yet stately, too, 
So rugged, strong and staunchly true, 
The muse of history stops to scan 
The homely greatness of the man 

And softly say, 

On Jackson's Day, 
"He was of common life begat, 
The new world's full-typed democrat.'* 

On Jackson's Day 

The world can say 
He was a patriot true and tried, 
And one who rather would have died 
Than plead with any foreign throne 
For liberty to rule our own ! 



416 The Commoner Condensed. 

Our Declaration, freedom's chart, 
Was stamped upon his fearless heart, 
And, live or die, or sink or swim, 
It was the voice of God to him! 

His country's right, 

His country's might, 
Twin thoughts together, side hy side 
Dwelt in his soul until he died! 

This, too, we'll say 

On Jackson's Day, 
He learned from men in ragged jeans 
Who fought with him at New Orleans 
To hold the great, plain people dear 
And trust to them without a fear ! 
He knew the genius of our land 
Comes not from mansions rich and grand, 
But has its humble, potent birth 
At Freedom's fane — the cottage hearth. 

And this he knew 

Forever true — 
The common people's hearts must be 
The ramparts of our liberty! 

And now we say, 

On Jackson's Day, 
Till Jackson's grave shall be forgot 
And bramble hide the holy spot ; 
Till all he did with sword and pen 
Shall cease to move the hearts of men, 
Till then, in times of doubt and fear, 
Our eyes shall see, our ears shall hear 
A countless host with hope unspent 
Walk in the ways where Jackson went. 

And men shall kneel 

And deeply feel 
The truth of what they simply say: 
"The good God gave us Jackson Day." 



The Commoner Condensed. 417 



BEN BOLT. 

BY THOMAS DUNN" ENGLISH. 

Don't you remember sweet Alice, Ben Bolt — 

Sweet Alice whose hair was so brown, 
Who wept with delight when you gave her a smile, 

And trembled with fear at yonr frown? 
In the old churchward in the valley, Ben Bolt, 

In a corner obscure and alone, 
They have fitted a slab of the granite so gray, 

And Alice lies under the stone. 

Under the hickory-tree, Ben Bolt, 

Which stood at the foot of the hill, 
Together we've lain in the noonday shade, 

And listened to Appleton's mill. 
The mill-wheel has fallen to pieces, Ben Bolt, 

The rafters have tumbled in, 
And a quiet which crawls round the walls as you gaze 

Has followed the olden din. 

Do you mind of the cabin of logs, Ben Bolt, 

At the edge of the pathless wood, 
And the button-ball tree with its motley limbs, 

Which nigh by the doorstep stood ? 
The cabin to ruin has gone, Ben Bolt, 

The tree you would seek for in vain ; 
And where once the lords of the forest waved 

Are grass and the golden grain. 

And don't you remember the school, Ben Bolt, 

With the master so cruel and grim, 
And the shaded nook in the running brook 

Where the children went to swim ? 
Grass grows on the master's grave, Ben Bolt, 

The spring of the brook is dry, 
And of all the boys who were schoolmates then 

There are only you and I. 



4i 8 The Commoner Condensed. 

There is change in the things I loved, Ben Bolt, 

They have changed from the old to the new; 
But I feel in the deeps of my spirit the truth, 

There never was change in you. 
Twelvemonths twenty have passed, Ben Bolt, 

Since first we were friends — yet I hail 
Your presence a blessing, yonr friendship a truth, 

Ben Bolt of the salt-sea gale. 



THE PENALTY. 



We are mad — grown mad in the race for gold. 

We are drunk with the wine of gain; 
The truths our fathers proclaimed of old 

We spurn with a high disdain. 
But while the conqueror's race we run, 

Our rulers should not forget 
That the God who reigned over Babylon 

Is the God who is reigning yet. 

Would we tread in the paths of tyranny, 

Nor reckon the tyrant's cost? 
Who taketh another's liberty, 

His freedom hath also lost. 
Would we win as the strong have ever won, 

Make ready to pay the debt. 
Eor the God who reigned over Babylon 

Is the God who is reigning yet. 

The ruins of dynasties passed away 

In eloquent silence lie; 
And the despot's fate is the same to-day 

That was in the days gone by. 
Against all wrong and injustice done 

A rigid account is set, 
For the God who reigned over Babylon 

Is the God who is reigning yet. 



The Commoner Condensed. 419 

The laws of right are eternal laws, 

The judgments of truth are true; 
My greed — blind masters, I bid you pause 

And look on the work you do. 
You blind with sheckels your fellow man, 

Your hands with his blood are wet, 
And the God who reigned over Babylon 

Is the God who is reigning yet. 



LITTLE BOY BLUE. 

BY EUGENE FIELD. 

The little toy dog is covered with dust, 

But sturdy and stanch he stands; 
And the little toy soldier is red with rust, 

And his musket moulds in his hands. 
Time was when the little toy dog was new 

And the soldier was passing fair, 
And that was the time when our Little Boy Blue 

Kissed them and put them there. 

"Now don't you go till I come," he said, 

"And don't you make any noise !" 
So toddling off to his trundle-bed, 

He dreamed of the pretty toys. 
And as he was dreaming, an angel song 

Awakened our Little Boy Blue — 
Oh, the years are many, the years are long, 

But the little toy friends are true. 

Ay, faithful to Little Boy Blue they stand, 

Each in the same old place, 
Awaiting the touch of a little hand, 

The smile of a little face. 
And they wonder, as waiting these long years through, 

In the dust of that little chair, 
What has become of our Little Boy Blue 

Since he kissed them and put them there? 



420 The Commoner Condensed. 



AMEK 

BY REV. F. S. BROWNING. 

I cannot say, 
Beneath the pressure of life's cares to-day, 

I joy in these; 

But I can say 
That I had rather walk this rugged way, 

If Him it please. 

I cannot feel 
That all is well, when darkening clouds conceal 

The shining sun; 

But then, I know 
God lives and loves; and say, since it is so, 

"Thy will be done." 

I cannot speak 
In happy tones; the tear-drops on my cheek 

Show I am sad; 

But I can speak 
Of grace to suffer with submission meek, 

Until made glad. 

I do not see 
Why God should e'en permit some things to be, 

When He is love; 

But I can see, 
Though, often dimly, through the mystery, 

His hand above ! 

I do not know 
Where falls the seed that I have tried to sow 

With greatest care; 

But I shall know 
The meaning of each waiting hour below, 

Sometime, somewhere! 



The Commoner Condensed. 421 

I do not look 
Upon the present, nor in Nature's book, 

To read my fate ; 

But I do look 
For promised blessings in God's Holy Book; 

And I can wait. 

I may not try 
To keep the hot tears back, but hush that sigh — 

"It might have been" — 

And try to still 
Each rising murmur and to God's sweet will 

Respond, "Amen !" 



NEARER HOME. 

BY PHOEBE CARY. 

One sweetly solemn thought 
Comes to me o'er and o'er — 

I'm nearer home to-day 

Than I ever have been before; 

Nearer my Father's house, 

Where the many mansions be; 

Nearer the great white throne, 
Nearer the Jasper sea; 

Nearer the bound of life, 

Where we lay our burdens down; 
Nearer leaving ' the cross, 

Nearer wearing the crown ! 

But lying darkly between. 

Winding down through the night, 
Is the silent unknown stream 

That leads at last to the light. 

Closer and closer my steps 
Come to the dread Abysm; 

Closer Death to my lips 
Presses the awful chrism. 



422 The Commoner Condensed. 

Father, perfect my trust! 

Strengthen my feeble faith! 
Let me feel as I would, when I stand 

On the shore of the river of Death! 

Feel as I would, when my feet 
Are slipping over the brink; 

For it may be Fm nearer home, 
Nearer home, than I think. 



THE CKEED OF THE FLAG. 

A reader of The Commoner has asked for the publication of 
a poem written by Dr. Howard S. Taylor, of Chicago, and read 
at the Jackson Day Banquet given by the Bryan League of 
Chicago, in 1899. It is a literary gem and presents a patriotic 
sentiment especially appropriate for consideration at this time. 
In beautiful language it emphasizes the fact that the flag is sacred, 
not 'because of its color, or because of the material of which it is 
made, but because of the spirit which it has represented. The 
decision of the Supreme Court, if upheld by the people, will rob 
the flag of its peculiar excellence and make it represent the same 
brutal and barbarous doctrine for which the flags of European 
empires stand. 

"Who will haul down the flag?" 

— President McKinley. 

"Who will haul down the flag ?" quoth he ; 

And no man an answer gave. 
But who will haul up the flag, ask we, 

Where the flag ought never wave? 
Over an arrogant mission of spoil 

That takes, as a matter of course, 
A subject race and a conquered soil 

And a government based on force ! 
Answer us ! — answer us ! true and fair, 
Who will haul up Old Glory there ? 



The Commoner Condensed. 423 

"Who will haul down the flag ?" quoth he ; 

Nay, think how it first went up 
When War astride of the land and sea 

Poured wrath from his brimming cup ; 
When brave men died and left in bequest 

One pledge for the great and the small, 
Not stars for a few and stripes for the rest, 

But the flag of our country for all ! 
Answer us, truly and plainly, we pray; 
Was that not its meaning in Washington's day ? 

From Washington's day to Jackson's time, 

From Yorktown to New Orleans, 
Did any man follow that flag sublime 

And doubt what the symbol means? 
Free self-ruled States, each one as a star 

Fixed fast in a field of blue, 
Fenced in by the blood-red stripes of war 

To preserve them for me and you ! 
Answer us, now — do you dare to drag 
The old faith out of our fathers' flag? 

"Who will haul down the flag ?" quoth he ; 

Why, no hand of flesh and bone 
Can lower that flag, on land or sea, 

Till the faith of the flag is gone ! 
Till a few shall rule and cunningly keep 

The bunting to garnish their greed; 
Till dollars are dear and humanity cheap 

By the force of a tory creed ! 
Then will it fall ! — but answer us, clear, 
Do you fancy that hour is drawing near? 

Did our Liberty Bell ring in vain? 

Was our Declaration a lie? 
Must we turn to the Old World, again, 

With the penitent prodigal's cry? 
Must we arm us and march in the van 

Of Europe's barbaric parade 
And boom out a gunpowder gospel to man 

To open a pathway for trade ? 



424 The Commoner Condensed. 

Shall we strut thro' the world and bluster and brag 
With the dollar-mark stamped on the brave old flag ? 

Nay, haul up the flag — raise it high — 

Not yet is its spirit spent ! 
Let it sing to the wind and the sky 

The truth that it always meant ! 
Let it sing of the birthright of man — 

Of progress that never can lag; 
Let it sing that trade may go — where it can, 

But liberty follows the flag ! 
Yea, haul up Old Glory — but, comrades, take heed 
That no man part the old flag from the creed ! 



C 



IE MAN WITH THE HOE. 

BY EDWIN MARKHAM. 

(Written after seeing Millet's World-Famous Painting.) 

"God made man in His own image, 

in the image of God made He him. — Genesis. 

Bowed by the weight of centuries he leans 

Upon his hoe and gazes on the ground, 

The emptiness of ages in his face, 

And on his back the. burden of the world. 

Who made him dead to rapture and despair, 

A thing that grieves not and that never hopes, 

Stolid and stunned, a brother to the ox? 

Who loosened and let down this brutal jaw? 

Whose was the hand that slanted back this brow? 

Whose breath blew out the light within this brain? 

Is this the Thing the Lord God made and gave 

To have dominion over sea and land ; 

To trace the stars and search the heavens for power; 

To feel the passion of Eternity? 

Is this the dream He dreamed who shaped the suns 

And pillared the blue firmament with light? 



The Commomer Condensed. 425 

Down all the stretch of Hell to its last gulf 

There is no shape more terrible than this — 

More tongued with censure of the world's blind greed — 

More filled with signs and portents for the soul — 

More fraught with menace to the universe. 

What gulfs between him and the seraphim ! 

Slave of the wheel of labor, what to him 

Are Plato and the swing of Pleiades? 

What are the long reaches of the peaks of song, 

The rift of dawn, the reddening of the rose? 

Through this dread shape the suffering ages look ; 

Time's tragedy is in that aching stoop; 

Through this dread shape humanity betrayed, 

Plundered, profaned and disinherited, 

Cries protest to the Judges of the World, 

A protest that is also prophecy. 

masters, lords and rulers in all lands, 

Is this the handiwork you give to God, 

This monstrous thing distorted and soul-quenched ? 

How will you ever straighten up this shape; 

Touch it again with immortality ; 

Give back the upward looking and the light; 

Rebuild in it the music and the dream ; 

Make right the immemorial infamies, 

Perfidious wrongs, immedicable woes? 

masters, lords and rulers in all lands, 
How will the Future reckon with this Man? 
How answer his brute question in that hour 
When whirlwinds and rebellion shake the world? 
How will it be with kingdoms and with kings — 
With those who shaped him to the thing he is — 
When this dumb Terror shall reply to God 
After the silence of the centuries ? 



426 The Commoner Condensed. 



APPENDIX. 

THE HILL COINAGE BILL. 
A BILL 

To maintain the legel tender silver dollar at parity with gold. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the 
Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to coin the silver 
bullion in the Treasury, purchased under the Act of July four- 
teenth, eighteen hundred and ninety, into such denominations 
of subsidiary silver coin as he may deem necessary to meet public 
requirements, and thereafter, as public necessities may demand, 
to recoin silver dollars into subsidiary coin, and as much of any 
Act as fixes a limit to the aggregate of subsidiary silver coin out- 
standing, and so much of any Act as directs the coinage of any 
portion of the bullion purchased under the Act of July fourteenth, 
eighteen hundred and ninety, into standard silver dollars, is 
hereby repealed. 

The Secretary of the Treasury is hereby directed to maintain 
at all times at parity with gold the legal tender silver dollars re- 
maining outstanding; and to that end he is hereby directed to 
exchange gold for legal tender silver dollars when presented to 
the Treasury in the sum of five dollars or any multiple thereof, 
and all provisions of law for the use or maintenance of the re- 
serve fund in the Treasury relating to United States notes are, 
in the discretion of the Secretary of the Treasury, hereby made 
applicable to the exchange of legal tender silver dollars. 

The following correspondence explains itself : 

Hon. J. H. Southard, Chairman House Committee on Coinage, 
Weights and Measures, Washington, D. C, Dear Sir : — In response 
to your telegraphic invitation to appear before the committee dur* 
ing the hearings, I wired you that it would be inconvenient for 
me to visit Washington, but that I would be pleased to submit 
my views in writing if you would send me a copy of the bill under 
consideration. I am now in receipt of your favor enclosing a copy 



The Commoner Condensed. 427 

of the Hill bill, as amended by your committee, and saying that 
by unanimous consent it was ordered that such views as I might 
present in reference to the proposed legislation be printed as a 
part of the hearing. 

Thanking your committee for the courtesy which it has shown 
me, I beg to submit the following : 

The bill has a double purpose; first, to convert standard silver 
dollars into subsidiary coin, and, second, to make silver dollars 
redeemable in gold on demand. In discussing the subject, how- 
ever, it will be more logical to consider the latter proposition first, 
as redemption is only a step toward retirement. 

There is no necessity for redemption. The legal tender law will 
maintain the parity between gold coin and silver dollars so long 
as both can be used to an unlimited extent in the payment of 
public revenues and private debts. I should, perhaps, say that the 
parity will be substantially maintained, for local and temporary 
conditions may under any law put a small premium upon any kind 
of money. For instance, in the summer of 1893 a local demand 
for small change made a premium on silver dollars in New York 
during the debate on the bill to repeal the purchasing clause of 
the Sherman Law. In support of the statement above made in 
regard to the effect of legal tender in maintaining the parity, I 
cite the testimony given by Senator Sherman before a senate com- 
mittee in 1878. The following is taken from the published hear- 
ings: 

Senator Bayard. By the first of July next or the first of Jan- 
uary next you have eighteen or twenty millions of dollars which 
are in circulation and payable for duties, and how long do you 
suppose this short supply of silver and your control of it by your 
coinage will keep it equivalent to gold — when one is worth ten 
cents less than the other ? 

Secretary Sherman. Just so long as it can be used for anything 
that gold is used for. It will be worth in this country the par 
of gold until it becomes so abundant and bulky that people will 
become tired of carrying it about ; but in our country that can 
be avoided by depositing it for coin certificates. 

As soon as the silver dollar is made redeemable in gold, another 
endless chain will be created and the arguments used against the 
greenbacks and treasury notes will then be turned against silver. 

Before the attempt to burden the gold reserve with this new 
obligation is consummated, it may oe worth while to consider the 
opinion expressed by Secretary Carlisle in 1895. In the published 
hearings before the House Appropriation Committee the following 
question and answer will be found: 



428 The Commoner Condensed. 

Mr. Sibley. I would like to ask you (perhaps not entirely con- 
nected with the matter under discussion) what objection there could 
be to having the option of redeeming either in silver or gold lie 
with the treasury instead of the note holder? 

Secretary Carlisle. If that policy had been adopted at the be- 
ginning of resumption — and I am not saying this for the purpose 
of criticising the action of any of my predecessors, or anybody 
else — but if the policy of reserving to the government, at the be- 
ginning of resumption, the option of redeeming in gold or silver 
all its paper presented, I believe it would have worked beneficially, 
and there would have been no trouble growing out of it, but the 
Secretaries of the Treasury from the beginning of resumption have 
pursued a policy of redeeming in gold or silver, at the option of 
the holder of the paper, and if any secretary had afterward at- 
tempted to change that policy and force silver upon a man who 
wanted gold, or gold upon a man who wanted silver, and especially 
if he had made that attempt at such a critical period as we have 
had in the last two years, my judgment is, it would have been 
very disastrous. There is a vast difference between establishing 
a policy at the beginning, and reversing a policy after it has been 
long established, and especially after the situation has been changed. 

It will be seen that Mr. Carlisle thought it a mistake to com- 
mence paying in gold but considered it dangerous to interfere 
with the custom after it was once established. By the same logic 
it can be argued that we should not establish the custom of re- 
deeming the silver dollars in gold. 

The measure recommended by the committee gives to the financiers 
absolute control over the national debt. They can increase it at 
any time by presenting silver dollars for redemption and com- 
pelling an issue of bonds to replenish the gold reserve. They 
can in the same way contract the volume of money in circulation, 
since money drawn into the treasury by an issue of bonds cannot 
go out again unless it is used to meet current expenses (and that 
is only possible when the expenditures exceed the receipts) or 
loaned out to favorite banks. 

Second, The conversion of standard silver dollars into sub- 
sidiary coin is equivalent to the retirement of silver as standard 
money, and this is the last act in the program instituted some 
twenty-seven years ago and persistently pursued ever since. If 
this plan is completed, gold will be the only legal tender money and 
bank paper the only credit money. Bank notes not being a general 
legal tender and gold not being in circulation among the people, 
the masses will then be doing business with money which will 
not legally discharge their debts. 

To convert a standard money into a credit money is to narrow 
the foundation of our financial system and at the same time 



The Commoner Condensed. 429 

enlarge the superstructure. Such a course weakens the system and 
both hastens catastrophe and intensifies it when it comes. 

It is estimated that ninety-five per cent, of the business of 
the country is done with substitutes for money, but as all these sub- 
stitutes are convertible into money on demand there must be a 
proportion between the substitutes and the money beyond which 
it is not safe to go. If, as at present, a large part of the money 
in circulation is not a legal tender, the proportion between the 
volume of legal tender money and substitutes for money is even 
greater. The proposed measure, by decreasing the money of ulti- 
mate redemption and increasing the volume of promises to pay 
money, still further enlarges the proportion between money and 
its substitutes; this necessarily adds to the risk of the business 
man and lessens the security of the general public. 

If, at any time, foreign complications or panics compel a con- 
siderable exportation of gold, the proportion between money and 
its substitutes will be still further increased or an immense re- 
duction will be necessary in the volume of business. 

Respectfully yours, 

W. J. Bryan. 



THE MAN" WITH THE HOE. 

On another page will be found Edwin Markham's famous poem, 
entitled "The Man with the Hoe." Below will be found Mr. 
Bryan's comment thereon, written for the New York Journal: 



C 



It is not strange that Edwin Markham's poem entitled "The Man 
with the Hoe" created a profound sensation. It is a sermon ad- 
dressed to the heart, and its lesson is not limited to any nation, 
race or clime. It voices humanity's protest against inhuman greed. 
There is a majestic sweep to the argument, and some of the lines 
pierce like arrows^s 

Is this the Thing the Lord God made and gave 

To have dominion over sea and land; 

To trace the stars and search the heavens for power ; 

To feel the passion of Eternity? 

******** 

Through this dread shape the suffering ages look; 

Time's tragedy is in that aching stoop ; 

Through this dread shape humanity betrayed, 

Plundered, profaned and disinherited, 

Cries protest to the Judges of the World. 

******** 

Is this the handiwork you give to God? 



430 The Commoner Condensed. 

How feeble, in comparison, have been the answers to it! 
The poem deals with the condition, the cause, the remedy and 
the warning. 

The condition is set forth in the lines: 

Down all the stretch of Hell to its last gulf 

There is no shape more terrible than this — 

More tongued with censure of the world's blind greed — 

More filled with signs and portents for the soul — 

More fraught with menace to the universe. 

It is not answer to the indictment to say that the poet selects 
his type not from the middle classes, but from the lowest level. 
He is dealing with the mill which takes in, as raw material, the 
man made in the image of his Creator and, if it is allowed to 
complete its work, turns out as the finished product — 

A thing that grieves not and that never hopes. 

Sometimes it is a tryant who oppresses for the benefit of himself, 
his family and the warriors upon whom he relies to enforce his 
authority; sometimes it is an aristocracy which gathers in the 
fruits of power and throws upon the masses the burdens of govern- 
ment; sometimes it is a plutocracy which openly exalts money and 
debases flesh and blood ; but everywhere it is the same brutal spirit 
which ignores the brotherhood of man and violates the command- 
ment : "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." 
[ The extremes of society are being driven further and further 
apart. Wealth is being concentrated in the hands of a few, and 
tenancy is on the increase. At one end of the scale luxury and 
idleness breed effeminacy ; at the other end of the scale want and 
destitution breed desperation./ 

Civilization cannot be measured by the refinements and the 
enjoyments of the rich; the toilers who produce the nation's 
wealth in time of peace, and constitute the nation's strength 
in time of war, must participate in every forward move- 
ment of the race. In fact, they are so important a factor that 
the real advancement of the race is measured by their advance- 
ment. Improved machinery and inventive genius have multiplied 
the productive power of the individual, but the producers have 
not received their share of the increase. The capitalistic class 



The Commoner Condensed. 431 

and the speculating class have enjoyed, and are enjoying, too large 
a part of the proceeds of labor. 
What is the cause? 

Who made him dead to rapture and despair? 

( The literary sycophants who strew rhetorical flowers in the 
pathway of the successful, without inquiring into the methods 
employed for securing success, complacently throw the responsi- 
bility for failure in life upon God, or Nature, or upon the man 
himself. Is it the fault of God or of Nature that children are 
driven into factories at so early an age that their bodies are 
stunted, their minds dwarfed and the strength and usefulness 
of future generations lessened? Is God or Nature responsible 
for the laws which permit this impairment of the man-power 
and woman-power of the nation ? The labor organizations have done 
much to mitigate the evils of child labor and to shorten the hours 
of adult labor, but what encouragement have they received from 
those who favor government by injunction, oppose arbitration and 
denounce as disturbers of the peace all who criticise existing con- 
ditions ? 

Is it the fault of God or of Nature that our tax laws are so 
made and our tax systems so administered that the poor man 
pays more than his share of the taxes and the rich man less than 
his share? 

Is God or Nature to blame for the substitute-system, which raises 
the purchasing power of the dollar in the hands of the money 
changer, while it increases the burden of debt to the man who 
owes and decreases the value of property in the hands of the wealth 
producers ? 

Is God or Nature responsible for a paper money trust that 
makes the people at large the victims of private individuals en- 
trusted with the control of the volume of currency ? 

Is God or Nature responsible for private monopolies which 
corner the markets, extort from the people and disburse the pro- 
ceeds among the holders of watered stock? 

Is God or Nature to blame for the substitution of force for 
reason and might for right in government? 

Is God or Nature responsible for the nation's entrance upon a 
career of conquest, entailing upon the many the burden and menace 



432 The Commoner Condensed. 

of militarism and conferring upon the few the benefits of exploita- 
tion? 

The United States supreme court has coined the phrase, "lar- 
ceny by law/' and compared with ordinary stealing this form of 
theft may be called grand larceny; and yet wholesale wrong- 
doing is never taken into account by those who assume that all 
who are poor deserve their poverty, and that all who are rich earn 
their riches. If one employs another to commit robbery he is 
as guilty as if he commits the act himself ; does it change the moral 
character of the act because the injury is done indirectly instead 
of directly ? Does it change the moral character of the act because 
the injury is done through legislation which he has secured or 
in the absence of some righteous law the passage of which he 
has prevented? 

The accumulation of wealth by honest means is to be encouraged, 
but the line must be drawn between honest wealth — the reward 
of brain service or muscle service rendered — and predatory wealth 
which defies the law or turns government itself into a machine 
for the plunder of the public. 

The indolent cannot expect plenty under any just form of 
government, neither can the vicious expect happiness, but under 
bad laws those who work the hardest may enjoy the least, and 
those who labor least may have the most. ■ 

But the remedy: 

How will you ever straighten up this shape, 
Touch it again with immortality ? 

Give justice to every creature — justice in the methods of govern- 
ment, justice in the distribution of the burdens of government, 
justice in the making of the laws, justice in the interpretation 
of the laws, justice in the execution of the laws. Justice first 
and charity afterwards. 

Justice will not eliminate distress entirely, but it will greatly 
reduce the number of those who come within the description of 
the poet. There will still be some poor, some destitute, some 
desperate. Generations of vice will transmit tendencies toward vice, 
which must be reformed. 

Some will be victims of unavoidable misfortunes — they will 
need the aid of the more fortunate. The orphan will need a foster- 



The Commoner Condensed. 433 

parent, the widow will need a friend, the aged without relatives 
will need a benefactor. The weak must be encouraged by the 
strong; those who fall must be lifted up. 

Love is the antithesis of greed; it will inspire both justice and 
mercy. Love and love alone can regulate the relations between man 
and man and plant a hope in the breast of every child born into 
the world. 

When every man-made wrong is remedied there will still be 
suffering enough to enable every person to prove his love toward 
God by manifesting his compassion toward his fellows. 

But the poet presents also a warning : 

How will the future reckon with this man, 
How answer his brute question in that hour 
When whirlwinds of rebellion shake the world? 
How will it be with kingdoms and with kings — 
With those who shaped him to the thing he is — 
When this dumb terror shall reply to God 
After the silence of the centuries? 

In monarchies revolution is the only weapon of the oppressed; 
under our form of government wrongs are righted by the ballot; 
but even here the longer a necessary reform is delayed the more 
disturbance its accomplishment causes. 

Victor Hugo has described the mob as "the human race in 
misery." We cannot afford to make people miserable. Life is 
secure and property rights are respected in proportion as the 
people find life worth living. Happy will be the lot of all when each 
member of society makes to society a just and adequate return for 
that which he receives from society. Happy will be the lot of 
all when each member of society recognizes the indissoluble tie 
that binds together the highest and the lowest, the strongest and 
the weakest, the richest and the poorest — when each member of 
society aids according to his ability to give back to the poet's 
subject : 

* * * the upward looking and the light; 
Eebuild in it the music and the dream ; 
Make right the immemorial infamies, 
Prefidious wrongs, immedicable woes. 



434 The Commoner Condensed. 



RATIFY THE TREATY. DECLARE THE NATION'S 

POLICY. 

I gladly avail myself of the columns of the Journal to suggest 
a few reasons why the opponents of a colonial policy should make 
their fight in support of a resolution declaring the nation's pur- 
pose rather than against the ratification of the treaty. 

The conflict between the doctrine of self-government and the 
doctrine of alien government supported by external force has been 
thrust upon the American people as a result of the war. It is 
so important a conflict that it cannot be avoided, and, since it 
deals with a question now before congress, it must be considered 
immediately. It is useless to ask what effect this new issue will 
have upon other issues. Issues must be met as they arise ; they can- 
not be moved about at will like pawns upon a chess board. 

The opponents of imperialism have an opportunity to choose 
the ground upon which the battle is to be fought. Why not oppose 
the ratification of the treaty? 

First, because a victory won against the treaty would prove only 
temporary if the people really favor a colonial policy. 

That a victory won against the treaty would depend for its value 
entirely upon the sentiment of the people is evident. A minority 
can obstruct action for a time, but a minority, so long as it re- 
mains a minority, can only delay action and enforce reflection; 
it cannot commit the nation to a policy. 

When there seemed some probability of the rejection of the 
treaty the friends of the administration began to suggest the 
propriety of withholding the treaty until the new senate could be 
convened in extra session. As the new senate will have a con- 
siderable republican majority it would be quite certain to ratify 
the treaty. Thus an effort to prevent the ratification of the treaty 
would be likely to fail in the very beginning. But let us sup- 
pose it possible to defeat ratification in both the present and the 
next senate — what would be the result? Would the imperialists 
abandon the hope of annexing the Philippines so long as they could 
claim the support of the president and a majority of both houses? 
Could a minority of the senate prevent the annexation of Hawaii ? 
As we are now in possession of the Philippine Islands the advo- 
cates of a colonial policy might secure an appropriation sufficient 



The Commoner Condensed. 435 

to pay the twenty millions agreed upon and leave the rest of the 
treaty for future consideration. In other words, if the opponents 
of imperialism have a majority in both houses they can declare 
the nation's policy; if the imperialists have a majority in both 
houses they cannot be permanently thwarted by a minority in the 
senate. 

A resolution declaring the nation's policy recognizes that the 
destiny of the United States is in the hands of all the people 
and seeks to ascertain at once the sentiment of the people as re- 
flected by their representatives. 

If that decision is in harmony with the policy which has pre- 
vailed in the past the question will be settled and the people 
will return to the consideration of domestic problems. If, however, 
the advocates of imperialism either postpone consideration or con- 
trol the action of congress an appeal will be taken to the voters 
at the next election. So great a change in our national policy 
cannot be made unless the authority therefor comes directly and 
unequivocally from that source of all power in a republic — the 
people. 

In answer to those who fear that the question of imperialism, if 
discussed, will draw attention away from other questions, it is 
sufficient to say that the people cannot be prevented from con- 
sidering a question which reaches down to the foundation prin- 
ciples of the republic. Instead of avoiding the issue it is the part 
of wisdom to deal with it at once and dispose of it permanently. 

Second, the rejection of the treaty would be unwise because the 
opponents of the treaty would be compelled to assume responsi- 
bility for the continuance of war conditions and for the risks 
which always attend negotiations with a hostile nation. 

The rejection of the treaty would give the administration an 
excuse for military expenditures which could not be justified after 
the conclusion of peace, and the opponents of the treaty would 
be charged with making such appropriations necessary. It must 
be remembered that in case the treaty is rejected negotiations 
must be renewed with an enemy whose ill-will is not concealed. 
Who is able to guarantee the nation against new dangers and 
new complications? In order to form an estimate of the risks 
which would thus be incurred, one has only to recall the unex- 
pected things which have happened since war was declared. Is 



436 The Commoner Condensed. 

it wise to so make the attack as to assume all the risks when the 
same end can be gained by a plan which throws the risks upon 
onr opponents? If the imperialists vote down a resolution de- 
claring the nation's policy or postpone its consideration, they be- 
come responsible for any loss of life or expenditure of money 
which may follow as a result of such action. 

I suggest below a few reasons in support of a resolution de- 
claring it to be the nation's purpose to establish a. stable govern- 
ment in Cuba and the Philippines and then to give the inhabitants 
independence under an American protectorate which will guard 
them against molestation from without. 

First, such a course is consistent with national honor. 

Our nation owes it to the nations with which we have dealings, 
as well as to the inhabitants of Cuba, Porto Eico and the Philip- 
pines, to announce immediately what it intends to do respecting 
the territory surrendered by Spain. 

The president has said that the only purpose our nation has in 
taking possession of Cuba is to assist the inhabitants to establish 
a stable and independent government. It can do no harm for 
congress to reaffirm this purpose, and it may do much good. The 
Cubans, having fought for independence for many years and against 
great odds, are naturally jealous of the liberty which they have won 
and no doubt should be left as to the sincerity and good faith 
of our government in its dealings with them. Such a declaration 
would not only be harmless, but it is almost made necessary by 
the flippant, if not contemptuous, tone in which some United 
States officials speak of the intelligence and patriotism of the 
Cubans and of their right to independence. 

The duty of declaring our national policy in regard to the 
Philippines is even more imperative. The Filipinos were fighting 
for independence when the United States declared war against 
Spain. In the formal protest filed with the peace commissioners 
in Paris the representatives of Aguinaldo assert that they received 
friendly assurances from United States officials and acted upon 
those assurances in co-operating against the Spaniards. Whether 
or not such assurances were given, frankness and honesty should 
characterize our dealings with them. 

If we announce to the world that we hold the Philippines Islands, 
not for pecuniary profit, but in trust for the inhabitants; if we 



The Commoner Condensed. 437 

declare that our only purpose is to assist the Filipinos to establish 
a stable and independent government, friendly relations will be 
maintained and there will be little need of troops. If, on the other 
hand, the Filipinos are not to have independence, but merely 
a change of masters we should break the news to them at once and 
send over a large army to instruct them in the principles of a 
government which, in one hemisphere, derives its just powers from 
the consent of the governed and in the other derives its authority 
from superior force. 

While our nation is not prepared to draft a complete code of 
laws suited to the peculiar needs of the Filipinos we ought to be 
able to decide at once whether we intend to deal with them ac- 
cording to the principles of our own government or according 
to the customs prevailing among European monarchies. Even a 
republican congress ought to be able to choose without hesitation 
between a policy which establishes a republic in the Orient and a 
policy which sows the seeds of militarism in the United States. 

The trade relations possible under a protectorate would be 
of more value to the United States than any which could come 
as the result of forcible annexation. 

The people of Porto Rico have not manifested any desire for 
political independence and would in all probability favor annexa- 
tion, yet it is only right that they should have an opportunity 
to choose. The resolution authorizing intervention recognized the 
right of the Cubans to independence. To be consistent we must 
also respect the wishes of the inhabitants of Porto Eico. The 
resolution could, without impropriety, offer annexation to Porto 
Eico. 

In a recent interview I suggested that the United States should 
retain a harbor and coaling station in the Philippines and in 
Porto Eico in return for services rendered and added that Cuba 
should be asked to make a similar concession on the same ground. 

Second, a resolution declaring the nation's purpose presents a 
plain and clear-cut issue between the theory, of self-government 
and the colonial policy. It presents a positive, affirmative method 
of dealing with the question. In opposing the treaty we would be 
on the defensive ; in outlining a policy we shall be aggressive. The 
strongest arguments which could be used in support of the treaty 
will lose their force entirely when Spain is eliminated and the 



438 The Commoner Condensed. 

American people are able to dispose of the question according 
to their own ideas and interests. 

Third, it secures, by easier means, every end that can be se- 
cured by a rejection of the treaty. 

If an officer of the law arrests a person in possession of stolen 
goods he can either compel the return of the goods to the owner 
or he can first rescue them and then return them himself. We 
find Spain in the possession of a title to a part of the Philippines. 
She has not yet conquered all the native tribes, but the title which 
she has was acquired by force and has been held by force. We 
can either compel her to surrender her title to the Filipinos, as 
we compelled her to surrender Cuba to the Cubans, or we can ac- 
cept possession and then of our own accord turn over the islands 
to the inhabitants. The peace commissioners might have demanded 
independence for the Filipinos as they did for the Cubans ; if they 
did not properly interpret the wishes of the people of the United 
States the blame must fall upon them and not upon the people. 
Certainly seventy millions of citizens are under no obligations to 
abate their devotion to the ideals which they have cherished 
for a century in order to indorse the work of a peace commission 
or to approve of the instructions of an executive. 

If it is urged that the ratification of the treaty imposes upon 
us an obligation to pay twenty millions of dollars to Spain, I 
answer, first, that this amount can probably be secured from the 
Filipinos in return for independence, and, second, that, if it 
cannot be secured from them, it is better to lose the amount en- 
tirely than to expend a larger sum in securing a modification of 
the treaty. 

It is better to regard the amount paid as a contribution to 
liberty than to consider it the market price of land, improvements 
or people. 

To terminate the war upon the same high plane upon which 
it was inaugurated is worthy of a great republic; to descend from 
a sublime beginning to the purchase of sovereignty (for our own 
profit) from a nation whose title we disputed in Cuba would 
lay us open to the charge of Punic faith. 



The Commoner Condensed. 439 



INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS. 

Below will be found an article written by Mr. Bryan recently 
for Colliers Weekly and reproduced by the courtesy of that paper : 

In considering industrial combinations, the subject naturally 
divides itself into the condition to be considered, the probable 
result of present tendencies, and the remedy. 

The word "trust" used to designate large corporations, does 
not accurately describe the thing complained of. In the beginning 
combinations in restraint of trade were formed by an agreement 
between separate companies, whereby the stock was held in trust 
by an association which controlled several corporations. At present 
there is no deposit of stock in trust, but in place of the old system 
we find a great corporation owning and controlling a number of 
plants. A distinction should be made between a corporation, 
however large, and a monopoly. In fact, it is impossible to consider 
what is known as the trust question without keeping in mind the 
proportion which the output of the corporation under discussion 
bears to the total output of all factories in the United States. 
For instance, if we have one hundred woollen factories scattered 
over the country, producing together the total amount of domestic 
woollens manufactured in the United States, a combination whereby 
two, or five, or even ten, were joined under one management would 
present a very different situation from that which would be pro- 
duced by the consolidation of all of them into one corporation. The 
monopoly feature appears whenever a corporation is sufficiently 
powerful to control the market. The fundamental question to be 
considered, therefore, is whether competition is desirable or un- 
desirable. I shall speak of this later in discussing remedies, but it 
must always be borne in mind that the elimination of competition 
is, temporarily at least, beneficial to the man who has the monopoly. 
This cannot be doubted, but is it not detrimental both to the 
consumer and to the laborer? 

EIGHTS OF THE LABORER. 

The consumer has certain needs which must be supplied; under 
competition, he is protected from extortion by the opportunity 
which he has to purchase the article offered him at the lowest 
price. Under monopoly he has no choice, but must take what is 
offered him at the price fixed by the seller. A skilled laborer has 
a right to demand from his employer full value for his services. 

When there are many employers, each pecuniarily interested 
in securing the best service, the laborer is better protected than 
he is when there is but one employer. The labor organization is 
an aid to the laboring men in securing reasonable hours, just com- 
pensation, and fair conditions. At present the labor organization 



440 The Commoner Condensed. 

is practically the only protection the wage-earner has, but the 
labor organization, however perfect and complete, is no match for 
an absolute industrial monopoly. Workmen with families dependent 
upon them could not live long without work, neither could they 
afford to engage in another line of work where their special train- 
ing would be of no advantage. The pressing every-day needs of 
the body make a contest of endurance between flesh and blood on 
the one side and capital on the other very unequal. 

• IMPOSSIBLE COMPETITION. 

The man who attempts to manufacture an article in competition 
with a thoroughly established monopoly has before him a difficult, 
if not an almost impossible task. To recur to the above illustra- 
tion, if all the woollen mills now in existence should be gathered 
under the control of one corporation with a capital of half a billion, 
who could compete with it successfully? If a person amply sup- 
plied with capital to conduct under ordinary conditions a suc- 
cessful mill were to compete with a monopoly, such monopoly would 
be able, at a very small expense to itself, to undersell him in his 
particular field, while maintaining prices in other parts of the 
country. If an organization of equal capital attempted rivalry, 
it would first have to overcome the advantage which the established 
industry had secured by the advertisement of its wares, and then, 
if it were successful, the country would have more woollen plants 
than necessary to supply the demand, and more skilled laborers 
than would be required for the work. 

sage's note of warning. 

Private monopolies have always been regarded as unlawful, and 
there are numerous instances where the people have overthrown 
them when their exactions become intolerable. Mr. McKinley has 
condemned the trusts, although, it must be confessed, with ever 
diminishing emphasis. Organized capital has been making such 
gigantic strides toward the control of industry during the last 
few months that even those who have been in the habit of be- 
littling reformers, and accustomed to regard all criticism of cor- 
porations as evidence of discontent, are becoming alarmed. Mr. 
Russell Sage has never been considered a demagogue, neither has 
he shown himself unduly hostile to capitalists as a class; his note 
of warning, therefore, is the more significant. In a recently 
published article in the North American Revieiv he thus describes 
the industrial situation as it appears to him: 

"The chief owners of the Standard Oil business have grown 
so enormously wealthy that, in their individual as well as in their 
corporate capacity, they dominate wherever they choose to go. They 



The Commoner Condensed. 441 

can make or unmake almost any property, no matter how vast. 
They can compel any man to sell them anything at any price." 

He fortifies his own observations by quoting the language of 
Henry Clews, another Wall Street operator. This presents one 
phase of the question. When combinations of capital "can make 
or unmake almost any property, no matter how vast," and when 
they can "almost compel any man to sell them anything at any 
price/' then they cease to be private affairs and become matters 
of public concern. The question is not whether the public has a 
right to interfere with the manner in which these combinations 
use their own property, but whether the public will allow them to 
appropriate or destroy the property of other people. 

Of the new steel company, Mr. Sage says: 

"The consolidations of to-day begin at the very outset with 
capitalizations that cast all past experiences into the shade, and 
that almost stagger the imagination. The steel combination now 
forming we are told, is to start off with a capitalization of 
$1,000,000,000. This is more than one-half of the national debt. 
It is one-seventieth of the entire wealth of the United States. The 
total money circulation in the United States, according to the 
treasurer's statistics, is $2,113,294,938. It will be seen, therefore, 
that this company's issue of securities will represent practically 
one-half of the entire volume of money in America. In a year 
or two, if precedents count for anything, this capitalization will 
be very largely increased, and that in spite of the fact that stock- 
holders in the steel company, which was the basis of the new 
combination, got three shares of stock in the new company for 
one in the old — scores of millions being thus added to the interest- 
earning securities in the United States, by merely the stroke of 
a pen. When wealth is created in that way, what security is there 
for the whole scheme? Not another furnace added to the plant; 
simply a lifting process, and what was one million before is three 
millions now. The great experience and strength of the men who 
produced this change will make us accept the new valuation, and 
that is all there is in it. 

If any of the men in whom we very properly have this confi- 
dence should die suddenly, everything would be disorganized. 
Even as it is, things may break at a critical period, and then we 
shall have to find a new level with considerable trouble and agita- 
tion to ourselves. Just at present, no one can say, with anything 
like accuracy, where we stand. 

UNDERESTIMATED CAPITALIZATION. 

This corporation was being formed when Mr. Sage's article was 
written, and he underestimated the capitalization, but his remarks 
in regard to the watering of stock are in point; the illustration 



44 2 The Commoner Condensed. 

used to set forth the magnitude of the corporations is apt, and his 
comment upon the effect of the death of a trust manager is cer- 
tainly worthy of consideration. 

The watering of stock is not only indefensible, but it contradicts 
the arguments made by interested parties in defense of trusts. 
The favorite contention of promoters is that consolidation makes 
production more economical, and, therefore, tends to lower prices. 
But nearly every corporation that attempts a monopoly proceeds 
to capitalize the expected savings, thus giving to the stockholders 
the advantage promised to the consumers. 

If a corporation plans to control any product, and estimates 
a saving of one million by the discharge of travelling salesmen, it 
figures that that amount will pay 5 per cent, interest on twenty 
million dollars, and it immediately increases the stock to that ex- 
tent. A prospectus issued by the international Steam Pump Com- 
pany shows that the properties bought were estimated at less than 
twelve million dollars, while the company was capitalized at 
twenty-seven and a half millions. The earnings for the preceding 
year were estimated at one million two hundred thousand. The 
prospectus adds, in conspicuous type : "A conservative estimate 
of the advantages derived from consolidation is believed to be 
one million three hundred thousand over the present earnings, 
which would make a total of future net earnings, with the esti- 
mated earnings based on ten months of the year's business, of 
two million five hundred thousand, or six per cent, on the pre- 
ferred stock, and over eleven per cent, on the common stock of the 
new company." 

THE MANY CANNOT INFLATE VALUES. 

The farmer is not able to inflate the value of his farm; the 
merchant is not able to inflate the value of the goods upon his 
shelf; the laboring man cannot put a fictitious value upon his 
services. But a monopoly is able to collect dividends upon watered 
stock, and to secure interest upon money never invested in the 
business. Why should it be tolerated? Why should a fictitious 
person, called a corporation, be granted privileges or be permitted 
to enjoy immunities denied to the natural citizen ? It is inevitable 
that the ordinary individual, whether customer, merchant, or 
employe, must feel the evil effects of over-capitalization. If a 
farmer realizes only a small profit when he sells, but is com- 
pelled when he buys to pay the manufacturer a large profit, it 
is evident that he will fall behind in the race for a competency. 
If the merchant must sell at a profit fixed by competition, and 
buy at a price fixed by monopoly, and upon terms regulated 
wholly in the interests of the manufacturer, he will have to 
bear all the vicissitudes of trade, and will find himself at a 
great disadvantage. The managers of the corporations will be 



The Commoner Condensed. 443 

interested in keeping the stock at par, and in dull times there 
will be a perpetual contest between wages and watered stock. 

The same number of the North American Review which con- 
tains Mr. Sage's article contains replies thereto by Mr. Hill of 
the Great Northern, Northern Pacific and Burlington Railroad 
combination, Mr. Schwab of the Steel Trust, Mr. Flint of the 
Eubber Trust, and Mr. Logan of the Envelope Trust. But the 
testimony given by these gentlemen must be taken with that 
allowance which is always made for the testimony of witnesses 
pecuniarily interested. 

APPLICATION OF EVERY-DAY RULE. 

In discussing the result to follow from the establishment of 
industrial combinations for the suppression of competition, one 
can only apply the rules which are seen in operation every day. 
Human nature does not change much from generation to gener- 
ation; selfishness is as potent an influence to-day as it was a 
century ago. Advancement is not secured by the elimination of 
selfishness, but by restraining excessive manifestations of it. 

First, extortionate prices to the consumer will prevail. The 
same greed which leads trust magnates to issue stock in excess 
of the money invested will lead them to make the dividends as 
large as possible, and the same greed which leads them to in- 
crease the dividends will lead them to repeat stock inflation 
indefinitely. 

Second, industrial monopoly is likely to result in lessening 
wages and in increasing friction between employers and employes. 
The larger the corporation the more complete the separation of 
the employe from the manager of the corporation, and the less 
the sympathy between those who toil and those who fix the wages. 

Third, the enhancement of the price of trust-made articles must 
in the long run lessen the demand for the product by lessening the 
ability of the consumers to purchase. This in turn means cur- 
tailment of production and a diminished demand for labor. 

Fourth, under a system of monopoly all loss can be thrown upon 
the laborers. Under competition the factory often runs at bare 
cost, or even below cost, because suspension of work might mean 
the scattering of the employes to other centres of industry. But 
when a corporation has control of the market, it can close down 
without loss and leave the employes in idleness until the sur- 
plus is worked off at a high price. Thus a high wage per day, 
when there is employment, may mean a small annual income. 

Fifth, monopoly is likely to result in deterioration of the 
product. 

Sixth, the opportunity to make enormous profits by market 
fluctuations is apt to lead the managers of monopolies to speculate 



444 The Commoner Condensed. 

at the expense of the ordinary stockholders, and suggests a method 
of influencing public officials far more potent than any form 
of direct bribery. 

Seventh, monopoly provides a few places with excessive salaries, 
but denies to a multitude of competent and deserving men the 
possibility of industrial and financial independence. It crowns 
a few with laurels, and condemns the masses to hopeless servi- 
tude. 

Eighth, as imperialism substitutes a sullen subject for a bold 
and self-assertive citizen, so an industrial monopoly converts the 
ambitious and progressive artisan into a timid and servile de- 
pendent. 

Mnth, with a complete monopoly we may expect that the con- 
trol, descending with the stock from father to son, will create an 
industrial aristocracy, as hostile to liberty as the landed aristoc- 
racy which was overthrown by our forefathers. 

Whether a remedy needs to be applied depends upon the 
answer given to the inquiry in regard to competition. If competi- 
tion is desirable, a private monopoly is indefensible. If, on the 
other hand, the suppression of competition is a thing to be de- 
sired, some plan must be devised to make the suppression complete. 
It would be obviously unfair for one portion of the community 
to be protected from competition while another portion was sub- 
jected to it. No principle can be accepted as sound which is not 
susceptible of general application. If the people decide that 
competition should be suppressed, they must choose between pri- 
vate monopoly and socialism. I do not mean that system of 
socialism now called extreme, which would place the govern- 
ment in control of all the forces of production and distribution, 
but a still more complete system, which would make the state the 
beneficiary of all service rendered and the distributor of all com- 
pensation. 

EXTINCTION OF PRIVATE MONOPOLY. 

Extinction of private monopoly is, in my judgment, both de- 
sirable and possible. The corporation is the institution- through 
which the monopoly develops, and, as a corporation ^ is purely 
a creature of law, the people can place on it such limitations as 
may be necessary for public welfare and protection. The state 
has power to prevent the creation of any corporation within its 
limits, or to fix the conditions upon which a corporation may 
exist. It also has the power, or should have, to prescribe the 
terms upon which a foreign corporation may do business in the 
state. The distinction between the natural man and the cor- 
porate person is so great that the state should have the power, if 
it has not now, to give its citizens any necesary protection from 
corporations organized elsewhere. But the state is not able to 



The Commoner Condensed. 445 

furnish a complete remedy, and, without taking away the rights 
which the state now has, congress should give additional protec- 
tion. The Sherman anti-trust law prohibits contracts entered 
into by separate persons or corporations for the limiting of pro- 
duction, fixing of price, or division of territory. While this law 
has not, according to the belief of many, been enforced as it 
should have been, it is not broad enough to reach a monopoly 
attempted by a single corporation. According to the constitution, 
congress has power to regulate interstate commerce, and under 
this power it certainly has a right to define a monopoly, and to 
prevent such a monopoly from engaging in interstate commerce. 
It can deny to a monopoly the use of the mails as it does to the 
lottery. It can also deny to it the use of the interstate telegraph 
lines or railroad system. It can require a corporation to estab- 
lish to the satisfaction of the interstate commerce commission, 
or of some other commission created for the purpose, the fact that 
there is no water in the stock, and that it is not attempting to 
monopolize any branch of business, and it can provide for a 
revocation of the permit or license if the conditions are violated. 
It can fix a maximum proportion between the business which 
any corporation engaged in interstate commerce shall be per- 
mitted to do, and the total business clone in that line. It can 
fix the maximum capitalization of corporations engaged in inter- 
state commerce, or the maximum dividends which they may earn. 
It can require a corporation to to sell to all customers at the same 
price and on the same terms, and it can remove the tariff from 
trust-made articles. These are a few of the remedies that have 
been discussed. 

While congress cannot interfere with a domestic corporation, 
it has supreme power over commerce between the states. The 
failure of congress to pass necessary laws, and of officials to en- 
force existing laws, is due to the fact that members of congress 
and executive officers are under obligations to the trusts and 
monopolies for campaign assistance. The people can put an 
end to private monopolies as soon as they undertake it in earnest— 
and not before. 



BEITISH EULE IN INDIA. 

Justice Brown in delivering the opinion of the court in the 
Downes case said: 

"Grave apprehensions of danger are felt by many eminent men 
—a fear lest an unrestrained possession of power on the part 
of congress may lead to unjust and oppressive legislation, m 
which tne natural rights of territories, or their inhabitants, may 



446 The Commoner Condensed. 

be engulfed in a centralized despotism. These fears, however, 
find no justification in the action of congress in the past century, 
nor in the conduct of the British parliament toward its outlying 
possessions since the American revolution." 

It marks an epoch in American history when the highest court 
of the land uses the experience of England to support an attack 
upon written constitutions. It is the most audacious and un- 
blushing surrender of fundamental principles which has occurred 
in this country. As Justice Brown invites us to consider and 
admire the conduct of an unrestrained parliament it may not be 
out of place to look at English rule in India. Below will be found 
a discussion of this subject prepared for and published in the 
New York Journal: 

In the discussion of a colonial policy for the United States fre- 
quent references will be made to England's government of India. 
The imperialists are already declaring that Great Britain's policy 
has resulted in profit to herself and benefit to her Asiatic subjects. 

The opponents of imperialism, on the other hand, find in India's 
experience a warning against a policy which places one nation under 
the control of another and distant nation. 

In 1600 the first East India company was organized. Its 
charter was for fifteen years, but a new and perpetual charter was 
granted in 1609. Under the reign of Charles II. the company 
obtained another charter, which continued former privileges and 
added authority "to make peace or war with any prince or people 
(in India) not being Christian." 

The affairs of the company were managed with an eye single 
to gain, and intervention in the quarrels of native princes resulted 
in the gradual extension of its influence. Money was the object, 
and the means employed would not always bear scrutiny. There 
was, however, no hypocritical mingling of an imaginary "philan- 
thropy" with an actual "five per cent." 

In 1757 Lord Clive, by the battle of Plassey, made the com- 
pany the dominant power in Indian politics, and under Clive and 
Hastings the income of the East India company reached enormous 
proportions. 

The history of the century, beginning with the battle of Plassey 
and ending with the Sepoy mutiny in 1857, was written under 
headlines like the following: "The First War With Hyder Ali," 
"The Eohilla War," "The Second War With Hvder Ali," "The War 
With Tippoo Saib," "The War With the Mahrattas," "Suppres- 
sion of the Pindaris," "The Last of the Peshwas," "The First 
Burmese War," "The First Afghan War," "The Conquest of 
Scinde," "The Sekh Wars," "The Conquest of Punjab," "The 



The Commoner Condensed. 447 

Annexation of Pegu/' "The Annexation of Oudh," "The Outbreak 
of Meerut," "The Seizure of Delhi/' "The Siege of Lucknow," 
etc., etc. 

This brief review is not given because it is interesting, but to 
acquaint the reader with the imperialistic plan of solving the 
problem of civilization by the elimination of unruly factors. 

In 1858 parliament, by an act entitled an act "for the better 
government of India/' confessed that the management of Indian 
affairs could be improved and placed the control in the hands of a 
Secretary of State for India and a council. 

In 1877 Queen Victoria assumed the title of Empress of India. 

Even if it could be shown that England's sovereignty over India 
had brought blessings to the Indian people and advantage to the 
inhabitants of Great Britain, we could not afford to adopt the 
policy. A monarchy can engage in work which a republic dare 
not undertake. A monarchy is constructed upon the theory that 
authority descends from the king and that privileges are granted 
by the crown to the subjects. Of course the ruling power recog- 
nizes that it owes a duty to the people, but while the obligation 
is binding upon the conscience of the sovereign it cannot be en- 
forced by the subject. 

Webster presented this idea with great force in his speech on 
the Greek revolution. After setting forth the agreement be- 
tween the allied powers, he said : "The first of these principles is, 
that all popular or constitutional rights are holden no otherwise 
than as grants from the crown. Society, upon this principle, has 
no rights of its own; it takes good government, when it gets it, 
as a boon and a concession, but can demand nothing. It is to 
live in that favor which emanates from royal authority, and if it 
have the misfortune to lose that favor, there is nothing to pro- 
tect it against any degree of injustice and oppression. It can 
rightfully make no endeavor for a change, by itself; its whole 
privilege is to receive the favors that may be dispensed by the 
sovereign power, and all its duty is described in the single word, 
submission. This is the plain result of the principal continental 
state papers; indeed, it is nearly the identical text of some of 
them." 

The English people have from time to time forced the crown 
to recognize certain rights, but the principle of monarchy still 
exists. The sovereign has a veto upon all legislation; the fact 
that this veto has not been used of late does not change the gov- 
ernmental theory and, in India, the application of the theory has 
deprived the Indian people of participation in the control of their 
own affairs. 

A nation which denies the principle that governments derive 
their just powers from the consent of the governed can give self- 
government to one colony and deny it to another; it can give it 
to colonies strong enough to exact it by force and deny it to 



44-8 The Commoner Condensed. 

weaker ones; but a nation which recognizes the people as the only 
sovereigns, and regards those temporarily in authority merely as 
public servants, is not at liberty to apply the principle to one 
section of the country and refuse it to another. 

But, so far from supporting the contention of the imperialists, 
British rule in India really enforces every argument that can 
be made against a colonial system of government. In the first 
place, to authorize a commercial company "to make peace or war 
with any prince or people (not Christian)," according to its pleas- 
ure, was to place the pecuniary interests of a few stockholders 
above the rights of those with whom they had dealings. Clive and 
Hastings seem to have acted upon this authority. When the 
former was called to account he confessed that he had forged a 
treaty and his conduct was such that parliament was compelled 
to vote that he "had abused his powers and set an evil example 
to the servants of the public," but, as he had increased the power 
of England in India, his condemnation was accompanied by the 
declaration that he had, "at the same time, rendered great and 
meritorious services to his country." 

The prosecution of Hastings for wrongs inflicted upon the 
people of India occupies a conspicuous place among the political 
trials of history. The speeches made against him recall the ora- 
tions of Cicero against Verres, who, by the way, was also charged 
with plundering a colony. 

Cicero said that Verres relied for his hope of escape upon his 
ability to corrupt the judges of his day, and it appears that the 
East Indian company was also accused of polluting the stream of 
justice only a century ago. 

In his speeches on the Nabob of Arcot's debts, Burke said : "Let 
no man hereafter talk of the decaying energies of nature. All 
the acts and monuments in the records of peculation; the con- 
solidated corruption of ages; the pattern of exemplary plunder 
in the heroic times of Soman iniquity, never equalled the gigantic 
corruption of this single act. Never did Nero, in all the insolent 
prodigality of despotism, deal out to his praetorian guards a dona- 
tion fit to be named with the largess showered down by the 
bounty of our chancellor of the exchequer on the faithful band 
of his Indian sepoys." 

How little human nature changes from age to age ! How weak 
is the boasted strength of the arm of the law when the defendant 
possesses the influence purchased by great wealth, however ob- 
tained, and the accusation comes from a far-off victim of oppres- 



sion 



Those who expect justice to be exercised by officials far removed 
from the source of power — officials who do not receive their com- 
missions from, and cannot be removed by, the people whom they 
govern — should read Sheridan's great speech portraying the 
effect of the Hastings policy upon the people of India. 



The Commoner Condensed. 449 

Below will be found an extract: 

"If, my lords, a stranger had at this time entered the province 
of Oude, ignorant of what had happened since the death of Sujat 
Dowlah, that prince who, with a savage heart, had still great lines 
of character, and who, with all his ferocity in war, had with a 
cultivating hand preserved to his country the wealth which it 
derived from benignant skies, and a prolific soil; if observing the 
wide and general devastation of fields unclothed and brown; of 
vegetation burnt up and extinguished ; of villages depopulated and 
in ruin; of temples unroofed and perishing; of reservoirs broken 
down and dry, this stranger would ask, What has thus laid waste 
this beautiful and opulent land ; what monstrous madness has rav- 
aged with widespread war ; what desolating foreign foe ; what civil 
discords; what disputed succession; what religious zeal; what 
fabled monster has stalked abroad and, with malice and mortal 
enmity to man, withered by the grasp of death every growth of 
nature and humanity, all means of delight, and each original, 
simple principle of bare existence ? The answer would have been : 
Not one of these causes ! No wars have ravaged these lands and 
depopulated these villages ! No desolating foreign foe ! no domes- 
tic broils ! no disputed succession ! no religious superserviceable 
zeal ! no poisonous monster ! no affliction of Providence, which, 
while it scourges us, cut off the sources of resuscitation ! 

"No. This damp of death is the mere effusion of British 
amity ! We sink under the pressure of their support ! We writhe 
under their perfidious grip ! They have embraced us with their 
protecting arms, and lo ! these are the fruits of their alliance !" 

No clearer case was ever made against a prisoner at the bar, 
and yet after seven years' trial before the house of lords, 
Hastings was acquitted, not because he was guiltless, but because 
England had acquired territory by his policy. 

Lord Macaulay, in describing the crimes perpetrated at that 
time against a helpless people, gives expression to a truth which 
has lost none of its force with the lapse of years. He says : "And 
then was seen what we believe to be the most frightful of all 
spectacles, the strength of civilization without its mercy. To all 
other despotism there is a check, imperfect indeed, and liable to 
gross abuse, but still sufficient to preserve society from the last 
extreme of misery. A time comes when the evils of submission are 
obviously greater than those of resistance, when fear itself begets 
a sort of courage, when a convulsive burst of popular rage and 
despair warns tyrants not to presume too far on the patience of 
mankind. But against misgovernment such as then afflicted Ben- 
gal, it is impossible to struggle. The superior intelligence and 
energy of the dominant class made their power irresistible. A war 



450 The Commoner Condensed. 

of Bengalese against Englishmen was like a war of sheep against 
wolves, of men against demons." 

"The strength of civilization without its mercy!" 

The American people are capable of governing themselves, but 
what reason have we to believe that they can wisely administer 
the affairs of distant races? It is difficult enough to curb corpo- 
rate power in this country, where the people who surfer have in 
their own hands the means of redress; how much more difficult 
it would be to protect the interests of the people where the people 
who do the governing do not feel the suffering and where the 
people who do the suffering must rely upon the mercy of alien 
rulers ! 

True, Macaulay argues that English morality, tardily but 
finally, followed English authority into the Orient, but, as a mat- 
ter of fact, the bleeding of India has continued systematically 
during the present century. Polite and refined methods have 
been substituted for the rude and harsh ones formerly employed, 
and the money received is distributed among a larger number, but 
the total sum annually drawn from India is greater now than it 
was when England's foremost orators and statemen were demand- 
ing the impeachment of notorious malefactors. 

Sir J. Strachey, an Englishman, in a history recently published, 
is quoted as saying that "the confiscation of the rights of the ryots 
(in Bengal) has reached vast proportions." He then shows that 
through the action of the English government the Zemindars, or 
middle men, have been able to enormously increase their income 
at the expense of the tillers of the soil, the increase being from 
four hundred thousand pounds in the last century to thirteen 
million pounds at the present time. 

On the 28th of December, 1897 — only a year ago — a meeting 
of the London Indian society was held at Montague Mansions and 
strong resolutions adopted. Below will be found an extract from 
the resolutions: 

"That this conference of Indians, resident in the United King- 
dom, is of opinion — 

"That of all the evils and 'terrible misery' that India has been 
suffering for a century and a half, and of which the latest de- 
velopments are the most deplorable, famine and plague, arising 
from ever-increasing poverty, the stupid and suicidal frontier war 
and its savagery, of the wholesale destruction of villages, unworthy 
of any people, but far more so of English civilization ; the unwise 
and suicidal prosecutions for sedition; the absurd and ignorant 
cry of the disloyalty of the educated Indians, and for the curtail- 
ment of the liberty of the Indian press ; the despotism — like that 
of the imprisonment of the Natus, and the general insufficiency 
and inefficiency of the administration — of all these and many 
other minor evils the main cause is the unrighteous and un-Britishi 



The Commoner Condensed.' 451 

system of government which produces an unceasing and ever- 
increasing bleeding of the country, and which is maintained by a 
political hypocrisy and continuous subterfuges unworthy of the 
British honor and name, and entirely in opposition to the wishes 
of the British people, and utterly in violation of acts and resolu- 
tions of parliament, and of the most solemn and repeated pledges 
of the British nation and sovereign. 

"That unless the present unrighteous and un-British system of 
government is thoroughly reformed into a righteous and truly 
British system destruction to India and disaster to the British 
empire must be the inevitable result." 

Mr. ISTaoroji, an Indian residing in England, in supporting the 
resolution, pointed out the continuous drain of money from India 
and argued that the people were compelled "to make brick, not 
only without straw, but even without clay." He insisted that 
England's trade with India would be greater if she would allow 
the people of India a larger participation in the affairs of their 
own government and protested against the policy of sending 
Englishmen to India to hold the offices and draw their support from 
taxes levied upon the inhabitants. He complained that British jus- 
tice is one thing in England and quite another thing in India, and 
said: "There (in India) it is only the business of the people to 
pay taxes and to slave; and the business of the government to 
spend those taxes to their own benefit. Whenever any question 
arises between Great Britain and India there is a demoralized mind. 
The principles of politics, of commerce, of equality which are 
applied to Great Britain are not applied to India. As if it were 
not inhabited by human beings !" 

Does any one doubt that, if we annex the Philippines and 
govern them by agents sent from here, questions between them 
and the people of the United States will be settled by the people 
of the United States and for the benefit of the people of the United 
States? If we make subjects of them against their will and for 
our own benefit are we likely to govern them with any more 
benevolence ? 

The resolutions quoted mention efforts for the curtailment of 
the liberty of the press. Is that not a necessary result of govern- 
mental injustice? Are we likely to allow the Filipinos freedom 
of the press, if we enter upon a system that is indefensible accord- 
ing to our theory of government? 

Mr. Hyndman, an English writer, in a pamphlet issued in 1897, 
calls attention to English indifference to India's wrongs, and, 
as an illustration of this indifference, cites the fact that during the 
preceding year the India budget affecting the welfare of nearly 
three hundred millions of people was brought before parliament 
on the last day of the session when only a few members were 



45 2 The Commoner Condensed. 

present. He asserts that "matters are far worse than they were 
in the days of the old East India company/'' and that "nothing 
short of a great famine, a terrible pestilence, or a revolt on a large 
scale, will induce the mass of Englishmen to devote any attention 
whatever to the affairs of India." 

To show how, in the government of India, the interests of English 
office-holders outweigh the interests of the natives, I give an extract 
from the pamphlet already referred to : 

"First, under the East India company, and then, and far more 
completely, under the direct rule of the crown of the English 
people, the natives have been shut out from all the principal 
positions of trust over five-sixths of Hindostan, and have been 
prevented from gaining any experience in the higher adminis- 
tration, or in military affairs. 

"Whenever it was possible to put in an Englishman to oust a 
native an Englishman has been put in, and has been paid from 
four times to twenty times as much for his services as would have 
sufficed for the salary of an equally capable Hindoo or Moham- 
medan official. * * * At the present time, out of 39,000 
officials who draw a salary of more than 1,000 rupees a year, 
28,000 are Englishmen and only 11,000 natives. Moreover, the 
11,000 natives receive as salaries only three million pounds a year; 
the 28,000 Englishmen receive fifteen million pounds a year. Out 
of the 960 important civil offices which really control the civil 
administration of India 900 are filled with Englishmen and only 
sixty with natives. Still worse if possible, the natives of India have 
no control whatsoever in any shape or way over their own taxa- 
tion, or any voice at all in the expenditure of their own revenues. 
Their entire government — I speak, of course, of the 250,000,000 
under our direct control — is carried on and administered by 
foreigners, who not only do not settle in the country, but who 
live lives quite remote from those of the people, and return home 
at about forty-five or fifty years of age with large pensions. 

"As I have often said in public, India is, in fact, now governed 
by successive relays of English carpet-baggers, who have as little 
sympathy with the natives as they have any real knowledge of 
their habits and customs." 

The Statesman's Year Booh of 1897, published by Macmillan 
& Co., London, contains some interesting statistics in regard to 
India. 

It seems that there are but two and a quarter millions of Chris- 
tians in India — less than one per cent. — after so many years of 
English control. 

It appears, also, that in 1891 only a little more than three 
millions out of three hundred millions were under instruction; 



The Commoner Condensed 453 

a little more than twelve millions were not under instruction, but 
able to read and write, while two hundred and forty-six millions 
were neither under instruction nor able to read or write. Twenty- 
five millions appear under the head "not returned/' 

The European army in India amounts to seventy-four thou- 
sand and the native army to one hundred and forty-five thousand. 
In the army the European officers number five thousand and the 
native officers twenty-seven hundred. One-fourth of the national 
expenditure in India goes to the support of the army. Nearly 
one-third of India's annual revenue is expended in Great Britain. 
The salary of the governor-general is 250,000 rupees per annum. 

The Year Book above mentioned is also responsible for the 
statement that the act of 1893, closing the Indian mints to the 
free coinage of silver, was enacted by the governor-general and 
council upon the same day that it was introduced. Mr. Leech, 
former director of the United States mint, in an article in the 
Forum, declared that the closing of the mints of India on that 
occasion was the most momentous event in the monetary history 
of the present century. It will be remembered that this act was 
made the excuse for an extra session of our congress and for the 
unconditional repeal of the Sherman law. 

One can obtain some idea of the evils of irresponsible alien 
government when he reflects that an English governor-general 
and an English council changed the financial system of nearly 
three hundred millions of people by an act introduced and passed 
in the course of a single day. 

No matter what views one may hold upon the money question, 
he cannot defend such a system of government without abandon- 
ing every principle revered by the founders of the republic. Sena- 
tor Wolcott, of Colorado, one of the president's commissioners, 
upon his return from Europe, made a speech in the senate in which 
he declared that the last Indian famine was a money famine rather 
than a food famine. In that speech Mr. Wolcott also asserted that 
the closing of the India mints reduced, by five hundred millions 
of dollars, the value of the silver accumulated in the hands of the 
people. If Mr. Wolcott's statement contains the smallest fraction 
of truth the injury done by the East India company during its 
entire existence was less than the injury done by that one act of 
the governor and his council. If the famine was, in fact, a 
money famine, created by an act of the governor and his council, 
then indeed is English rule as cruel and merciless in India to-day 
as was the rule of the East India company's agents a century ago 

English rule in India is not bad because it is English, but be- 
cause no race has yet appeared sufficiently strong in character to 
resist the temptations which come with irresponsible power. 

We may well turn from the contemplation of an imperial policy 
and its necessary vices to the words of Jefferson in his first in- 
augural message: "Sometimes it is said that man cannot be 



454 The Commoner Condensed. 

trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted 
with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the 
form of kings to govern them? Let history answer this question." 

William J. Bryan. 



ADDRESS AT McKINLEY MEMORIAL. 

Memorial services were held throughout the country. At Lin- 
coln, Neb., the largest Auditorium in the city and two neighboring 
churches were filled to overflowing. Below will be found the ad- 
dress delivered by Mr. Bryan at the principal meeting: 

As monuments reared by grateful hands to the memory of heroes 
testify to the virtues of the living as well as to the services of the 
dead, so the sorrow that has overwhelmed our nation, obliterating 
the distinctions of party, race and religion, is as complimentary to 
the patriotism of our people as to our departed chief magistrate. 
But it is not strange that the people bow as one man over the 
bier of their illustrious fellow-citizen — not strange that the solemn 
stillness is broken only by the chanting of the sacred hymns which 
he was wont to sing — not strange that all hearts turn in sympathy 
to the husbandless home at Canton. 

Neither is it strange that all view with equal abhorrence the 
foul and bloody deed that robbed the nation of its executive, nor 
that all demanded with equal earnestness the speedy punishment 
of the offender and of any others who may have aided or coun- 
selled the commission of the crime. It would be more than strange 
— it would be a reproach to our people — if there were differences 
among us so radical that they could not be softened by the tragedy 
of death. It would, indeed, be a disgrace to our nation if the 
murder of a president concerned only the members of the dominant 
party. While no recent campaigns have aroused deeper feeling 
than those through which Mr. McKinley passed, yet in no contests 
did the minority more cheerfully acquiesce in the will of the 
majority as expressed at the polls. He was the president of all 
the people and their dignity and sovereignty were attacked when 
he was assaulted. 

We are all so linked together in this world and our joys and 
sorrows are so interwoven with the joys and sorrows of others that 
no one liveth unto himself or dieth unto himself. Even the 
humblest citizen cannot withdraw from earth without bringing 
grief to some heart and the number of those who mourn is in- 
creased as the circle of acquaintance and influence is enlarged. 

The president's position made him a part of the life of all his 
countrymen and the circumstances which attended his taking off 



The Commoner Condensed. 455 

added indignation to grief — indignation that even one murderous 
heart could be found in all the land and grief that the wicked 
purpose of that heart should have been consummated against one 
so gentle in spirit and so kind in word and deed. 

This is neither the time nor the place for a discussion of rem- 
edies for anarch}-. It can have no defenders in the United States. 
Government is a necessity and the delusion that society can exist 
without it is harmful even when no violence is advocated, for it 
is the duty of every citizen of a republic to strive to make his 
government perfect in every detail and this purpose is not only 
weakened, but entirely destroyed by the doctrine that all govern- 
ments are bad and should be overthrown. He is a friend of the 
government who seeks to reform every abuse and make the govern- 
ment an unalloyed blessing, but he is a public enemy, and should 
be treated as such, who weakens the authority of the law by deny- 
ing that government is desirable or necessary. 

If to theoretical opposition to all forms of government is added 
the counselling of murder, as a means of removing officials, then 
the adviser becomes equally guilty with the assassin. 

I yield to none in my appreciation of the private character 
and public virtues of William McKinley; I rejoice that his career 
so fully demonstrates the possibilities of American citizenship. 
The young men of the country can find inspiration and encourage- 
ment in the fact that he made his own way from obscurity to fame. 
Those who are nearing the boundary of life can find consolation 
and example in the superb manner in which he fought his final 
battle — his courage and fortitude in the closing hours recalling 
the bravery which he displayed as a soldier. Domestic happiness 
has never been better illustrated than in his home life and Chris- 
tian faith and trust never better exemplified than in the way he' 
met death. 

Few, if any, of our public men have been more approachable 
and his generous conduct and genial ways held to the last the 
friends whom his genius attracted. His associates early recognized 
his qualities of leadership and no statesman has exerted greater 
influence upon his party or upon the politics of his generation. 
He possessed rare ability in presenting and defending his views 
and has made a profound impression upon the history of his time. 

The universality of the respect shown for the deceased and the 
genuineness of the good will manifested toward him teach a lesson 
that should not be "forgotten, namely, that the best things in life 
are above and beyond the domain of politics. In campaigns the 
points of difference between citizens are emphasized and ofttimes 
exaggerated, but the points of similarity are really more numer- 
ous, more important and more permanent. In stature and in 
strength, in plans and in purpose, in love, in hope, in fear and in 
all human needs we are much the same. A man's party affiliations 
may depend upon environment or even upon inheritance, but his 



456 The Commoner Condensed. 

character depends upon his own conduct and his morals are within 
his own keeping. It is not possible that all good should be con- 
fined to one party and all evil to another. It would be a sad day 
for the country if all the virtue, all the intelligence and all the 
patriotism were to be found in one political organization ; if there 
were another organization of any considerable size having the 
allegiance of all the vicious, ignorant and unpatriotic. It is un- 
fortunate that in the heat of political controversy partisanship 
sometimes becomes so strong as to cause injustice to be done to 
the motives of political opponents, and it should be our constant 
aim to place our campaigns upon so high a plane that personalities 
will be eliminated and the issues made to turn upon the principles 
involved. 

Let us hope that this national affliction which unites all factions 
in a common sorrow will result in a broader charity and a more 
liberal spirit among those who by different policies and through 
different parties seek to promote the welfare and increase the 
glory of our common country. 



MORAL COURAGE. 



Speech delivered by Mr. Bryan at banquet tendered ex-Senator, 
Charles A. Towne on the eve of his removal from Duluth to New 
York: 

Buckley says that civilization is measured by the mastery of 
the human mind over the forces of nature. In elaborating this 
proposition he declares that the moral element in civilization is 
insignificant as compared with the intellectual element. The 
Tea son which he gives is that the same moral principles have been 
generally accepted throughout the ages, and he argues from this 
that the difference between races, nations, and civilization must be 
accounted for by differences in mental development. His error, 
for I believe that he errs, is due to the fact that he confuses the ac- 
ceptance of a moral principle with living up to a moral principle, 
whereas nations are to be measured, not according to the moral 
principles admitted to be true, but according to the moral prin- 
ciples which govern the lives of the people. If you will take the 
worst thief that can be found in the penitentiary and place him 
beside the best man you know, and then question the two, you 
will find that both admit the binding force of the Ten Command- 
ments. What is the difference, then, between them? It is this, 
that one puts his moral principles into every-day practice and is 
known as an honest and upright man, while the other suspends his 
moral principles in moments of temptation and becomes a criminal. 

A careful study of the causes that have led to the decline of na- 
tions and to the decay of races will, I think, convince an impartial 
student that the moral element is not only important, but para- 



The Commoner Condensed. 457 

mount in a nation's life. Take, for instance, the fall of the Roman 
empire — it was not due to lack of intellect or to lack of the physical 
qualities. It was the Roman heart, not the Roman head, that 
went astray; and it is as true to-day as it ever has heen in the 
past that there can be no real or permanent national growth 
unless that national growth is accompanied by the development 
of national conscience and national character. 

The nation is but a collection of individuals and reflects the 
character of the people. As the moral element is essential to a 
nation so it is to an individual. There is no danger of our becom- 
ing indifferent to physical excellence, nor is it likely that we shall 
place a low estimate upon the development of the mind, but in 
our rush for wealth and material advantage there is danger that 
we shall ignore the most important part of man — the heart. 

Plutarch said that men entertained three sentiments concerning 
the gods; that they feared them because of their strength, ad- 
mired them for their wisdom, and loved them for their justice. 
Men entertain towards their fellows the same sentiments which, 
according to Plutarch, the ancients entertained towards their 
deities. Force may excite fear and genius may arouse admiration, 
but we only love the heart that loves. Justice — the fruit of love, 
is the element which gives strength and permanence to organized 
government. So important is the moral element in the individual 
that no man has ever won a lasting place in the affections of the 
people who has not in his life given evidence of a broad and deep 
affection for his fellows. It may be truthfully written upon every 
monument reared by grateful hands to the memory of a great man : 
"We loved him because he first loved us." 

Of the qualities of the heart, moral courage is one of the most 
essential ; it is the shield that protects the other virtues ; it is the 
fortress that guards integrity. The image of the Creator is never 
seen more clearly stamped upon the brow of man than when God's 
creature stands erect, proclaiming the conviction of an honest 
heart, and ready either to live for them or to die for them. There 
is strength and inspiration in the presence of such an one. 

It is sometimes difficult to select a subject for an after-dinner 
speech, but when I received an invitation to participate in the fare- 
well banquet tendered by the people of Duluth to their distin- 
guished townsman and my friend, the sentiment, "Moral Courage," 
at once occurred to me^ for he has given signal evidence of the 
possession of that manly quality which makes him welcome defeat 
rather than surrender that which to him seems right. We admire 
the physical vigor and the attractive graces of our guest ; we admire 
the clearness of his intellect, the force of his logic, and that fund 
of information which enables him to fortify his arguments by illus- 
trations drawn from history and from nature's book; we listen 
with lingering delight to the magic of his voice and are led captive 
by his persuasive oratory; but far above our admiration for his 



45§ The Commoner Condensed. 

other qualities we place our admiration for the moral courage 
which has made him conspicuous among the members of his 
generation. 

We need this moral courage for the protection and preserva- 
tion of our government to-day. We need it among public officials, 
that they may prize above pecuniary rewards and above the flatter- 
ing whisperings of ambition, the honor that comes from faithful 
service and a clean record. Whether a man is serving his fellows 
as an official in the city, in the country, in the state, or in the 
nation, he needs moral courage to enable him to withstand the 
pressure that is brought upon him by the great corporations that 
are clamoring for favors and are able to richly compensate those 
who will consent to turn public office to private advantage. 

Moral courage is needed among our private citizens, that they 
may be as bold to punish unfaithful officials as they are ready to 
commend the faithful. In times of war the individual is ready to 
give his life, if need be, in the service of his country; the de- 
mands of peace are equally imperative. The nation is entitled 
to the brain and heart as well as to the body; it claims the best 
thought and the best conscience of its citizens. 

Great issues are at stake; great interests are involved — aye — 
even our civilization itself, and through us the civilization of the 
world. This nation is a world power; it has not acquired its in- 
fluence by recent wars, but for a century its ideas have been per- 
meating the world. Every citizen is a factor in our civilization, 
and by his conduct raises or lowers the level of that civilization. 
He cannot expect his neighbor to be more conscientious than him- 
self ; he cannot rely upon some one performing the duty that he 
ought himself to discharge. He owes it to his country, as well as 
to his generation and to posterity, to throw the weight of his 
influence upon the right side of every public question. For the 
proper discharge of his duties he will require the highest form of 
moral courage. 

Some may be disposed to stamp the word "failure" upon the 
political career of Charles A. Towne. I hope that the future may 
have in store for him a reward that will be worthy of his high 
merit, but, even if he were to die to-night, he would not have 
lived in vain. He has set an example that must weigh heavily 
on the side of civic virtue. He has faced without flinching a fire 
as hot and hellish as ever came from cannon's mouth and he has 
won a victory greater and more glorious than ever crowned the 
life of one who fawned at the feet of power or bartered away his 
manhood to secure an office. 

Because he forgot himself in his devotion to duty he will be 
remembered by the people when time-servers and self-seekers have 
disappeared. 



The Commoner Condensed. 459 



IMPERIALISM. 

Extract from an address made by Robert G. Ingersoll : 

A little while ago I stood by the grave of the old Napoleon — a 
magnificent tomb of gilt and gold, fit almost for a dead deity — 
and gazed upon the sarcophagus of black Egyptian marble, where 
rest at least the ashes of that restless man. I leaned over the 
balustrade and thought abont the career of the greatest soldier 
of the modern world. 

I saw him walking upon the banks of the Seine, contemplating 
suicide. I saw him at Toulon — I saw him putting down the mob 
in the streets of Paris — I saw him at the head of the army in 
Italy — I saw him crossing the bridge of Lodi with the tri-color 
in his hand — I saw him in Egypt in the shadow of the Pyra- 
mids — I saw him conquer the Alps and mingle the eagles of France 
with the eagles of the crags. I saw him at Marengo — at Ulm and 
Austerlitz. I saw him in Russia, where the infantry of the snow 
and the cavalry of the wild blast scattered his legions like winter's 
withered leaves. I saw him at Leipsic in defeat and disaster — 
driven by a million bayonets back upon Paris — clutched like a wild 
beast — banished to Elba. I saw him escape and retake an empire 
by the force of his genius. I saw him upon the frightful field of 
Waterloo, where Chance and Fate combined to wreck the fortunes 
of their former king. And I saw him at St. Helena, with his 
hands crossed behind him, gazing out upon the sad and solemn 
sea. 

I thought of the orphans and widows he had made — of the 
tears that had been shed for his glory, and of the only woman 
who ever loved him, pushed from his heart by the cold hand of 
ambition. And I said I would rather have been a French peasant 
and worn wooden shoes. I would rather have lived in a hut with 
a vine growing over the door, and the grapes growing purple in 
the rays of the autumn sun. I would rather have been that poor 
peasant with my loving wife by my side, knitting as the day died 
out of the sky — with my children upon my knee and their arms 
about me. I would rather have been that man and gone down 
to the tongueless silence of the dreamless dust than have been that 
imperial impersonation of force and murder. 




REFERENCE INDEX. 



Adams, President John Q., 

3io, 311. 
Adams, Samuel, Letter to, 15. 
Aguinaldo, 91, 188, 316. 
Allen, John, 172. 
Allies, Our, 390. 
Allison, Senator William B., 

389- 

Alman, Harry Horal, 387. 
American Anti-Trust League, 

233- 
American Bar Association, 

236. 
Anarchy, 257, 261. 
Anarchy, Responsibility for, 

37i. 
Anarchy, The Cure for, 251. 
Anarchy, Unconscious, 274. 
An Example of Partisanship, 

264. 
An Inquiry Answered, 279. 
Anti-Anarchy Bills, 330. 
A Partial Remedy, 34. 
Appeal to Reason, 359, 360, 

362. 
Appendix, 426. 
Aristocracy, Is this, 53. 
Armour & Co., 154. 
Army Increase, 25. 
Ashbridge, Mayor, 199. 
Assassination of President 

McKinley, 240. 



Bacon Resolution, 144, 145. 

Baker, Judge Frank, 154, 156. 

Baker, Judge John H., 238. 

Banking, Unsafe, 187. 

Banks, Branch, 355. 

Bayard, Senator, 427. 

Bayston, J. H., 263. 

Belmont, Perry, 377. 

Benevolent Assimilation, 297. 

Benton, Thomas, 366, 383. 

Biddle, Nicholas, 366. 

Bimetallism, 344. 

Blacklisting, 154. 

Blake, John, Trumpeter, 387. 

Blaine, James G., 271, 273. 

Boers, 318, 368. 

Boers, God Bless Them, 7. 

Boers, Our Duty to, 308. 

Bolters Denounced, 302. 

Branch Banks, 355. 

Brewer, Justice, 74, 161, 355. 

British Empire, 124. 

Brown, Captain James, 291. 

Brown, Justice, 161, 164, 165, 
166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 174, 
175, 177, 183, 184, 185, 186, 

237, 354, 397- 
Brown, President Charles, 126, 

127. 
Browning, Rev. F. S., 420. 
Bryan, Mr., 24, 38, no, 116, 

135, T 36, 144, 150, J 58, 188, 



462 



REFERENCE INDEX. 



192, 196, 199, 200, 207, 208, 
222, 221, 22 5> 2 39> 2 40, 244, 
245, 246, 266, 270, 271, 274, 
275, 282, 283, 305, 312, 392, 

394, 398, 429, 439. 
Buchanan, Charles, 387. 
Buckle, 23, 137. 
Burns, John, 142. 

Campaign Speeches, No Pay 

for, 207. 
Campbell-Bannerman, S i r 

Henry, 142. 
Canal, 74. 

Canal, Nicaragua, 278. 
Canby, Cashier E. L., 126, 127. 
Cannon, Mr., 379. 
Capital, Topeka, 270, 272. 
Carey, Phcebe, 421. 
Carlisle, John G., 130, 224, 230, 

271, 427, 428. 
Caught Him Napping, 394. 
Chaffee, General, 316, 387, 

388, 397- 
Challenge, 282, 359, 360, 362. 
Chicago Platform, 44, 116, 229, 

344, 381. 
Chicago University, "181. 
Chief, Pawnee City, Nebraska, 

359, 361. 
Children not Burdensome, 

227. 
Chili, 124. 

Chinese Atrocities, 29. 
Chinese Exclusion Act, 321, 

322. 
Chinese Immigration, 48. 
Choate, Joseph, 104, 105. 
Christian Advocate, 277. 
Christianity Applied, 59. 



Christianity vs. War, 6. 
Chronicle, Chicago,' 44, 229, 
230, 231, 236, 312, 313, 314, 

315. 

Chronicle, La Crosse, 157. 

Clark, Frank L., 387. 

Clay, Henry, 180. 

Cleveland, President Grover, 
14, 71, 72, 129, 130, 132, 141, 
193, 210, 224, 258, 259, 266, 
26J, 268, 269, 382. 

Clews, Henry, 441. 

Combinations, Industrial, 439. 

Commoner, The, 1, 2, 113, 116, 
126, 135, 143, 144, 161, 171, 
176, 189, 196, 208, 209, 211, 
223, 236, 239, 240, 265, 266, 

268, 2J2, 273, 274, 281, 286, 
298, 304, 312, 321, 323, 327, 

334, 337, 344, 347, 349, 350, 
35i, 352, 356, 362, 364, 365, 
385, 397, 398, 400. 

Common People, The, 1, 2. 

Congress, The Fifty-sixth, 58. 

Congressional Record, 318, 

353- 
Conquest by Ideas, 329. 
Conquest, Said the President, 

88. 
Constitution, Atlanta, 158. 
Correspondence Club, Letter 

to, 37- 
Courier - Journal, Louisville, 

109, 135, 229, 230, 231, 312. 
Creelman, James, 19. 
Criminal Aggression, 297. 
Crowder, Colonel, 108, 109. 
Crowninshield, Admiral, 392. 
Cuba, 35, 55, 90, 144, 283, 436, 

438. 



REFERENCE INDEX. 



4 6 3 



Cuban Constitution, 20. 
Cummins' Error, Candidate, 

278. 
Curtis, Congressman, 330, 331, 

332, 333- 
Czolgosz, Leon, 251, 270, 297. 

Dahlsten, Mr., 106. 
Daniels, Senator, 138. 
Danish West Indies, 260. 
Davis, J. McCan, 291. 
Davis, Senator Cushman K., 

89. 
Davis, Webster, 211. 
Day, Commissioner, 88. 
Death without Hope, 297. 
Deaver, D. Clem, 217. 
Debating Societies, 301. 
De Lima, Senor, 161. 
Democracy, Emasculating, 

229. 
Democrat and Chronicle, 

Rochester, 274, 275, 276. 
Democratic Duty, 317. 
Denmark's Good Example, 98. 
Depew, Chauncey M., 39. 
Despair, No Time for, 265. 
Destiny, 109. 
Dewey, Admiral George, 109, 

35o. 

Dick, Chairman, 253. 

Diet, Effect of, 148. 

Dietrich, Senator Charles, 217. 

Dillon, John, 142. 

Dingley Law, 162, 163. 

Discussion, Republicans Pre- 
vent, 358. 

Dollar, A Stable, 327. 

Dolliver, Senator J. P., 261, 
262. 



Dooley Discusses Candidates, 

254- 
Dougherty, Chairman, 253, 

254. 
Douglas, Stephen A., 291. 
Downes Case, 161. 
Dred Scott Decision, 156. 
Dunn, Peter F., 254, 395. 
Durbin, Governor, 303, 304. 
Duty, Executive, 124. 
Duty, Representative's, 119. 
Duty, Roosevelt on, 134. 

Economist, London, 115. 
Edgerton, J. A., 418. 
Editorial Paragraphs, 395. 
Education, Plutocracy in, 147. 
Elections at Hand, 284. 
Elections of, 299. 
Emasculating Democracy, 229. 
Emperor, The President an, 

51. 
Emperor William, 219. 
Endless Chain, Another, 1 1. 
English, Thomas Dunn, 417. 
Erasmus, 6. 
Executive Duty, 124. 
Export Tax Decision, 354. 

Fairbanks Canning Co., 154. 

False Charge, 196. 

Farmer's Advocate, Topeka, 

359, 360, 361. 
Field, Eugene, 419. 
Financial Legislation, 365. 
Finley, Mr., 192. 
Fletcher, Mr., 379. 
Flint, Mr., 443. 
Foraker Law, 162. 
Foraker, Senator Joseph B., 

132. 



464 



REFERENCE INDEX. 



Forcible Annexation, 297. 
Fountain, A Living, 3. 
Francis, Mr., 224. 
Franklin, Benjamin, 136, 151. 
Freedom of Press, 390. 
Freedom of Speech, 257. 
Fuller, Chief Justice, 161, 355. 
Fusion, Open and Secret, 217. 

Gaffney, Senator, 171. 

Gage, Secretary Lyman J., it, 

353. 355. 356, 389, 396, 399- 
Gaines, Congressman, 86. 
Gambling, 30, 126. 
George, Henry, 206. 
Gettysburg Speech, Lincoln's, 

149. 
Gifts, 342. 
Giving, The Best Form of, 

180. 
Globe-Democrat, St. Louis, 295. 
Globe, St. Paul, 302, 303, 397. 
Goebel, Governor William, 

110,303,304. 
Gold, Production of, 62. 
Gold, Stronghold Captured, 

312. 
Gorman, Mr., 300. 
Gould, George, 324. 
Gray's Commissioner Protest, 

75- 
Gray, Justice, 161, 397. 
Greeley, Horace, 264. 

Hadley, President, 70. 

Hale, Senator, 389. 

Hanna, Senator Mark, 132, 

195, 379. 38o, 387, 391. 
Flardware Dealer's Magazine, 

3. 



Harlan, Justice, 161, 166, 167, 

183, 355- 

Harmon, Ex-Attorney Gen- 
eral, 34. 

Harmony, A Sample of, 66, 
128. 

Harrison, Benjamin, 69, 83, 
124, 125. 

Hawksby, L. G., 263. 

Hay, John, 89. 

Hayes, Rutherford B., 14, 259. 

Hepburn, Congressman Peter, 
283. 

Herald, Boston, 169. 

Herald, New York, 362. 

Herron, Professor, 178, 179. 

High Tariff Doomed, 255. 

Hill, David B., 80, 130, 132, 
211, 225, 266, 269, 382. 

Hill, James J., 224, 369, 443. 

Hill's Coinage Bill, 426. 

Hill's Tempting Offer, 369. 

Hindman, Dr. W. M., 59. 

Hirshheimer, President A., 

157- 
Hoar, Senator George F., 296. 
Hobart, Vice-President, 312. 
Hollenbeck, Judge Conrad, 

263. 
Holmes, George K., 282. 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 383. 
Howard, Professor, 17. 
Hudson, Professor, 18. 
Hugo, Victor, 252, 433. 
Hill, Congressman, J. A. T., 

60. 

Ideas Should Conquer, 329. 
Imperialism, 13, 14, 86, 143, 
154, 225, 22J, 450. 



REFERENCE INDEX. 



465 



Income Tax, 225, 381, 382. 
India, 185, 186. 
Indian Territory, 216, 383. 
Industrial Combinations, 439. 
Ingersoll, Robert G., 450. 
Interesting Discrimination, 

389. 
International Steam Pump 

Co., 442. 
Interviews, Fake, 210. 

Jackson, Andrew, 14, 86, 152, 
158, 159, 230, 243, 366, 396, 
415, 416, 422. 

Japan, 185. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 10, 15, 16, 
92, in, 136, 137, 139, 140, 
152, 171, 176, 177, 195, 213, 
226, 230, 252, 275, 279, 280, 
343, 344, 368, 378, 413, 414. 

Jefferson, Why not State of, 
382. 

Jellineck, Professor, 356. 

Johnson, J. G., 211. 

Johnson, Tom L., 26, 191, 202, 

363- 
Jones, Senator James K., 196, 

197, 198. 

Jones, Senator J. P., of Nev- 
ada, 324. 

Journal, Lincoln, 107. 

Journal, New York, 145, 199, 

434. 
Judicial Tyranny, 238. 
Jury System, 74. 
Jury, Trial by, Denied, 13. 

Kansas City Platform, 8, 44, 
116, 191, 192, 194, 206, 209, 
210, 221, 223, 231, 263, 285, 
305, 3*7> 3*8, 321, 344, 400. 



Kier-Hardie, Mr., 142. 
Kilbourne, James, 209, 286, 

305. 
Knox, Attorney-General, 233, 

234, 235. 
Koob, Cashier Frank, 126. 
Kreider, Corporal J. Thomas, 

386, 387. 
Kruger, Mrs. Paul, 219. 
Kruger, Paul, 219, 220, 395. 

Labor Day, 242. 
Lafayette, Marquis, 377. 
Lafayette's Epitaph, 376. 
Lassiter, Mr., 379. 
Laughlin, Professor, 327. 
Libby, McNeil & Libby, 154. 
Liberty, A Lover of, 281. 
Liberty, A Supreme Good, 23. 
Liberty, Constitutional, 174. 
Lincoln, Abraham, 27, 98, 104, 

137, 144, 149, 152, 153, 156, 

157. !95> 213, 289, 291, 292, 

316, 340, 394. 
Little, Professor, 18. 
Littlefield, Charles E., 236, 

237, 238. 
Logan, Mr., 443. 
Louisiana Purchase, 150. 
Louisville-Nashville R.R., in. 
Love of Money, 44. 
Lubkan, General, 399. 
Lynch, George, 29. 

MacArthur, General Arthur, 

196, 232. 
Macaulay, Lord, 120. 
McCartney, Mr., 142. 
McClay, Historian, 392. 
McCleary, Bill, 353. 
McClure, Phillips & Co., 291. 



466 



REFERENCE INDEX. 



McEnery Resolution, 96. 

McKenna, Justice, 161. 

McKinley Association, 240. 

McKinley Memorial, Address 
at, 446. 

McKinley, Mrs., 250. 

McKinley, William, 51, 75, 88, 
114, 153, 157, 161, 217, 219, 
221, 224, 249, 250, 251, 255, 
264, 271, 2j2 y 278, 299, 304, 

312, 315, 357, 358, 387, 394, 
422, 440, 446. 
McLaurin, Senator, 122, 171, 

172, 173- 
McLean, John R., 193. 
MacNeill, Swift, 142. 
McSweeney, Governor, 172. 
Madison, James, 176, 280. 
Manifest Destiny, 383, 384, 

385. 
Marconi, Signor, 395. 
Markham, Edwin, 424, 429. 
Markham's Poetry, 340. 
Marriage System, 178. 
Marshall, Chief Justice, 164, 

167, 183, 237. 
Matter for Investigation, 390. 
Maupin, Will M., 402. 
Maxwell, Bank Examiner, 126, 

127. . 
Mexico, 185, 186. 
Mexico, Politics in, 79. 
Miles, General Nelson A., 162, 

170. 
Militarism against Pensions, 5, 

25, 38. 
Millard, Senator James H., 

217. 
Miller, Ex-Attorney-General, 

34- 



Minister's Lament, 211. 
Misrepresentations, 222. 
Mistaken Identity, 24. 
Money Problem in the Philip- 
pines, 232. 
Money Question, The, 113. 
Monopoly Defined, 364. 
Monroe Doctrine, 274, 320, 

387- 

Monroe's, President, Message, 

306, 309, 311. 
Moral Courage, 447. 
Morgan, Charles, The Gunner, 

53- 
Morgan, J. "Pierpont, 224, 248. 

Moses, Adolph, 236. 
Motion, Not Progress, 143. 
Mount, Governor, 303. 
Munger, Judge William, 140, 
141. 

Napoleon, 450. 

Nation, New York, 282, 283. 

Nebraska Democrats Firm, 

263. 
Neeley, 16. 

Negro Question, The, 288. 
New Year's Day Resolution, 

351. 
Nicaraguan Canal, 379. 
North American Review, 440, 

443- 

Oaths of Allegiance, Two, 96. 
Ohio Campaign, 209. 
Ohio Platform, 191, 202. 
Oklahoma, 383. 
One Eye Open, 286. 
One Term for President, 258. 
Organization, The Party, 8. 
Outlook, The, 378. 



REFERENCE INDEX. 



467 



Palmer and Buckner, 131, 298, 

312, 313, 377, 382. 
Panama Route, 379, 380. 
Pan - American Conference, 

273- 
Parliament, 142, 174, 187, 188. 
Peace Manual, 6. 
Peckham, Justice, 161, 355. 
Pensions, Militarism against, 

5- 
Pericles, 253. 
Personal, 116. 
Phelan, Mayor, 311. 
Philippines, 33, 55, 64, 76, 96, 

114, 137, 144, 145, 146, 150, 

223, 230, 232, 288, 294, 315, 

317, 318, 347, 385. 386, 387, 

388, 395, 436. 
Philippine Tariff, 352 
Plagiarism, 121. 
Planetary Disturbances, 391. 
Plutocracy in Education, 147. 
Political Science Quarterly, 

282. 
Politics in_ Business, 117. 
Pomeroy, Eltweed, 282. 
Populists, Justice to, 84. 
Porto Rico, 161, 162, 163, 170, 

171,174, 187, 288, 354, 355, 

436, 437- 
Post-Dispatch, 188. 
Post, Louis F., 203, 204, 205, 

206. 
Post, Washington, 207, 208, 

209, 283. 
Prentiss, S. S., 376, 377. 
Presidential Term, The, 14. 
President's Message, 334. 
Press, Freedom of, 390. 
Press, Influence of, 37. 



Prince of Peace, 341. 
Producer's Share, 282. 
Prophecy that Failed, 315. 
Public, Chicago, 203. 

Quay, Senator Matthew S., 

199, 395- 
Questions for Debate, 347. 
Quincey, Mr., 285. 

Railroad Passes, 31, 140. 

Ram's Horn, 418. 

Ratify the Treaty, Declare the 

Nation's Policy, 434. 
Reciprocity, 357. 
Record-Herald, Chicago, 389. 
Reemelin, Dr., 209. 
Reorganization, 44. 
Reorganizers, 101, 102, 133, 

285, 298, 381, 390. 
Republic, St. Louis, 102, 103. 
Republican and Leader, La 

Crosse, 157. 
Republican, Springfield, 116. 
Representative's Duty, 119. 
Reservation Opening Day,2i6. 
Rice, Editor George T., 107, 

108, 109, 390. 
Richter, Harry, 387. 
Rockefeller, John B., 180, 181, 

182, 224. 
Roosevelt, Theodore, 4, 134, 

135. 195, J 98, 244, 245, 246, 

255, 258, 259, 260, 263, 288, 

292, 293, 308, 334, 357, 383, 

384, 385- 
Ross, Professor, 17. 
Rousseau, 396. 
Ryan, John, 387. 

Sage, Russell, 440, 441, 443. 



468 



REFERENCE INDEX, 



Sampson, Admiral W. T., 51, 
53, 54, 200, 201, 392. 

Schley, Admiral W. S., 51, 200, 
201, 350, 392. 

Schwab, Charles, 100, 147, 148, 

233, 443- 
Secret Influence, 10. 
Senatorial Wit, 39. 
Senators, Popular Election of, 

21, 32, 77- 
Sewall, 312. 

Shaffer, President, 198. 
Sherman Law, 295. 
Sherman, Senator John, 115, 

129, 267, 271, 325, 427. 
Shiras, Justice, 161. 
Shorter Editorials, 389. 
Sibley, Congressman, 428. 
Silver, 392. 

Silver, Free Coinage of, 224. 
Silver Republicans, 98, 218. 
Simon, Solomon, 134. 
Sin, the Wages of, 16. 
Smith, Fitzhugh, 387. 
Smith, Postmaster General, 

175. * 
Socrates, 352. 
South, Not Excluded, 194. 
South African Republics, 124. 
South Africa, War in, 1 14. 
Southard, Hon. J. H., 426. 
Spain, 144, 145, 146. 
Spanish Treaty, Ratification 

of, 144. 
Spencer, Professor, 18. 
Spooner Resolution, 33. 
Spooner, Senator, 389. 
Stable Dollar, 327. 
Standard Oil Co., 32, 180, 181. 
Stanford, Mrs. Leland, 17. 



Stanford University, 17. 

Star, Kansas City, 244, 245, 

246, 247. 
Star, San Francisco, 107. 
Steadfastness, 366. 
Steel Strike, 198. 
Steel Trust, 198, 199, 233. 
Storm Brewing, 375. 
Strikers, 248. 
Strong, Hon. W. J., 155. 
Subsidized Instruction, 17. 
Sulu Treaty, 189. 
Sun, New York, 201, 372, 375. 

Tariff Concessions to Cuba, 

283. 
Tariff, How Aids the Trusts, 3. 
Tariff, The Philippine, 352, 

359- 
Tax Dodging, 362. 

Taxation, Equality in, 202. 
Taylor, Ex-Governor William, 

303, 304. 
Taylor, Howard S., 413, 422. 
Taylor, President Zachariah, 

3io. 3"- 
The Man with the Hoe, 429. 
Thompson, Judge Owen P., 

133, 134, 363. 
Thrones, the Doctrine of, 180. 
Tillman, Senator Benjamin F., 

122. 
Times-Herald, Chicago, 316. 
Times, Kansas City, 196, 223. 
Times, Manila, 399. 
Times, Richmond, 138, 158, 

159- 

Times-Star, Cincinnati, 24. 
Tolstoi, Count, 123. 
Torture Indefensible, 393. 



REFERENCE INDEX. 



469 



Towne, Charles A., 19, 39, 210, 

211,447. 
Trades Unions, 7. 
Tribune, Chicago, 305, 326, 

3^7, 379> 380. 
Tribune, New York, 264. 
Trust, Envelope, 443. 
Trust, Rubber, 443. 
Trust, Steel, 443. 
Trusts, 263. 
Trusts, Christian Advocate on, 

277. 
Trusts, Democratic Remedy 

for, 203. 
Trusts, How Tariff Aids, 3, 32, 

34, 48, 157- 

Trusts Retard Progress, 385. 

Union Stock Yards Co., 154. 
Unjust Discrimination, 359. 

Van Wyck, Mayor, 198. 
Vest, Senator George G., 224, 

22$, 226, 227. 
Vice-Presidency, The, 4. 
Victoria, Queen, 104. 
Vigilance, 187. 
Virginia's Temptation, 138. 

Walsh, John R., 314. 
War vs. Christianity, 6. 
Ward, Thomas F., 126. 
Warnings of a Parting Friend, 
39- 



Washburn, Mr., 286, 287. 
Washington, Booker T., 288, 

293- 
Washington, George, 39, 151, 

383, 386, 387. 
Watterson, Henry, 109, no, 

in, 112, 1.13, 135, 136, 150, 

151, 152, 397- 
Weaver, Mr., 222. 
Webster, Daniel, 187. 
Wellington, Senator, 146. 
Wells, Rolla, 66, 101. 
Wentz, Alderman and Mrs., 

227, 22S. 
West Indies, 288. 
White, Justice, 161, 397. 
Whitewashing, 105. 
Whitmore, Mr., 106. 
Whitney, William C, 131, 224. 
Wilkinson, Representative, 

105, 106, 107. 
Wilson, William L., 267. 
Wise, Mr., of Australia, 7. 
Wolcott, Senator, 304. 
World, New York, 188, 222, 

223, 229, 230, 266, 268, 269, 

312, 357, 358. 
World Power, 281. 
Wright, Charles, 387. 
Wright, Rev. W. B., 46. 

Young Man's Chances, 100. 
Yellow Peril, 321. 



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